CC BY
11A. I. Pereswetoff-Morath
«WHO INSTRUCTED OUR TROOPS ON HOW TO REACH NOVGOROD»: IVAN SVAL' IN CONTEMPORARY SWEDISH SOURCES1
Among the Novgorodians who firmly chose the Swedishjiarty during and after the Swedish-Novgorodian alliance 1611-1617, Ivan Sval', serf of the metropolitan steward I. Z. Lutochin2 and generally believed to have helped the Swedish forces to find and exploit a weak spot in the city defence (having himself been made a captive some time earlier), is probably best known to the general reader today. One reason for this is the fact that his actions were mentioned in Solov'ev's History of Russia from the Earliest Times3, but it can also arguably be linked to a certain proclivity in modern Russian societal discourse for explaining adversities as resulting from the acts of 'traitors'4. Yet, in careful scholarship, there has often remained some healthy scepticism as to Ivan's role, since his name has been completely missing from known Swedish sources. However, newly discovered documents in Swedish archives throw new light on the situation and turn out to support the local Novgorodian tradition as apparently formed in 1611 or soon thereafter.
The only even roughly contemporary Russian source mentioning Sval' in connection with the reduction of Novgorod is the so-called New Chronicler («Новый летописец»), which was composed in the 1620s or 1630s and was to enjoy considerable popularity in the seventeenth century. In the
1 The research for this paper has been graciously supported by the Magn. Bergvall Foundation and the Lars Hierta Memorial Foundation, which is hereby gratefully acknowledged.
2 On Lutochin. who had. or had had. property on Cudinceva Street, see Селин А. А. Дьяк Семен Лутохин и его родственники, at: http://nwae.spbu.ru/pdf/314/p2.pdf. С. 7 (accessed on 20 April 2015).
3 Соловьев С.М. История России с древнейших времен в пятнадцати книгах. 1960. Кн. IV. Т. 8. М. С. 649.
4 Thus, we find an entry on Sval' in. for example. Каравашкин В. В. Кто предавал Россию. М., 2008. The man is probably also immortalised in the Russian word "шваль", originally signifying 'tailor' but now exclusively carrying the pejorative meaning 'riff-raff, which, partly using Novgorodian 19th-century oral tradition. A. I. Semenov derives from the subject of our paper and his 1611 moment of glory (Семенов A. II. О новгородском происхождении современного значения слова «шваль». ТОДРЛ. 1958. Т. XIV. С. 595-596: cf. О. N. Trubaiev's note in: ФасмерМ. Этимологический словарь русского языка. М., 1973. Т. IV. С. 417).
younger of the two main textual branches of the Chronicler, to which all published recensions belong we read: «Въ то же время бысть у ТИмецъ въ полону Иеаноеъ человЪкъ Лутохина Иеашко Шеалъ и об&цася имъ, что ввести ихъ въ городъ. Во zpadi же въ mi поры по стЪнамъ стража худа. Той же Ивашко приведе ихъ нощт въ городъ въ Чюдинцовсюя ворота, и въ городъ внидоша, нихто ихъ не видалъ» . In the theologically and literarily more developed long redaction of the Tale of the Siege of the Monastery of Tichvin by the Swedes in 1613 («Сказание о осаде Тихвинского монастыря шведами в 1613 г.»), written in 1658s, we learn how an anonymous «злый рабъ», identifiable with the Chronicler's Ivasko Sval', «отОЯгаетъ изъ града къ сему злод Живому Немецкому воевод t Якову Пунтосову въ полки, и об&цавается ему безъ кровопролития брани от-ворити градныя врата, самъ же отъ него проситъ еже свободитися ему отъ господина своего и отъ его работнаго ига; и тако Hoiijito при-ведъ ихъ къ Чюдинцовскимъ вратомъ, и подползъ подъ врата и отвори
5 Thus ПСРЛ. 1910. Т. XIV. 1-ая половина. СПб. С. 113-114. Cf. in the Obolenskij copy: "Ирилучижеся тогда у НЪмецъ въ rniint человЪкъ Ивана Лутохина Ивашка Шевалъ,
той обЪщася НЪмцовъ ввести въ Новградъ, и приведе ихъ нощт въ Чудовсте ворота, и тайно вшедши начата побивати стражей на cmint и на вратЪхъ " (Новый летописец, составленный в царствование Михаила Феодоровича, издан по списку Князя Оболенского. М., 1853. С. 140), and in the Chronicle of Many Turmoils ("Летопись о многих мятежах"): "Въ тожъ время бысть у НЪмецъ въ полону Ивановъ человЪкъ Лутохина Ивашко Шеалъ [sic - А.Р.-М.], и об'Ьцася имъ ввести ихъ въ городъ. Во градЪхъ въ mt поры бысть по стЪнамъ стража худая; той Ивашка приведе ихъ нощт въ городъ въ Чудинцовстя вороты, и въ Иовъ городъ внидоша, никто бы ихъ не слыша; послышашажъ въ mt поры, какъ начаху сЪщи стражи по городу и по дворамъ. (Летопись о многих мятежах и о разорении Московскаго государства от внутренних и внешних неприятелей и от прочих тогдашних времен многих случаев по преставлении Царя Иоанна Васильевича: а паче о между-государствовании по кончине Царя Феодора Иоанновича, и о учиненном исправлении книг в царствовании Благовернаго Государя Царя Алексея Михайловича в 7163 (1655) году. Собрано из древних тех времен описаний. 2-е изд. СПб., 1788. С. 227.). These three recensions all belong to the Undol'skij redaction ("редакция Ундольского" - V. G. Vovina-Lebedeva's term), whereas all copies belonging to the earlier Academic redaction ("Академическая редакция" - V. G. Vovina-Lebedeva's term), which, generally, appears to retain many primary readings, remain unpublished. Cf. Бовина-Лебедева В. Г. Новый летописец: история текста. СПб., 2004. С. 39, 195 (stemma codicuni). It should be pointed out that some of the data on Novgorod under the Swedes may, in Vovina-Lebedeva's hypothesis (Ibidem. C. 312-315, 333-335, cf. 289290), derive from Cyprian (Киприан), at the time archimandrite of the Monastery of the Transfiguration at Chutyn', later metropolitan of Novgorod. On Cyprian's development, in Zamjatin's analysis, from being a supporter of the Swedish cause at his arrival at Novgorod in
1612 until late 1614, when he gradually turns into a central figure in the city's pro-Muscovite party, see A. Odinokov's electronical edition of Zamjatin's doctoral dissertation: Замятин Г. А. Очерки по истории шведской интервенции в Московском государстве начала XVII века. Молотов, 1942 (Очерк II. Л. 41-42) at: http://www.proza.ru/2013/02/16/930 (accessed on 12 May 2015).
6 On which, see Енин Г. П. Сказание о осаде Тихвинского монастыря шведами в
1613 г. // Словарь книжников и книжности Древней Руси. Вып. 3 (XVII в.). Ч. 3. СПб., 1998. С. 425-428.
ихъ; они же врази, вшедше во градъ» . Even in the Annals («Временник») traditionally ascribed to Ivan Timofeev and possibly predating the New Chronicler we learn how the Swede, «не о Бозе, но лъстиене стену прелез, вшед в мя [i.e. Новгород /А.Р.-М.] »8, in which words a scholar has, quite reasonably, identified an allusion to treason9.
The problem with the exclusively Russian sources for Sval's role in 1611 has remained, however; the more so since they appear to contradict the eyewitness testimony of M. Schaum from the storming of the city10. As an explanation it has been suggested that the plan based on information from this Novgorodian serf was kept a secret from mercenaries such as Schaum, whereas his actions became known in the city after it was taken11. Further-moreA a confirmation of sorts has been sought and found in the perceived fact that Sval' received three quarters (четверти) of rye by the Swedes in September 1612, which might then have been a kind of renumeration for his treason12. However, A. A. Selin has since pointed out that the receptor in question was the under-secretary {подьячий) Ivan Prokof'ev, no! Ivan Sval',
7 Quoted from the appendix to the Third Novgorod Chronicle. ПСРЛ. 1841. Т. III. C. 284285. Cf. Семенов А. И. О новгородском происхождении. С. 595-596; Седов П. В. Интриги Смутного времени, или Как холоп Шваль предал новгородцев // Военно-исторический журнал. 1996. № 2. С. 84-89, at С. 87. (For the miniatures depicting Sval' in this episode, see Енин Г. П. Шведская оккупация Новгородской земли в русской книжной миниатюре // Чело. 2008. № 1 (41). С. 54-60, esp. С. 56). Welcome as any new data would have been, it must be remembered that accreting details in a late, tendentious work by no means necessarily add to our knowledge of what actually took place, and the Tale appears to make an attempt at creating a more clear-cut image of a traitor (cf., in particular: «бысть у НЬаецъ въ полону» vs «отбЪгаетъ изъ града къ сему злодШвому Немецкому eoeeodt»). It is a curious fact that a family tradition makes the French interpreter (previously?) in Muscovite service, Bazen Ivanov / Benjamin Barohn, present himself to De la Gardie during the siege in a somewhat similar fashion to that of Sval' in the Tale, having somehow escaped from the city (Pereswetoff-Morath A. I. Straddling Cultural and Political Borders in Swedish Ingria. The Case of Benjamin Barohn (Bazen Ivanov) // Исторические биографии в контексте региональных и имперских границ Северной Европы: материалы Международного научного семинара. СПб., 2013. С. 64-68, at 64).
8 Временник Ивана Тимофеева. СПб., 2004. С. 78; the title translated thus by К. M. Cook-Horujy.
9 Седов П. В. Интриги Смутного времени. С. 87.
10 Schaum М. Tragoedia Demetrio-Moscowitica. Rostock, 1614. F. eiij verso. Cf., for example, Седов П. В. Захват Новгорода шведами в 1611 г. // Новгородский исторический сборник. 1994. Вып. 4 (14). Новгород. С. 116-127, at С. 122. In Swedish historiography the Russian version is not entirely unknown, however; cf., for example, AlmquistH. Sverge och Ryssland. Tvisten om Estland, forbundet mot Polen, de ryska granslandens erofring och den stora dynastiska planen. Uppsala, 1907. S. 247; Sveriges krig 1611-1632. Bd 1. Stockholm, 1936. S. 370.
11 Седов П. В. Шваль Иван. // Великий Новгород. История и культура IX-XVII веков. Энциклопедический словарь. СПб., 2007. С. 536; cf. Idem. Интриги Смутного времени. С. 87-88.
12 Седов П. В. Захват Новгорода шведами. С. 122; cf. G.. М. Kovalenko's commentary in: ВидекиндЮ. История десятилетней шведско-московитской войны / Пер. С. А. Аннинского, А.М.Александрова; под ред. В.Л.Янина, А. Л. Хорошкевич. М., 2000. С. 594.
and likewise it was the former who, in 1614, was beaten up by peasants as he was inspecting the harvest at Tesovo13. Selin suggests that the mere two actual mentions of Sval' in the Novgorod Occupation Archives at Stockholm, both in the second half of 1616, may indicate that he was not, as a rule, in Novgorod at all14.
Ivan's pro-Swedish position is confirmed when he is mentioned among the Novgorodians pledging fielty to king Gustavus Adolphus, and not merely his younger brother, in 161515. In G. A. Zamjatin's 1942 doctoral dissertation, we find in this context a curious remark to the effect that Sval' was ennobled as a result of his pledge ( "За присягу королю Иеашко Шеалъ стал дворянином ')16. A possible interpretation of so very unlikely a scenario is presented below. Whatever privilegies Sval' enjoyed, however, he was struck by severe misfortune when, in September 1616, or shortly thereafter, he was judged negligent in connection with a major horse theft where his servant was culpable, and condemned to pay an indemnity to M. A. Peresvetov, who had lost two horses in the event17. (We note in this connection that the former
13 Селин А. А. Новгородское общество в эпоху Смуты. СПб., 2008. С. 188 (notwithstanding the commentary in: Видекинд Ю. История десятилетней шведско-московитской войны. М., 2000. С. 594).
14 Ibidem. С. 187. The first of these occasions has Sval' as head of the guard on the Slavenskij gate in July 1616. We note that in the document we read of an Ivan Prokof'ev (Riksarkivet, Stockholm (henceforth: RA), Ockupationsarkivet fran Novgorod (henceforth: NOA). II: 42. Bl. 9v). In recent literature Sval' is generally given this patronymicon, but I am not aware of which archival source this goes back to. On the second of the two occasions, however, concerning a horse theft in September 1616 (cf. below), where Sval' has had the specific charge to «стоят на cmaee и Новагорода остерегат ото всяково дурна, и он тоео не уберет» (see Ibidem. С 564; the quotation is from RA. NOA. II: 165. Bl. 13), we also read more specifically: «А Иванов члвкъ Шваяя [over the line: Харка] стоял з гсдрем своимъ с Ываному Славенских дорог на заставе» (RA. NOA. II: 165. В1. 5), which is suggestive of the two men's being one. We might add a third mention of him from when, in 1613/14, he actually has been allocated rye, namely in the village of Korolevo (RA. NOA. Serie 2: 85. Bl. 1: «опрочЪ того что дано Ивану Швалю на полвыти ржи»', cf. Ibidem. Bl. 6; cf. also RA. NOA. Serie 2: 273. Bl. 5; Lofstrand E, Nordquist L. Accounts of an Occupied City: Catalogue of the Novgorod Occupation Archives 1611-1617. [Series 2]. Stockholm, 2009. S. 139, 328). Notwithstanding Lofstrand & Nordquist's reference to the «under secretary Ivan Sval'» in connection with the Korolevo rye (Op. cit. S. 139; also in the index), no title is given in the original document. Probably, the identification of the pod'jacij Ivan Prokof'ev as Sval', current in the 2000s, is to blame here, suggesting itself the more insistently because the reference to Sval' is preceded in the document by the mention of several d'jaki.
15 Селин А. А. Новгородское общество... С. 384.
16 Замятин Г. А. Очерки по истории шведской интервенции (Очерк II. JI. 89), at http://www.proza.ru/2013/02/16/930 and (endnote) :http://www.proza.ru/2013/02/16/946 (accessed on 12 May 2015). The probable source for this particular piece of information is РГАДА. Ф. 96. Шведские дела 1616 г. № 7. Unfortunately, a cursory study of the microfilmed act (Zamjatin supplies no folio number) did not reveal the information in question (RA. Mikrofflm F035-31044).
17 RA. NOA. Serie 2: 165; see СелинА.А. Новгородское общество. С. 564; Lofstrand Е., NordquistL. Accounts of an Occupied City. S. 82, 220-221; cf. LofstrandE. En haststold i Novgorod 1616 // Fjortonde nordiska slavistmotet, Helsingfors, 17-23 augusti 1997. Program och resumeer [Parallell Russian title]. [Helsinki], 1997 [unpaginated].
serf Ivasko now has his own servants.) To what further extent this had any effect on his career has remained unknown. In fact, only a single possible piece of information on Ivan's life prior or posterior to the years 1611-16 has been identified, namely the mention of one Ivanko Sval' in 1577, who might possibly be identified with the subject of this paper18. This would make the «traitor» of 1611 rather an elderly man as the Tale of the Siege of the Monastery of Tichvin sends him crawling under the city gate.
0 W •
fan f kx&k¿U L<A c^. л4 IS ik ^iJP* 1
%r - X
^--- rix^,
/' /^T t Vv. t\ f /a -VI r.
'J. De la Gardie's attestation of payment to I. Sval' for helping the Swedish troops "reach Novgorod" (Riksarkivet, Stockholm. M1287(:l): Ang. armens
proviantering m.m.).'
Despite problems with the Russian sources, however, recently discovered documents in Swedish and German in Swedish archives allow us not only partly to confirm the role of Ivan Sval' in the capture of Novgorod but also further to trace some aspects of Swedish attitudes towards him. The Swedish military accounts from the operations in Russia in 1609-17 contain a section in which Jacob De la Gardie with a stroke of the pen confirms the payment of several sums of money for which there are, in 1617, no receipts or vouchers. Even though, in this specific file, we mainly expect expenses from the years 1615-17, there are several posts in the section that pertain to an earlier period. Thus, we find an undated disbursement to do with Stepan Tatisiev's embassy to Novgorod, which is known to have taken place in May 161219 (this is the entry immediately following the one to be discussed below, but chronology has not been a main concern for the compiler of the list), but also, e.g., expenses for two series of wages from the timespans December 1611 - January 1613 and October 1611 - 8 May 1613. Among the expenses thus signed by De la Gardie, we recently identified an undated entry, specifying the substantial payment of 17.5 barrels of rye (probably ca. 2.5 cubic meters) and 7.5 barrels of oats «Till Iwan Szwaall som wnderwijste wart folck leghenheeterne at komma till Nougardh» (i.e. «For Ivan Sval' who instructed
18 Селин А. А. Новгородское общество... С. 187-188.
19 Ibidem. С. 476.
our troops on how to reach Novgorod»)20. The vagueness of the wording and the brevity of the entry render a more exact translation impossible or at least undesirable; the Swedish «leghenheeterne» may signify both the geographical facts on the ground and more general circumstances, possibilities and contingencies21. The vagueness in combination with the silence of Swedish narrative sources unfortunately still prevent us from gauging precisely how crucial was the role of Sval' in the reduction of the city. The Swedish entry, which was for internal accounting use and would not have had to embellish the skill and prowess of the Swedes during the storming by way of downplaying any role of Sval's, meshes reasonably well with the earliest Russian source («обйцася имъ, что ввести ихъ въ городъ ... приведе ихъ нощт въ городъ въ Чюдинцовсмя ворота, и въ городъ внидоша», where we particularly note the juxtaposition of «he led» and «they entered»), no matter their complete mutual independence. (We should note here once again that the New Chronicler is preferrable as a source to the later Tale, whose details smack with apocrypha.) The silence on Sval' in other Swedish sources on the siege and capture might mean that he was not thought to have been indispensable. Nonetheless, as we shall see soon, nor was he hid away or his services unrewarded.
Regardless of what Zamjatin's source may have said, the humble Ivan Sval', who may have started out as a tailor, never became - and never could have become - a Swedish nobleman, the more so without there being a documentary trace in Swedish archives. His Novgorod contemporaries may, however, have noticed that for a short while he did become a landholder, a pomescik of sorts. Among the Novgorodians - broadly defined - who during these years received such land in Ingria as was to be confirmed in 1617 or later, we find not only nobles (the so-called bayors, ryssebaijorerne22), Tatar servitors, and zemcy or «half bayors» (halfbaijorer; полубояре), but also meaner officials, under-secretaries and scribes23, some townsmen, and even
20 Desse effter:/?e vthgifter are effter H: NirfzFaltherrens Befalning pa athskillighe tijdher leffwereradhe, och ar inge quitentzier vpa etc. Bl. 5 v. // RA. Ml287(: 1): Ang. armens proviantering m.m.
2 Cf. Ordbok over svenska spraket utgiven av Svenska Akademien. Bd 16. Lund, 1942. Kol. 1522-7.
22 On whom, e.g., Lind J. H. De Ingermanlandske «Ryss-Bajorer». Deres sociale og genalogiske baggrund // Gentes Finlandiae. 1984. Vol. 6. Helsingfors. S. 7-76; Пересветов-МуратА. И. Из Ростова в Ингерманландию: М. А. Пересветов и другие русские baijor'bi // Новгородский исторический сборник. 1999. Вып. 7 (17). С. 366-378. We await а Swedish-language study commissioned by the Aminoff family in Finland from the young Finnish historian Dr Kasper Kepsu. On the word and concept(s) «ba(i)jor» in early modern Swedish, see now: Толстиков А. В. Русские социально-политические реалии в зеркале шведского языка XVI-XVII вв.: бояре и bajorer // Университеты в образовательном пространстве региона: опыт, традиции, инновации: Материалы научно-методической конференции (16-17 февраля 2010 г.). Петрозаводск, 2010. Ч. II. (Л-Я). С. 241-245, а planned expanded version of which is eagerly awaited.
23 One Russian pod'jacij was kept in each Ingrian town even decades after 1617 (.Pereswetoff-Morath A. I. Isaak Torcakov: en ingermanlandsk diak // Novgorodiana Stockholmiensia. Stockholm; Novgorod, 2012. S. 80-110, with a Russian translation).
Orthodox priests and monks24. The allocation (forlaning) of Ingrian hamlets and villages - temporary ones from the field marshal («faltmarskalken»; Evert Horn af Kanckas, t 30 July 1615) or the commander-in-chief («faltherren»; Jacob De la Gardie), or (more) permanent ones from the king himself25 - became particulary common from ca. 1615, probably as a consequence of a growing understanding that this part of Novgorodia was very likely to become Swedish (cf., e. g., the revision of Ingria - with Gdovia and the Sumro pogost - of 1615, mainly aimed at analysing the state of various kinds of land and at identifying sources of income, which was carried out together with two Russian audit officers from among the future bayors)26, but also, it seems reasonable to assume, because several of the above-mentioned pledges to the king and actions ensuing from them needed to be rewarded27.
In an undated list of allocations in Caporie (Копорье) lan from 1615, or possibly 1616, we learn that Ivan Svalin («Iuann Sualinx) possesses a deed of allocation from De la Gardie for the villages «Виига» ([Старая] Буря; 4 obzas) and «Klesina» (Клясино; 11 obzas) in the Zamos'e pogosi . Similarly, we find him as Ivan Svalev («Ifuan Swalhoff») among the landholders of the Caporie lan in 1616, in a list specifying that his villages,
24 Pereswetoff-Morath A.I. 'Otiosorum hominum receptacula'. Orthodox Religious Houses in Ingria, 1615-52 // Scando-Slavica. 2003. Vol. 49:1. P. 105-129; Пересветов-МуратА. И. Тимофей Селивестров, поп Орешский // Inkeri. Inkerin Liiton julkaisu. 2008. № 4 (69). C. 7. In particular, the priests of Noteborg (Орехов) lan were guaranteed their lands by De la Gardie. As for townsmen, those two Ivangorod merchants who had helped convince their brethren to stay on the Swedish side in 1617, Z. Nasonov and A. Babin, were rewarded with small lands, but more was to come later on to a few wealthy Ivangorod merchants. Cf. also the allocations to the interpreters from the days of the alliance, F. V. Lugvenev (in Swedish always Lugmenoff) and Bazen Ivanov / Benjamin Barohn, both accorded (near-)bayor status (on the latter, see Pereswetoff-Morath A. I. Straddling Cultural and Political Borders).
25 Or, more properly, the allocation of Crown revenues from villages and hamlets. In general, the Swedish financial situation these years was bad indeed, and the allocation of revenues (lorlaningai) one of few methods at hand for remunerating servants of the state (Roberts M. Gustavus Adolphus. A History of Sweden 1611-1632. 1953. Vol. 1. London, New York, Toronto. P. 122-124). It must, in addition, have seemed the most rational form of compensation for local mercenaries or servitors in a time of war, being at the same time, in Novgorod, analogous to the local system of temporary allocation of pomest'ja. In most of these particular Ingrian cases, however, we have no reason to believe that representatives of the Russian side of the alliance were involved, only commanders Horn af Kanckas or De la Gardie. In cases where the king himself ruled on the allocation or, the more often, confirmed allocations made by the commanders, this seems quite certain. Although Gustavus Adolphus signs allocations of land in Novgorod as early as January 1612 (Sodergren G. Om Gustaf II Adolfs plan att blifva rysk czar. Wexjo, 1868. S. 13-14), mere weeks after his ascension, this is mainly done, before Stolbova, during his two spells on the war theatre in 1614 and 1615.
26 [Hallenberg J.] Svea Rikes historia under Konung Gustaf Adolf den Stores regering. 1793. Bd. 3. Stockholm. S. 415; Pereswetoff-Morath A. I. 'Otiosorum hominum receptacula'. P. 108-109. The bayors in question were the ones the most trusted by the Swedish authorities, F. G. Aminev and M. I. Kalitin.
271 intend to return to an analysis of the Ingrian allocations/"enfeoffments" of 1614-18.
28 DeBe effter:/?e Baijorer haffue forleningar vdi Coporie Lahnn // RA. Livonica II. Vol. 375: Strodda handlingar ang. Ingermanland.
«Bura» and «Clesina», have five peasants each29. There are frequent notes in the margin, defining each landholder in a couple of words, and at times it is tempting to interpret these definitions as part of the reasons for his holding his lands. For Sval' we read only: «hoos felthern» («with the commander-inchief»', i. e. De la Gardie). To all appearances, then, he has been doing Swedish service independent of his being employed in the city guard (on which, see above). However, when the boyar son Sum (Andrej [or Vasilij]30) Ivanov syn Chomutov, shortly after the treaty of Stolbovo was concluded, i.e. some time in the spring of 1617, asks for royal confirmation for the village of «Buria» in Caporie lan, which he has been granted by De la Gardie as a reward for six years' of service to the commander, but also as compensation for estates east of the border lost with the treaty, it is specified that this very village has previously belonged to Ivan Sval' («das do til Buria, das Iwan Schwale gehabeth»)3 . Incidentally, a 1618 survey of granted and revoked villages in Ingria, specifies that, besides Staraja Burja («Stara[?]ja Bura», now 12 obzas) - the undefined Burja is, then, Staraja Burja, not Novaja32 -Chomutov has had Klesino, too, but this village - which, as we now know, also recently belonged to Sval' - has been revoked by that time33. The chronology is of some importance here for our understanding of Ivan's destiny: the royal confirmation of Chomutov's hereditary possession of Staraja Burja is granted in letters patent dated Stockholm, 27 November 161734. By this date, then, but apparently after 17 February 161735, Chomutov has been
29 Kurtz forslack auff Caporische Lehns auffborth, van ein Jeder Pogost, van Johanni angangde Ao 1616, bis auff Johannj Ao 1617 // RA. Baltiska fogderäkenskaper. Vol. 183:8.
30 After his death, Sum Chomutov is referred to several times in various accounts, as well as by younger relatives, as «Wasili» (e.g. in the terrier for 1638: Riksarkivet/Kansallisarkisto (Helsinki). 9648. Bl. 61 recto; J. Apolloff and C. Rubzoff to the Reduction commission, [1680] (undated and unpaginated) // RA. Livonica II. Vol. 493), but we must give preference to the signature on the 1636 supplication of his widow «Euphrosina Calilauna, Andrew Chämutof effter lätne enkie vti Ingermanne Landh» (i. e. «Efrosinija Kalinovna [Opaleva], forsaken widow of Andrej Chomutov in Ingria" (RA. Livonica II. Vol. 212) from very soon after his death, and to the patronymic of "Daria Andreofna Homutoff" (i. e. Dar ja Andreevna Chomutova; in: J.Apolloff and others, probably to the Narva Consistorium. 19 November, 1682 // RA. Livonica II. Vol. 203), wife of the bayor Peter Kalitin and presumably Sum's daughter. When his relatives mention him as «Wasili» in supplications concerning förläningar fifty years later, they have most probably made use of records registering the wrong name; they would anyhow had known him - if at all - not by his Christian name but as «Sum». Cf. also on Chomutov: Селин A.A. Новгородское общество. С. 650-651.
31 Extract auß dem supplicationen derr Reussischenn vnderThanen [Paragraph 9] // RA. Diplomatica Muscovitica. Vol. 545.
32 Cf. also Jordeböcker öfver Ingermanland. Писцовые книги Ижорской земли. 1859. Т. I. Годы 1618-1623. Отд. 1. СПб. Р. 85, where this identity is confirmed, as is Kljasino's (there: «Klässina») status as a crown village (Ibidem. P. 82-83).
33 B. Rosen to A. Oxenstierna, 14 October, 1620. BilagaA//RA. E696.
34 There is no copy in the Riksregistratur at the Swedish National Archives (RA), but see the copy at Riksarkivet / Kansallisarkisto (Helsinki). 6977b. Bl. 63.
35 Cf. «Schum Chomutow hat bei ■6■ jharen gedienet vnts den H. Veldhern, Nach dem getroffenenn friedens Vortrage, hat Er bei der Moschowisch. herschafft uorlaßn alle seinne haab vnd güdter, dahero der Veldher ihm gegeben in Vorlehnung im Copurrisch, das dorff
given Ivan's village by De la Gardie and supplicated the king for confirmation; furthermore, this supplication has already been processed in Stockholm. The wording of these acts seems to exclude any such holding of these hamlets in common by Sval' and Chomutov as is possible in the case of the likewise meaner Novgorodian G. M. Sobakin and the bayor M. F. Klement'ev during the latter's second spell of Swedish service36.
It may then be concluded that Ivan's possession of Ingrian pomest'ja, which may have been occasioned by his pledge of fielty to Gustavus Adol-phus in 1615, but which may also have been influenced by the memory of his services in 161137, came to a very sudden end somewhere between an un-definable point in 1616 and February 1617 (and a date somewhat earlier than February 1617 is likely). The reasons for this are not known. He may have died in his bed (cf. above on his possibly mature age) or in the field, or he may have defected of his own volition and left his villages. The latter alternative does not seem likely, however. A new dynasty and a new era were coming to Novgorod, and we may suppose that Sval' was not overly loved in town, no matter the pertinent observations on a comparatively lenient view in post-1617 Muscovy of those who had served the Swedish cause38. This would have made even a small Ingrian hamlet very alluring. If he had not died, it is probable that his misconduct in the autumn of 1616 - and perhaps other events of which we have no record - made an indelible stain on his reputation and led to the revocation of his recent grant. It is also probable that he would, by now, have appeared useless and had little to recommend himself to the king. (We remember that even earlier he appears to have been promoted only by De la Gardie, and the commander's protection, too, is over now.) In the 1618 list, which probably reflects the situation in 1617, among supplicants not rewarded with confirmed allocations by the king, we do not find Ivan Sval' together with the monks of Our Saviour's monastery of Jam-gorod39, G. K. Opalev (the brother, possibly half-brother, of V. S. Cebotaev, who will, however, with time succeed his brother-in-law Sum Chomutov as possessor of Staraja Burja and become ancestor of the Swedish Apolloffs),
Buria, das Jwan Schwale gehabeth». (Extract auB dem supplicationen derr Reussischenn vnderThanen. Paragraph 9 // RA. Diplomatica Muscovitica. Vol. 545 [my emphasis in bold /А. P.-M.]) and the later margin note in a survey of crown villages in Caporie lan in, arguably, late 1616 to the effect that Chomutov received Staraja Bura in 1617 (Beholdenn Schatt Lengdhe Im Caporischem gebiethe Ao 1616 vnd Ao 1617 // RA. Baltiska fogderakenskaper. Vol. 183:7. My emphasis). When this survey was first compiled, Burja appeared among the crown villages. As a consequence, it may have been revoked from Sval' even some time before it was given over to Chomutov if it was not partitioned into several lots.
36 To this I intend to return in the near future.
37 We do not have any information on the villages of Staraburja and Kljasino from the years 1611-15 and therefore cannot date the allocation of these hamlets to Sval' exactly. The generally most likely scenario for an allocation of this kind, however, is in 1615, or possibly 1614 or very early 1616. This is the more probable because no reference to Sval' has been identified in other pre-1615 Caporie accounts either.
38 Селин А. А. Новгородское общество. С. 455-466.
39 Pereswetoff-Morath A. I. Isaak Torcakov: en ingermanlandisk diak. S. 85-86.
and L. Sablykin, in-law of the bayors Aminev, and others40. He does not seem to have made any attempt - at least no attempt which the authorities have taken seriously - at keeping any Ingrian property. Just as we watched him rise to fame, this silence now gives eloquent witness to his fall.
40 B. Rosen to A. Oxenstierna. 14 October, 1620. BilagaA//RA. E696.
