Научная статья на тему 'Are We Being Rational? Economics Perspectives on Sacred Natural Sites Commodification'

Are We Being Rational? Economics Perspectives on Sacred Natural Sites Commodification Текст научной статьи по специальности «СМИ (медиа) и массовые коммуникации»

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adat community / commodification / management choices / rationality / sacred natural sites (SNS) / socio-economic dynamics / water economics perspective

Аннотация научной статьи по СМИ (медиа) и массовым коммуникациям, автор научной работы — Saraswaty Amrita Nugraheni, Maryunani, Sri Muljaningsih, Putu Mahardika, Adi Saputra

Socio-economic and cultural changes due to massive tourism development have presented a new paradigm for the existence and the decision to use water. This study explores the embeddedness and expectation of actors depicted in the socioeconomic dynamics of economic development and management choices for Bali’s Sacred Natural Sites (SNS) commodification. This study employs a qualitative approach with a case study design. From the findings, social networking can be classified into relational and structural embeddedness. The commodification of specific locations in rural areas is strongly related to spiritual values assigned to traditional sacred sites, associated with a specific religious tenet, belief, or place of worship in rural areas. Furthermore, the commercialization of holy water resources can be seen as a decision-making process, driven as it is by the anticipation of future economic benefits such as higher profits or the creation of jobs, as well as future cultural and social benefits such as the wish to advance tourism or protect cultural assets. Belief in the future value of economic benefit is constituted through the narratives actors use to make sense of a monetary situation and the everyday experience of using money. There may also be concerns about the environmental effects of commodification and ownership of it. Based on these results, future research must abandon static models that try to explain social order stability or social stratification reproduction. Although the past cannot predict decisions, past experiences affect actors’ capacity. Projective thinking is essential for generating viable options and choosing a course of action.

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Текст научной работы на тему «Are We Being Rational? Economics Perspectives on Sacred Natural Sites Commodification»

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Amrita Nugraheni Saraswaty, Maryunani, Sri Muljaningsih, Putu Mahardika Adi Saputra

Are We Being Rational? Economics Perspectives on Sacred Natural Sites Commodification

SARASWATY, Amrita Nugraheni— Doctor of Philosophy— PhD Enviromental Economics, Assistant Professor, Department of Economics, Faculty of Economics and Business, Brawijaya University. Address: Jalan Veteran, Malang, 65145, Indonesia

Email: amrita_ns@ student.ub.ac.id

Abstract

Socio-economic and cultural changes due to massive tourism development have presented a new paradigm for the existence and the decision to use water. This study explores the embeddedness and expectation of actors depicted in the socio-economic dynamics of economic development and management choices for Bali's Sacred Natural Sites (SNS) commodification. This study employs a qualitative approach with a case study design. From the findings, social networking can be classified into relational and structural embeddedness. The commodifi-cation of specific locations in rural areas is strongly related to spiritual values assigned to traditional sacred sites, associated with a specific religious tenet, belief, or place of worship in rural areas. Furthermore, the commercialization of holy water resources can be seen as a decision-making process, driven as it is by the anticipation of future economic benefits such as higher profits or the creation of jobs, as well as future cultural and social benefits such as the wish to advance tourism or protect cultural assets. Belief in the future value of economic benefit is constituted through the narratives actors use to make sense of a monetary situation and the everyday experience of using money. There may also be concerns about the environmental effects of commodification and ownership of it. Based on these results, future research must abandon static models that try to explain social order stability or social stratification reproduction. Although the past cannot predict decisions, past experiences affect actors' capacity. Projective thinking is essential for generating viable options and choosing a course of action.

Keywords: adat community; commodification; management choices; rationality; sacred natural sites (SNS); socio-economic dynamics; water economics perspective.

Introduction

Many indigenous and local communities regard springs as sacred, and they are frequently associated with cultural practices and beliefs [Singh et al. 2022]. Sacred natural sites (SNS) can be viewed as conserved areas, demonstrating intricate links between indigenous, local, and religious communities' cultural and natural heritage [Verschuuren, Ormsby, Jackson 2022]. Scholarly discourse on SNS has centered on ecological significance, associated impacts, and traditional practices as the instruments of resource governance and management, despite research on its cultural and social effects [Ormsby, Bhagwat 2010; Sinthumule, Mashau 2020; Verschuuren et al. 2021]. Due to their commodification, sacred

MARYUNANI —

Professor, Department of Economics, Faculty of Economics and Business, Brawijaya University. Address: Jalan Veteran, Malang, 65145, Indonesia

Email: aryunani200216@ yahoo.com

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\ S

MULJANINGSIH,

Sri — Associate Professor, Department of Economics, Faculty of Economics and Business, Brawijaya University. Address: Jalan Veteran, Malang, 65145, Indonesia

Email: muljaningsih@ ub.ac.id

natural sites (SNS) have become a growing concern that deserves thorough investigation. These sites, often distinguished by their cultural and spiritual significance, are not immune to the forces of economic interest. The concept that culture is different from nature is developing because globalization is associated with capitalist regimes that allow natural resources to be commodified [Wright 2018].

The island of Bali gives a local example of a global water problem. Socio-economic and cultural changes due to massive tourism development have presented a new paradigm for the Balinese's existence and the decision to use water [Lorenzen, Roth 2015; Cole, Wardana, Dharmiasih 2021]. Water sources within SNS (lakes, seas, rivers, and springs) that were previously used only for ritual needs, irrigation, and domestic consumption are now over-exploited and commodified to match the needs of contemporary Bali's life.

The commodification of Bali's Sacred Springs begins with turning sacred springs into a commodity, package, or tourism object that can be briefly understood as changing the sacred sites to be an economic commodity like the market demand [Cole 2007]. Local community authorities take action under the influence of external actors that come with capital due to development. Moreover, the complexity of intertwined socio-economic development, spirituality, and natural aspects of the decision-making process makes sacred springs commodification is a unique case to study.

Economic sociology then emerges as a valuable lens for studying the commodification of sacred natural sites. It provides a framework for understanding how economic systems and social structures influence the conversion of sacred sites into market commodities. Economic sociology emphasizes the embeddedness of economic action in social relations and networks [Bankston III 2003; Colic-Peisker 2016]. The rationality of decision-making [Kalberg 1980] and its impacts on socio-economic and cultural change in the commodification process is one aspect that economic sociology illuminates. In the context of sacred natural sites, commodification involves the transformation of sacred places into market commodities; thus, understanding the rationale for commodification decision-making is critical [Hahn et al. 2015]. It involves exploring the motivations of governments, entrepreneurs, and local communities as actors in pursuing economic benefit through commodifying sacred sites.

The theory of embeddedness by Granovetter provides the understanding of the commodification process by arguing that economic actions are embedded into social networks and relationships, emphasizing the importance of social ties in economic decision-making [Granovetter (1985) 2018; Kaup 2015]. When applied to the commodification of sacred natural sites, this theory emphasizes how social networks and relationships play a pivotal role in shaping the trajectory of such transformations [Grannovetter (1985) 2018]. Moreover, Becker! argues that maintaining collective pictures of how the future will unfold is essential because it frees economic actors from uncertainty and allows them to take charge of and shape decisions, even if those expectations prove unrealistic [Beckert 2016]. Economic actors can imagine futures in which sacred sites generate revenue through tourism, extraction of resources, or commercialization of sacred sites. Under-

SAPUTRA, Putu Mahardika Adi —

Associate Professor, Department of Economics, Faculty of Economics and Business, Brawijaya University. Address: Jalan Veteran, Malang, 65145, Indonesia

Email: putu@ub.ac.id

standing these imagined futures and how they align with societal norms and values [Beckert 2016] is crucial for understanding the commodification process.

The transformation of sacred natural sites into market commodities raises questions about the role of the state and governance structures. Economic sociology allows us to examine how government policies and regulations facilitate or hinder commodification. Governments may view the commodification of sacred sites as a way to boost economic development [International Symposium 2005]; and political views and interests can influence this perception. Moreover, com-modifying sacred natural sites requires complex negotiations and power dynamics among stakeholders, including local communities, indigenous groups, and external actors [Latorre, Farrell, Martínez-Alier 2015].

Exploring the commodification of sacred sites allows us to unravel the complex interplay between economic systems, social networks, and rationality in decisionmaking. By delving into these dynamics, we can better understand how sacred places become market commodities as well as the profound societal implications of this transformation. In subsequent discussions, specific case studies and examples are used to implement these theoretical concepts. Therefore, this study is required to better understand Bali's sacred springs commodification process and shed light on the real-world complexities of the commodification of sacred natural sites.

Literature Review

Water Management in Economy and Ritual

Balinese Hindus navigate their daily lives based on the philosophy of relational, communal, and spiritually significant local wisdom teachings. These philosophies have survived and thrived in Bali. The teachings are actualized in three basic frameworks: religious philosophy (tattwa), ethics in society (susila), and rituals (upakara). It resulted in realizing social, ecological, and theological harmony as the basis for achieving prosperity [Pickel-Chevalier, Budarma 2016]. As for Bali-nese, religious ritual performances in everyday life incorporate holy water originating from sacred springs. Their religious rituals then define Balinese culture, especially one related to freshwater management. Ritual practices, groundwater extraction, and clean water consumption habits are some of the mechanisms that define the socio-economic interactions of the Hindu community with water.

Gudeman [2021] once mentioned that rituals foster solidarity, symbolize the proper social order, and bring behavior models together. These interpretations demonstrate how rituals function for individuals or societies, provide a structure or anti-structure within a group, operate in a quasilegal manner, or provide symbolic statements about how the world is made up. There are fewer definitions of economy and some overlap with each other. The economy is frequently defined as producing, distributing, and consuming tangible goods and services. Economy refers to people's usual practices involving the making or growing, transmission or provision, and use (by the self, family, or community) of things and services.

Prior to the involvement of the state government in development, Balinese belief held that springs and freshwater were gifts from the Gods to humans and were treated as public goods by the village communities to which they were given. Named Gods bestowed water on village communities with whom they shared historical and/or genealogical ties. Some caution is required in reconstructing and interpreting this 'traditional' worldview because much of what we assume to be traditional is built on European accounts of the Balinese worldview, which, in some cases, was one that the 'reporters' themselves were attempting to displace, or at the very least modify [Macpherson, Macpherson 2017].

In today's Anthropocene era, a need for innovative water management principles has arisen as a result of the need to preserve and protect the long-term sustainability of freshwater resources [Marlow et al. 2013]. Sustainable water management approaches require broad community acceptance of policy, practice, and technology changes, which in turn requires an engaged community [Marlow et al. 2013; Dean et al. 2016] with their already-built social networks.

There is a strong tendency in modern society to combine culture and economy. Culture not only becomes a brand but also a symbol. The primary sources of inspiration and idea for developing water as a cultural good is based on local knowledge [Kong et al. 2006]; at the same time, willingness to participate in management program is shaped most significantly by indigenous/local knowledge [Saraswaty, Kesuma, Yasa 2021].

While springs were important spiritually, they also played an essential role in the social organization of the families and villages within their reach [Macpherson, Macpherson 2017]. People performed religious rituals in the sacred springs, which became 'hubs' where all sorts of communication and relations were exchanged. In places where people gather, the potential for conflict is always present. The regulation of conduct around the spring was necessary to prevent conflict from emerging and imperiling village order. As tourism industries developed and state administrations began to provide reticulated water, the significance of water and its management in Balinese communities began to shift.

Embeddedness and Expectations within the Commodification of SNS Management

Culture has been a source of contention in modern economic sociology. Despite the emphasis in classical sociological theories on understanding economy and culture, contemporary approaches, particularly those focused on markets and market activity, are prevalent [Levin 2008]. In response to neoliberal approaches to natural resource commodification, indigenous peoples around the world have used ethnic identity to advance their political, economic, and cultural agendas and to ensure that development occurs in ways that are consistent with local values [Hogue, Rau 2008]. In tourism-induced development, the dynamic interaction between culture and nature is evident in ritual practices in contemporary Bali that carry historical, cultural, political, and economic implications for Balinese identity.

Rituals, including prayer, ceremonies, and even some art as a part of religious activities, can function as a form of resource management in several ways. All known human groups believe in some supernatural power that controls major environmental elements [Sutton, Anderson 2010]. Rituals have been linked to a wide range of beneficial outcomes. Collective rituals promote social integration; group solidarity helps to transmit and reinforce social norms [Rossano 2012] and align individuals' belief systems with those of society [Seitz, Paloutzian, Angel 2016].

The phenomena of SNS commodification could be analyzed using a socio-economic perspective. The so-called embeddedness, emphasizing that economic activities cannot be detached from social relations and existing institutions, is the main thesis of Granovetter and Swedberg [2019]. Based on this concept, Granovetter defined economic activity as a social-economical action aimed at meeting needs (utility) in which the economic action

is socially situated, and the social construction influences the outcome of the economic institution [Czernek-Marszaek 2020]. He argued that economic activity in society occurs due to either a strong attachment (over-embedded) or a weak attachment (under-embedded) of social action to society. Thus, social action influences economic action to some extent, and the magnitude of the concept is explained by socio-economic networks [Nurhadi et al. 2022]. The benefits of social embeddedness can be classified into three categories: trust, precise information transfer, and joint problem-solving [Czernek-Marszaek 2020].

Furthermore, social embeddedness influences information transfer within economic activity; the closer the relationship between actors, the smoother the information distribution. Later, Granovetter distinguished two types of social network embeddedness: relational and structural. Finally, joint problem-solving is used to manage risks in social relationships. Some risks indicate that one party makes sacrifices not to get maximum economic benefits but maintain long-term relationships with other parties. To manage risks, actors maintain close social relationships in order to obtain flexible interests in economic transactions among the actors [Nurhadi et al. 2022].

Granovetter's embeddedness theory has been used in some previous studies as the main theory. According to Altinay, Sigala, Waligo [2016], social entrepreneurship in tourism was developed through social networks and their ability to unite and mobilize different institutions to share and exchange resources. The study also emphasized the importance of social capital as assets embedded in relationships among individuals, networks, and societies. Similarly, Zhou, Chan, Song [2017] investigated rural tourism in China and found a network-embedded perspective to be a critical economic modality. The bridging and bonding typology determined entrepreneurs' ability to build networks in tourism. Geographic factors and the intensity of networking among tourism institutions influenced the level of difference.

Regarding the uncertainty actors face in economic activity, Beckert and Ergen [2021] stated the emergence of expectations, particularly that the imagined futures approach promises to be highly complementary to established sociological explanatory programs. Expectations do not emerge from thin air but rather from interpreted experience. If expectations are formed intersubjectively, social structures should be important in understanding their emergence. Knowledge of the relationship between expectations and social values is essential because it should aid in linking the approach with classical accounts of the economy's normative embedding.

As Miyazaki and Swedberg [2017] show in their work on hope, expectations, charged with positive emotions and visions of a good life, can have powerful motivating and mobilizing effects on actors and social groups. Recent research on the illegal and informal economy has empirically captured the motivating force of aspirations and shared hopes for economic emancipation. Dewey's [2020] ethnography of the informal apparel industry that underpins Buenos Aires' La Salada market shows how shared aspirations can serve as the foundation for the ongoing reproduction of social order in markets.

With social norms, relational structures, and cultural imprints, coordination problems, collective action, and social conflict emerge, making orderly economic life possible. One way in which economic expectations analysis may aid in understanding social order is through its emphasis on the intersubjective constitution of the action situation. As previously stated, forming expectations can be viewed as a mediating process that renders social structures effective and shapes their effects on social action [Beckert, Ergen 2021].

As demonstrated by rational-actor modeling [Axelrod 1984] and pragmatist writings [Whitford 2002], shared expectations can lay the foundations for long-term cooperative relationships. The interpretation of situations as mutual gain, conflict, and competition is crucially dependent on actors' future expectations. As a result, expectations must be aligned with and structured for the economy to continue reproducing social order.

Gianyar Regency is known for its potential for tourism development based on a culture and community life with noble religious values [Yudhistira 2021]. Developing an eco-tourism destination can be based on the relationship between five core elements: nature, ecological sustainability, culture, local customs, and an educational environment [Yudhistira 2021]. Guwang is located near a canyon with a large catchment area, resulting in abundant groundwater reserves (sacred springs) and a unique landscape with the potential for eco-spiritual tourism. This study explores the embeddedness and expectations of actors depicted in the socio-economic dynamics and management choices of economic development in Guwang village, particularly in aquatic utility and decision-making of locals (adat people) regarding sacred sites commodification.

Methodology

The study uses a qualitative approach with a case study design. This includes data collection and analysis of relevant documents, in-depth interviews, and non-participant observations with residents of the villages related to sacred water resource usage and commodification. The strength of the qualitative approach lies in the depth of understanding of different people's points of view and the social and cultural contexts [Myers 2016; Yng, Kaoteera 2021] while also enabling the researcher to explore detailed social embeddedness and investigate the morals of the community in Guwang village in their sacred springs management activities. The case study is used to explain social changes that happened in the last decade.

The current study employs two theories to address its primary objectives of capturing cultural commodifica-tion and transition. The first theory is Granovetter's theory of embeddedness, which examines the embedded social attributes in all economic actions, including the commodification of sacred sites in the context of economic development. Beckert's theory of expectations, examining the emergence of expectations, and particularly his approach to imagined futures promise to be highly complementary to established sociological explanatory programs. Expectations must be aligned with and structured for the economy to continue reproducing social order. Combining the two theories is appropriate for the study of the commodification of sacred sites and its ethical and moral implications.

In this research, the research objective that in-depth interviews can achieve is an exploration of the meaning of SNS existence, utilization, and management. After going through the initial screening, in-depth interviews, and snowball sampling, with the assistance of village elders, a total of 17 informants (12 males and 5 females aged between 21 and 60 years; see Appendix) were interviewed based on their more than ten years' period of residence and water consumption from SNS. Additionally, a key informant (a village-owned company manager) who understands the decision-making process of SNS commodification was added to the sample. The local knowledge and experience of using sacred water resources provide valuable information. Informants were also selected based on their various occupational backgrounds, including customary water company managers, entrepreneurs, tourist guides, artists, and stay-at-home moms. They reveal different perspectives and understandings of the Balinese Hindu relationships with water and the environment embodied in their ritual practices.

We then observed the informants' actions and behaviors, the village's physical and social environment, the local ways of life and traditional practices, and other activities involving water and other natural resources. Observations help to improve the accuracy and reliability of the study by confirming the information obtained from interviews. Researchers can perform exploration to get extensive data from observations and in-depth interviews without engaging in the community experience related to the use and commodification of sacred water.

Results and Discussion

Socionatural Embeddedness in Communities and SNS Commodification

Zimmerer [2009] argues that cultural activities in indigenous or local communities often support certain types of biodiversity and, more generally, are interwoven with various biodiversity-influencing processes. These relations have led to an interest in biodiversity that exists in close relation to the activities and habits of people (e. g., utilized and known-about biota) about cultural diversity (e. g., livelihood practices, food customs, cuisine, ethnic and language group differences) and socio-cultural and development change processes (e. g., increased influence of commodification, market relations, and labor migration).

In Guwang Village, sacred springs were managed by the local people not only for religious purposes but also for other purposes. Based on the data analysis, local people involved in realizing the area around the sacred spring use it as an eco-tourism object because it is located in an estuary and surrounded by canyons, with one of the elders who is a member of the People's Representative Council (DPR) at the national level being the initiator who started the commodification of the sacred springs. On-site involvement was identified through community members' engagement in various rituals performed by the community, walking tours, cafés, and local snack stalls near the area.

The relationship between commodification and environmental change is of enormous and growing interest to researchers and communities alike. As we know, nature is increasingly linked to commodity circuits. From representations of pristine and wild spaces circulated to sell travel and adventure tourism to the invocation of pastoral mythologies in the sale of everything from cheese to wine, and even scientific representations that help render biophysical entities alienable and commensurable, 'nature' in the semiotic sense of the term is also subject to processes of commodification [Prudham 2009]. On one level, it may appear invidious to separate so-called 'natural' entities for analytical consideration. After all, at some level, all commodities, capitalist or otherwise, are rooted in aspects of the environment or the human body [Castree 2003].

Furthermore, Prudham [2009] acknowledges the need to consider what might be distinct about the complex socio-spatial and institutional networks of contemporary commodity circuits in an increasingly integrated global economy; we might usefully define commodification as interconnected processes in which production for use is systematically displaced by production for exchange; social consumption and reproduction increasingly rely on purchased commodities; and new classes emerge.

The findings illustrate that the local community members are willing to engage and contribute to their social network and culture. It was proposed that the pleasure of sacred springs' commodification stems from people's awareness of their attribute identity as community members. They exemplify culture and ecological wisdom when they perform religious rituals on sacred springs. The key informant and other informants believed that the beginning of commodification was initiated by local actors with influence from parties outside the traditional village community when discussing the background and process of SNS commodification in this study. They expressed their opinions in the following way:

Yes, in 2015.. .this (people) is what came in, as what was said earlier was a group of tourists who like adventure, they came with their social media (they said), one day this place will be famous as an eco-spiritual tourist destination (key informant)

Previously, the people of Guwang were unaware of the sacred springs 'potential for other purposes besides religious purposes, until one of the foreign tourists shared it on their social media accounts... Since then, the village has managed the sacred spring to provide opportunities for the local econ-

omy... Aside from the annual agenda of Guwang village festivals... (This) place was developed and managed under the name Hidden Canyon (other informants).

The finding supports the findings of Finn [2009], Su [2011], and Nurhadi et al. [2022] who claimed that even though culture is performed for outsiders and commoditized, it improves self-consciousness and pride in one's own culture, thereby increasing culture sustainability. On the other hand, the strengthened values and identity of community members due to commodification contrasts with previous studies that discovered negative socio-cultural consequences of commodification [Getz, Page 2016; Zhuang, Yao, Li 2019].

From the findings, social networking can be roughly classified into relational and structural embeddedness. The relational embeddedness was observed among community members taking part in the festival and enabling the development of supporting facilities around sacred sites. In contrast, structural embeddedness was observed among multiple actors including the internal community, the local community with tourists, and the local community with tourism enterprises (travel agents and tour guides). The difference in social embed-dedness was determined by power relations in commodification activities, which are dynamic and constantly changing so that they work on many levels and with interconnected knowledge [Cole 2007]. From an economic standpoint, the relationship among the actors depicts a local enterprise that relies on humans as the primary element. However, they live according to their own cultures and rules.

One stand-out point that emerged from the data analysis was the selected modification of the social network on the modification process while maintaining the religious rituals. The commodification of specific locations in rural areas is strongly related to spiritual values assigned to traditional sacred sites closely associated with a specific religious tenet, belief, or place of worship in rural areas. The rituals have changed from pure religious festivals to contemporary festivals that attract tourists and require an economical charge of 350 thousand IDR per pax. The profit is then managed by the customarily assigned authorities (bendesa adat) and used as an endowment fund for religious ritual purposes in Guwang village. As said by the key informant and one informant in the in-depth interview,

...according to norms and values, there are already established... With the hidden canyon, we try to keep the sacred area free of tourism elements; religious rituals continue as usual, and tourist activities take place outside the sacred springs area, which we have protected with customary rules and some assigned managers... (key informant).

Over time, the village government saw opportunities for the sacred water resource.and began to provide infrastructure and technology that was useful for eco-tourism.which also functions to improve welfare for the surrounding community by managing the profit for rituals while also opening job vacancies that can benefit all parties involved (another informant).

The cultural-economic activities of the local community in Guwang depict an act of rationality to uphold traditional values while using the economic potential to maintain their well-being in contemporary Bali. The management of sacred springs and festivals illustrates that the attraction of economic values is significant so that people will engage in getting the gain and will automatically or voluntarily manage the earning system. Eastwood [2005] points out that Weber does not believe that material self-interest drives human behavior. Instead, he distinguishes between material and "ideal" interests, emphasizing the latter and suggesting that even the former are culturally constructed, not least because they rely on ideas about how the world works. This situation is based on the assumption that no local community is historically static, has no agency, and is aggregated over space and time with its external world [Shepherd 2002].

Sacred Springs as a Commodity: Expectations for the Future

From the observation, there are dynamics in the decision-making processes with regard to sacred springs commodification. Given the complexities of economic relations and the uncertainty of future developments, actors making decisions on investments, innovations, or consumption create imaginaries of how the future will look and how their decisions will affect outcomes [Beckert 2016].

Furthermore, Beckert [2016] explains that while routines, mistakes, and value-rational action play an undeniable role in modern economies, they are of limited importance if we want to understand an economic system that legitimizes utility maximization and socializes its actors accordingly. Instead, if actors intend to maximize utility and consider their goals, means, and conditions for action accordingly, their decisions must be based on expectations of presumed outcomes.

Expectations are defined here as the future value that economic agents believe a given variable will have. Other rational stakeholders will likely weigh the costs and benefits [Thaler 2015]. Rational actor theory fails not because actors do not want to maximize their utility but because it cannot deal with the consequences of genuine uncertainty. As bounded rationality theories have long argued, actors frequently lack the information or computational capacity to make optimal decisions. Under uncertain conditions, the parameters and probabilities allowing one to choose the best course of action are unknown.

When there is genuine uncertainty, expectations become interpretative frames that structure situations by imagining future world states and causal relations. Only through the imaginaries that actors develop do expectations become fixed. Despite the incalculability of outcomes, actors use imaginaries of future situations and causal relations and the symbolically ascribed qualities of goods as interpretative frames to guide decisionmaking [Beckert 2016].

The imaginaries of future situations that fuel actors' expectations in this study are derived from the economic benefits of commodification and include increased revenue from tourism, job creation, and improved economic development in surrounding communities. Meanwhile, in the case study, the primary stakeholder's expectations emphasize collective well-being while maintaining customary rules implementation regarding sacred springs. As extensively discussed in previous research, customary rules are always grounded in traditional knowledge, relational value, and intangible relationships [Russell, Ens 2020]. As stated by the key informant,

We began (the commodification) of the canyon by disseminating information to communities (travellers, tourism villages, and others) so that many people would later know if there were places that could become tourist destinations and educate about (our values) and the environment...

These findings justify Beckert's [2016] explanation that actors plan their activities based on a mental representation of a future state and its associated emotions. Expectations under conditions of uncertainty and ascribed symbolic meanings may be viewed as a pretending that instills confidence and prompts actors to act as if the imaginary were the "future present" or the material quality of a good. Actors act as if the future will unfold as expected and if an object possesses the qualities symbolically ascribed to it. Economic decisions thus share characteristics with "make-believe games."

On the other hand, actors' expectations facing the uncertainty of the potential costs of SNS commodification include environmental degradation, the loss of cultural and spiritual values, and negative effects on local communities' social and economic well-being. To decide whether to engage in SNS commodification [Sin-thumule 2022], according to rational expectations theory, actors use all available information, suggesting that outcomes do not differ systematically from the forecast made by the dominant economic model. Rational

stakeholders then weigh the costs against the potential benefits. The key informant then stated related to the negative impact that possibly emerges after SNS commodification,

.. .because it deviates from eco-tourism... in the canyon commodification master plan, we consider the environmental impacts that arise...as well as a ban on littering for visitors. and potentially daily quotas for visitors.

Based on the events in the case study, the Balinese Hindu society has seen a substantial change in how it uses the waterways and freshwater resources and interacts with the environment. Financial incentives have a significant impact on the reasoning and behavior of stakeholders [Zhao 2021]. Despite the potential for decreased environmental quality and competition for using natural resources, community representatives or elders are motivated to engage in sacred spring commodification.

Beckert [2016] stated that main actors attempt to shape expectations in various ways, including by shaping the social and political structures that support them. Power is manifested through the creation and manipulation of expectations. Their economic, social, and cultural resources determine the extent to which they are successful. Indeed, this is one of the primary tasks of businesses and political actors, as well as a primary goal of economic speech acts.

Based on the findings, the notion that expectations are social rather than individual phenomena has essential roots in Emile Durkheim's sociology of religion, which sought to investigate how religious belief systems are formed and reinforced [Durkheim 1965). According to Durkheim, religious beliefs are collective representations shaped and renewed through ritualistic practices in which clan members gather and experience situations of collective effervescence. Though it may appear implausible at first to compare the behavior of deliberately rational actors in contemporary capitalist economies to that of tribal community members, Durkheim's analysis provides unique insight into the emergence and dynamics of expectations held in the capitalist economy.

Collective beliefs formed through communicative practices also shape these expectations, albeit in a different context. Discourses among expert communities and lay beliefs are critical to forming imagined futures within the capitalist economy. Firms, politicians, experts, and the media frame such discourses and imaginaries at any given time for any local community in Bali. If expectations are understood to be both contingent and dependent on collective processes influenced by culture, history, and power relations, then they are an inherently sociological phenomenon [Beckert 2016]. Additionally, fictional expectations are associated with a sociological understanding of action due to their emphasis on the intersubjective processes through which expectations are formed and contested.

In pragmatist terms, this action is viewed as a process in which ends and strategies are formed and revised based on contingent and changing interpretations of an emerging situation. Expectations and goals result from a time-based process in which actors develop and implement projects, plans, and strategies based on previous experiences and interactions with others. According to pragmatist thinking, the future is a process that unfolds non-linearly as actors investigate it and make decisions based on their imagined futures [Bazzani 2023].

The commodification of sacred water resources can be viewed as a decision-making process that may be motivated by the expectation of the future value of economic factors like increased revenue or job creation and the future value of cultural and social factors like the desire to promote tourism or preserve cultural heritage. Belief in the future value of economic benefit is constituted through the narratives actors use to make sense of a monetary situation and the everyday experience of using money [Abolafia 2010]. There may also be concerns about the environmental effects of commodification and ownership and control of water resources. Based on the results of qualitative analysis carried out with the NVivo 11 Plus application, the project map is obtained as follows (see Figure 1).

Source: Data Proceed

Figure 1. Project Map of Sacred Natural Sites Commodification

The commodification of sacred water resources is frequently influenced by powerful actors with significant decision-making power [Gyapong 2021]. Private corporations, government agencies, and other entities with significant economic or political power may be among these actors. Private corporations, for example, may be motivated by profit [Karpoff 2021] and seek to commodify sacred water resources to increase their revenue. Government agencies, on the other hand, may be motivated by political factors such as promoting economic development or adhering to international agreements.

In this case study, the commodification of the management of SNS began in 2015 with the initiative of one elder who had political power and was concerned with the village's development and conservation of its natural resources. Powerful actors' behavior can significantly impact on the commodification process and its outcomes. In terms of its geographic location, Guwang village is situated on the river mouth nearby a naturally formed canyon. According to the key informant, one elder with considerable political power initiated the development of the canyon's surroundings to become an eco-tourism destination. The key informant quote is as follows:

Mr. Man Parta (the elder) is the pioneer in terms of management... in the sense that for the cultivation of all kinds it is assisted by him... anything new that we make must involve sacrifices... he sacrifices more... for the sake of cleaning everything he is the one who has sacrificed a lot... from 2015 until now (May 2022) (key informant).

However, commodifying sacred springs is a complex political and socio-economic negotiation process. Power dynamics between decision-making actors such as local communities, government agencies, and private companies shape the outcomes of commodification [Latorre, Farrell, Martinez-Alier 2015]. According to research, more powerful actors are more likely to wield more significant influence over expectations and decisionmaking processes, which can result in an unequal distribution of outcomes [Eferemo 2016].

The locals accepted this commodification practice because that was a communal expectation, and the management was initiated by the adat (the village customary leader and a powerful elder) based on traditional knowledge and customary rules. Drawing on their political power, the initiators guarantee that eco-spiritual tourism profit will be used for ritual purposes and the community's livelihood rather than imposing mandatory fees on the adat community as they previously did. As the key informant stated,

It is (eco-spiritual tourism and water enterprise) profitable, even though it is effortless in its production process, but the profit is decent to purchase goods and services for rituals along with economic multiplier effect that occurs and is felt by village people. Natural resource sustainability is still excellent... so even though it is the dry season, there are still sources that we can work on (key informant).

The findings mean stakeholders commodifying sacred water resources may weigh economic, social, and cultural factors differently based on communal preferences and goals that powerful actors influence heavily. For example, local communities may prioritize preserving cultural traditions and spiritual values [Abukari, Mwalyosi 2020; Dawson et al. 2021] associated with the dominant power of elders and customary rules regarding sacred water resources, whereas investors may prioritize their economic potential. As with expectations and imaginaries, the extent to which the goals and imagined causal modeling of social dynamics are actual, achievable, rational, or moral, and whether all relevant elements are considered, is not central to considering their capacity. Bazzani [2023] mentioned that these issues call for a normative point of view separate from any explanatory purpose.

The findings indicate that studying the future necessitates "moving away from static models that aim to explain the stability of the social order or the reproduction of social stratification" [Beckert 2016: 53]. Past experiences influence actors' capacity, but the past cannot predict decisions: projective reasoning is critical in formulating the available set of alternatives and selecting an actionable decision. Although the future will almost certainly never occur in the imagined form — long-term forecasting, in particular, is frequently inaccurate — it influences decision-making regardless of its truthfulness, rationality, or plausibility.

Conclusion

This study explores the embeddedness and expectation of actors depicted in the socio-economic dynamics and management choices of economic development in Guwang village, particularly in aquatic utility and decision-making of locals (adat people) regarding sacred sites commodification. In Guwang Village, sacred springs were managed by the representatives of local people not only for religious purposes but also for other purposes. On-site involvement was identified through community members' engagement in various rituals performed by the community, walking tours, cafés and local snack stalls near the area. The findings illustrated that the local community members are willing to engage and contribute to their social network and culture. It was proposed that the pleasure of sacred springs' commodification stems from people's awareness of their attribute identity as community members. They exemplify culture and ecological wisdom when they perform religious rituals on sacred springs.

From the findings, social networking can be roughly classified into relational and structural embeddedness. The difference in social embeddedness was determined by power relations in commodification activities, which are dynamic, constantly changing, work on many levels, and rely on interconnected knowledge. From an economic standpoint, the relationship among the actors depicts a local enterprise that relies on humans as the primary element. However, they live according to their own cultures and rules. The commodification of specific locations in rural areas is strongly related to spiritual values assigned to traditional sacred sites associated with a specific religious tenet, belief, or place of worship in rural areas.

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Moreover, the commodification of sacred water resources can be viewed as a decision-making process that may be motivated by the expectation of the future value of economic factors like increased revenue or job creation and cultural and social factors like the desire to promote tourism or preserve cultural heritage. Belief in the future value of economic benefit is constituted through the narratives actors use to make sense of a monetary situation and the everyday experience of using money. There may also be concerns about the environmental effects of commodification and ownership and control of water resources. As with expectations and imaginaries, the extent to which the goals and imagined causal modeling of social dynamics are actual, achievable, rational, or moral, and whether all relevant elements are considered, is not central to considering their capacity.

The findings indicate that studying the future necessitates moving away from static models that aim to explain the stability of the social order or the reproduction of social stratification. Past experiences influence actors' capacity, but the past cannot predict decisions: projective reasoning is critical in formulating the available set of alternatives and selecting an actionable decision.

Appendix

Table 1

Informants Socio-demographic Information

Informants Gender Job Age (years) Education

Key Informant INA Male Water Site Manager 48 Undergraduate

Informant IWK Male Elder 52 Senior High School

Informant INS Female Village management staff 21 Undergraduate

Informant IWSu Male Elder 60 Undergraduate

Informant CD Female Entrepreneur 21 Diploma

Informant JMDM Male Village priest 60 Undergraduate

Informant KS Male Vice chair of village institution 54 Undergraduate

Informant JK Male Enterpreneur 28 Undergraduate

Informant AW Male Enterpreneur 28 Undergraduate

Informant SP Female Receptionist 21 Diploma

Informant YD Male Sculptors 34 Junior High School

Informant RA Female Housewives 60 Not attending school

Informant MW Male Tour Guide 40 Elementary School

Informant AS Female Civil servant 57 Graduate

Informant AP Male Customer Services 55 Elementary School

Informant BE Male Entrepreneur 21 Elementary School

Informant PM Male Entrepreneur 23 Undergraduate

Informant WD Male Salesperson 30 Undergraduate

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Received: July 18, 2023

Citation: Amrita Nugraheni Saraswaty, Maryunani, Sri Muljaningsih, Putu Mahardika Adi Saputra (2023)

Are We Being Rational? Economics Perspectives on Sacred Natural Sites Commodification. Journal of Economic Sociology = Ekonomicheskaya sotsiologiya, vol. 24, no 5, pp. 175-192. doi: 10.17323/1726-32472023-5-175-192 (in English).

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