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10Кильмакаева К. М. магистрант Казахстанско-Немецкого университета, kamila_kilmakaev@mail.ru
WHEN REGIONS REVOLT? REGIONAL NATIONALISM AND MECHANISMS TO PREVENT IT
Abstract
The article analyzes the phenomenon of regional nationalism. Today, the problem of regional nationalism is one of the most difficult topics of our time. Accordingly, this problem is widely discussed and debated both in political and scientific circles. The relevance of the problem of regional nationalism is explained by its complexity. On the one hand, this movement can be justified by the internal feelings of justice of the disadvantaged group of people, their historical memory, and the right of self-determination. On the other hand, regional nationalism can develop into separatism or even radicalism, become dangerous and unpredictable and have negative consequences.
Another reason for the ambiguity of the phenomenon of regional nationalism is its scale. Usually this problem was considered within the framework of, if not a region, then at least one sovereign state. Therefore nowadays the problem of regional nationalism acquires global features. In the article the researcher focuses on the example of regional nationalism in two European countries - Great Britain and Spain. The article also suggested ways to solve this problem, each of which involves certain prerequisites. The conclusion is formulated that the problem of separatism is one of the most difficult in the field of ethno-political studies and conflict management.
Абстракт
В статье был проведён анализ феномена региональный национализм. На сегодняшний день проблема регионального национализма является одной из самых болезненных тем современности. Соответственно эта проблема широко обсуждается и дискутируется как в политических, так и в научных кругах. Актуальность проблемы регионального национализма объясняется тем, что это сложное и неоднозначное явление. С одной стороны, его можно оправдать внутренними чувствами справедливости ущемленных народов, их исторической памятью, правом на самоопределение. С другой стороны, региональный национализм может перерасти в сепаратизм или радикализм, стать опасным и непредсказуемым, иметь негативные последствия.
Ещё одной причиной неоднозначности феномена регионального национализма является его масштаб. И если раньше данная проблема рассматривалась в рамках если не региона, то, по крайней мере, одного суверенного государства, то в настоящее время проблема регионального национализма приобретает черты глобального характера. Большое внимание уделено примерам регионального национализма в двух странах Европы - Великобритания и Испания. В статье были также предложены пути решения данной проблемы каждая, из которых предполагает определённые пререквизиты. Сформулирован вывод, заключающийся в том, что проблема сепаратизма - одна из самых сложных в сфере этнополитических и конфликтологических исследований.
Тушн
Макалада аймактык ултшылдык феноменi талданады. БYгiнгi тацда аймактык ултшылдык мэселесi - бiздщ заманымыздыц ец кYPделi такырыптарыныц 6ipi. Тшсшше, бул проблема саяси жэне гылыми ортада да кещнен талкыланып, талкылануда. Аймактык ултшылдык мэселесшщ eзектiлiгi оныц кYPделiлiгiмен тYсiндiрiледi. Бiр жагынан, бул козгалыс халыктыц элсiз тобыныц эдшеттшктщ iшкi сезiмдерiмен, олардыц тарихи жадымен жэне e3ÍH-e3Í аныктау кукыгымен негiзделуi mymkíh. Екiншi жагынан, аймактык ултшылдык сепаратизмге немесе тiптi радикализмге айналуы мYмкiн, каушт жэне болжанбайтын жэне жагымсыз салдары болуы мYмкiн.
Аймактык ултшылдык феноменшщ тYсiшксiздiriнщ тагы бiр себебi - оныц аукымы. Эдетте бул мэселе аймак болмаса, кем дегенде бiр егемен мемлекет аясында каралатын. Сондыктан казiргi кезде аймактык ултшылдык мэселесi жаhандык ерекшелiктерге ие болып отыр. Макалада зерттеушi Еуропаныц екi елiндегi - ¥лыбритания мен Испаниядагы аймактык ултшылдыктыц мысалына назар аударады. Макалада сонымен катар эркайсысында белгiлi бiр алгышарттар бар осы мэселеш шешу жолдары усынылган. ^орытынды сепаратизм мэселесi этносаяси зерттеулер мен кактыгыстарды баскару саласындагы ец кYрделi мэселелердщ бiрi болып табылады.
Theoretical foundations of regional nationalism
Before considering the problem of regional nationalism, it is necessary to fully understand this term and its origin. Regional nationalism is a part of territorial nationalism. It includes various forms of socio-cultural and political self-identification of territorial communities, manifesting themselves in ideas, moods, actions, intentions aimed at preserving the region's identity or raising its status in the nation-state system.
There are two forms of regional nationalism - supranational and national. The first one relates to national states that want to increase their role within a regional system or organization. For example, the countries within the European Union would fit this form of regional nationalism. The second one is a form of regional nationalism that this article is focusing on: regionalism within a national state taking the form of separatism and independence movements. [1]
This topic is interesting for two reasons. First, there is no consensus - even among Western experts and researchers in the field of nationalism studies such as Ernest Gellner, Karl Deutsch, Anthony D. Smith, Benedict Anderson and many others - what exactly determines the term of regional nationalism.
Ernest Gellner deprives the concept of nation of the material basis (territory, economy, language, culture) and defines it solely through ownership, solidarity, voluntary identification and shared opposition. Similarly, he considers nationalism not an innate feeling, but primarily a political principle, which requires the coincidence of political and national units. Unequal access to the language and culture of a politically and economically more developed center and the retention of indigenous people within local cultures may well be a catalyst for cultural and political nationalism.
Karl Deutsch is the author of the communicative theory of the nation. According to K. Deutsch, community that claims to have its own common history is a community of complementary methods and means of communication. The necessary components for this
process are historical memory, symbols, habits and ways of thinking, which are understood by all members of the community. The complementarity of communication skills is the fundamental principle of the internal unity of the nation. Consequently, the degree of development of a nation depends on the degree of social communication of individuals.
Anthony D. Smithis the author of the ethnological theory of the nation. He identifies such signs of a nation as: distinct cultural features, historically inherited common territory; relatively large population; foreign policy relations with other communities; the presence of common collective feelings; vertical economic integration with a common system of division of labor, etc.
Benedict Anderson is the founder of the instrumentalist theory of the nation. This theory is based on the idea that a nation is an imaginary community. In this way, nations are being constructed as state power strives to introduce common goals, ideas, values, community symbols into the mass consciousness. Therefore, a nation is a product of representation, a constructed community.
Secondly, even those definitions at hand cannot be fully transferred to countries from different regions because there are qualitative differences in the forms of nationalism and the peculiarities of countering it across the regions.[2]
In order to begin the fight against regional nationalism, it is necessary to give a certain assessment of national movements. Usually, regional nationalism, as a phenomenon occurring within one country, is included in the sphere of internal state policy. This means that the national state in which outbreaks of regional nationalism occur must cope with them independently. Most often government officials, political elite and affiliated mass media, without understanding the reasons for the emergence of national movements, try to discredit them in the face of society. For this, a mechanism such as the substitution of concepts and securitization of the problem of regional nationalism were used. Calling regional nationalism separatism, and their leaders as terrorists, supporters of the integrity of the state are trying to mobilize the population and rally them with the idea of the unity of the state and the principle of inviolability of borders.
That is why the majority of researchers in the field of nationalism and regionalism tend not to mix different terms with each other. Thus, separatism is most often characterized by violent methods of capture of power, where separatist leaders oppose themselves to a centralized government. In this case, nationalism acquires an acute form of struggle with the state, which does not want to give up part of its territory. Problem of regional autonomy does not lie only in rethinking the role of a particular regionin the state system, but also in its complete withdrawal from the state-centric model.[3]
The concept of regionalism is more similar to regional nationalism, since it aims to refuse from violent actions in order to achieve common goals. This concept is more usual formember-states of the European Union, where practically every country has so-called "regional parties" in favor of preserving the values of the inhabitants of the region and advocating self-government.
Main components of regional nationalism
The structure of regional nationalism includes a number of components. The content of each of them significantly affect the ability of the regional community to achieve its goals. The most important role plays the regional ideology, which formulates the goals of the regional movement and also indicates the ways and forms of achieving them. As a certain system ideology provokes the activity of the movement. The idea of regional nationalism can be based on cultural
communities (traditions), religious practices, biological origins (genes, blood ties), economic cohesion, and many others. Ideology is the spiritual basis of regional identification. [2]
It means awareness of the population of their affiliation to a particular region. Most often, this concept is defined as a regional identity. Regional identity often contradicts with the state model of identity construction. Thus, a person begins to identify himself as part of a particular group whose interests are contrary to the state. A person has several levels of identity and forms their sequence. In the case of regional nationalism, an important factor is the superiority of regional identity over the state identity. This is especially true for those countries where the process of nation-building began in the last ten years and goes with varying success.
However, ideology alone cannot lead to the fact of regional nationalism. The not least important component of regional nationalism is the direct fact of infringement of interests of people in a particular region in favor of a central state. This may include facts of state violence against regional leaders, elites and groups of people. Johan Galtung, for example, outlined three levels of violence. In addition to direct violence, there is structural violence thatmanifests itself in widening inequality in the possibilities and rights of the inhabitants of a certain region in relation to the state. The violence can also be cultural, that is when representatives of regional associations must forcibly withdraw from their cultural and linguistic practices in order to successfully exist within the state.[1]
Within the context of regional nationalism, the thesis of Alexis Gourevitch (1979) warrants particular attention.[4] Gourevitch defined the regional nationalism in terms of an interrelation between political representation, economic development and ethnic potential of a region. He argues that an economically advanced region will have an incentive to break away from the center in order to avoid subsidizing poorer regions of the state.
Gourevitch posits that when a state's political and economic centers are located indifferent regions, the economically advantaged region will agitate for separation from the administrativecenter. The argument of Gourevitch leads to the conclusion that for a successful nation-building in heterogeneous states the government needs to have a constant representation of ethnic groups.
The later can be illustrated on the example of Scotland. According to Michael Keating, in Scotland the level of its economic development overtakes the development of the British statein general.[5] At the same time, however, the Scottish political elites do not have sufficient representation in the political structure of the United Kingdom.
Turning to Central Asia, a similar situation can be found in the Osh province in Kyrgyzstan where over the last two decades since independence two ethnic conflicts between Kyrgyz and Uzbek ethnic groups erupted (2005, 2010). Knowingly, the Uzbek ethnic group constitutes the majority in the region and dwarfs other ethnic groups in terms of economic resources. However, within the state political structure the Uzbeks did not have sufficient rights and privileges with respect to the titular Kyrgyz nation.[6]
The last but not least important factor of regional nationalism is the political culture and resources of the regional group. Even if representatives of a certain region have common values and face violence from the central state, only the political culture and the possession of resources can push the regional group to take active steps. Indeed, this factor canprovide answer to the question why some countries have to struggle claims for secession and separation, referendums and civil wars while others do not.
Along with the political culture,it is also important to point out the resilience of the population. By the concept of resilience, political scientists and sociologists understand the ability of a population to withstand difficult political conditions, adapt to severities and continue to maintain peaceful practices of communication every day.The resilience of a population directly depends on the awareness of its representatives of its resources and capabilities. If a regional group believes that it can influence the political situation in one way or another, it can move from passive observation to an active stage of resistance and manifest their demandsv/'s-a-v/'s the state.
Examples of region revolts
When talking about mechanisms of preventing regional nationalism, it is necessary to understand the specifics of the country. Therefore, it is necessary to return to the question posed in the beginning of this article, namely that in order to understand the underlying causes of regional revolt it is useful to determine which ideology do the leaders of a regional movement adhere to, whether they confronted with facts of violence from the state authorities, and what resources they possess. To answer this question in what follows is a discussion of twoscenarios of regional nationalisms the Scottish Independence Movementand the Catalonia Independence Movement.[1]
Scottish nationalism can be seen as part of the European neo-nationalist tendency, including Catalonia and Flanders. All these regions are more economically developed than their countries on average, and strive for independence in order to better manage their resources. Especially close to each other are the cases of Scotland and Catalonia, where the nationalists occupied the left position and oppose the withdrawal of the national income in favor of the rest of the country.
Scotland
The main reason for the emergence of regional nationalism in Scotland is associated with the disproportionate development of the economy of Britain and its regions. Scotland, as the richest oil-producing region of Britain, wanted to have greater political rights and the ability to invest in the development of its own region, and not the whole of Britain. For example, a resident of London receives and spends 24 times more money on infrastructure investments than a resident in the North-East of the country. HoweverLondon is home to only 16% of the population. Thus, the UK is increasingly characterized by the allocation of a rich conservative South and less receiving funds from the North.Neoliberal policies in England are in stark contrast to Scottish rising social security spending. And discrepancies in social policy from year to year are becoming more noticeable.
The conflict of identities observed since the 1970s also played a role in the development of regional nationalism. Despite the fact that the contradictions betweenchurches of Scotland and England are long past and linguistic differences are insignificant, an attempt to fill the British identity with exclusively English content prevents the creation of a common national identity.The conflict of identities was especially vivid in the debate about the introduction of mandatory fees for higher education - a completely normal phenomenon for England, but unacceptable in Scotland, where education is an important component of national identity. [5]
Inaddition, Scotlandwantedtoindependentlycontrolitsdefenseandforeignpolicy.
Thisincludesnuclear-freestatusandparticipation in international organizations.
The course of Scottish nationalism began to manifest itself in the 1920s. The Scottish National Party was formed in 1934.The program of this political entity includes the values of self-government and (in the future) independence.The 1976 party convention proclaimed that a separate Scottish parliament was only the first step, and nothing less than independence would satisfy it. In July 1978, it was decided to hold a referendum on the establishment of the Scottish Parliament. According to the conditions, at least 40% of the local electorate should vote "for", those who did not appear were automatically considered "against". The referendum was held in 1979 and brought 32.85% of the total number of eligible voters. After this, for almost a decade, the issue of autonomy has not been raised in political circles.
By 1990, according to a public opinion poll, support for the idea of independence reached 50% of the vote. The referendum was held on September 11, 1997. 74% of voters voted to create a parliament. For giving him the right to vary the amount of taxes imposed by London, there was 63% of the electorate. According to opinion polls, at that time 52% of Scots were ready to vote for independence and 41% against it.
The first Minister of Scotland, Alex Salmond, back in 2012, scheduled a referendum on independence for September 2014. However, according to the results, the majority of Scotland voters (55%) voted against independence status and separation from England. Nowadays public opinion on the issue of independence is divided approximately equally in Scotland. But the possibility of a new referendum is yet not excluded. [5]
Catalonia
The Catalan independence movement is defined as the most widespread and close to separatist movement in Europe, along with Scottish separatism.
The modern Catalan separation movement arose at the beginning of the 20th century. In 1979, Catalonia received autonomous status and official recognition of the Catalan language. In 2006, a new autonomous status was adopted in Catalonia with the expansion of financial independence. Since 2009, dozens of small towns and villages in Catalonia held referenda for separation from Spain. These referenda did not have legal force, but seriously influenced public sentiment.
The following question was put to the referendum on the independence of Catalonia in 2017: "Do you want Catalonia to be an independent state in the form of a republic?" 90% of the participants supported the separation of Catalonia. As a result of attempts by the Spanish government to prevent voting in Catalonia by the use of brute force by the Spanish police against voters at polling stations, on October 3, 2017, the Catalan unions organized a general strike, paralyzing the social and economic life of the region.[7]
The situation in Catalonia is similar to Scotland. Catalanism was reinforced by the rapid industrialization and modernization of Catalan society in the second half of the 19th century. Rapid socio-economic shifts widened the gap between Catalonia and most of the more backward regions of Spain, as well as the imbalance between its economic power and low representation in Madrid. In 2017, Catalonia accounted for 19% of Spain's GDP, 24% of its industrial output, 28% of exports.
Therefore Catalonia culturally differs from Spain. The population has its own folk culture and traditions including Catalan language. That is why Catalonia for several centuries wants
separation from Spain. Supporters of the process of regional nationalism see secession as a way to solve the many problems of autonomy. [8]
Prevention mechanisms
Drawing on examples in the previous chapters this chapter looks at the mechanisms and measures to prevent the process of regional nationalism. The international community should intensify cooperation and unite their efforts against separatism. Since the ideology of regional nationalism in almost any country is opposed to the state ideology, participation in the negotiation processes of a third player can play the role of mediator. For example, there are two states - state A and state B. A certain group of people lives in state A, but state B is their ethnic homeland. In the case of separatism movement state A can involve state B to resolve this problem.
However, this way of solving the problem of regional nationalism has its own peculiarities and nuances. For example, state B may have its personal interests and pursue own benefits from the situation in state A. In this case, the mediator country should be a state that is not in the region where states A and B are located. Only in this case, all parties of the conflict will be able to start trusting each other and start negotiation process.
Nevertheless, it is necessary to define a clear criterion for the use of forcein order to contain the spread of regional nationalism. The military force involved in inter-ethnic crises should in no way be used to achieve the interests of supranational structures, no matter how humane they may be motivated.[3] Historical experience emphasizes the priority of political methods for resolving conflicts over the militarysuppression. Force should be used by the state only as a last resort, when all other mechanisms of pacificationhave failed.
Not least important is the strengthening of the national state in such areas as the economy, social development and the political system. Really important role here plays the state policy towards regional and ethnic groups. All participants of the political process within the state should be given equal rights and opportunities (equal opportunity principle), and the opinion of ethnic groups should not be ignored.
To conclude, the keystrategies to solve the problem of regional nationalism can be summarized as following.
The first one is to provide rebelling regions territorial and political autonomy. However, this option has its own prerequisites. A regional autonomy is able to solve many problems within the state. However, it is likely to end up in a situation when regions set to frame their pro-autonomy claims into claims for a complete secession of their territory. [2]
The second option is the federalism, following the example of India, Canada and Switzerland. The crucial thing is that the boundaries between federal lands must correspond to the boundaries between ethnic, religious or linguistic communities. The Constitution should ensure equal powers for all parts of the Federation.With this related another solution can be the process of integration and multiculturalism. The policy of multiculturalism should be based on a multitude of measures, such as promoting tolerance, carrying out a correct national policy and creating a single community of people.
Another relevant mechanismto solve the problem of regional nationalism can be providing the people the opportunity to decide on the status of their region by going to referendum polls. A referendum as a form of national plebiscite is able to givequantitative indicators in assessing the
mood of the regional group. In accordance with the majority decision, it will be possible to take follow-up measures. [3]
Conclusion
The problem of regional nationalism is one of the most difficult in the field of ethnopolitical, geopolitical, and conflictological studies because it is directly related to the issue of the integrity of the state. One cannot ignore the globalization and integration processes that have led to the actualization of the problems of regional nationalism and ethnic regional identity in modern Europe. There is a certain connection between the phenomenon of regional nationalism and modern socio-political trends. The stronger the globalization processes, the higher the European countries' awareness of their own local identity.
In addition, the factor of precedent and the realization of some ethnic communities the right to self-determination gradually become not only a confirmation of the growth of nationalism, ethnic identity and strengthening its positions, but also serves as the basis for other ethnic communities in their desire for separatism, self-government, full independence and the formation of their own state.
REFERENCES
[1] Pritam Singh, Regional Nationalism// Economic and political weekly//April, 2009 // https://www.researchgate.net/publication/261891082_Regional_Nationalism
[2] André Lecours, Devolution, Regional and Peripheral Nationalism // March, 2010
[3] Gerard Delanty, 'The Centre Cannot Hold': The Return of Nationalism and the Spectre of Authoritarian Democracy: A Historical and Political Sociology of Europe // https://www.researchgate.net/publication/327227561_%27The_Centre_Cannot_Hold%27_The_ Return_of_Nationalism_and_the_Spectre_of_Authoritarian_Democracy_A_Historical_and_Politi cal_Sociol ogy_of_Europ e
[4] Peter Alexis Gourevitch, The Reemergence of "Peripheral Nationalisms": Some Comparative Speculations on the Spatial Distribution of Political Leadership and Economic Growth // 2009
[5] Michael Keating, Foresight: Scotland Decides // August, 2014
[6] Michele E. Commercio, Structural violence and horizontal inequalities:conflict in southern Kyrgyzstan// 2017 // http://www.uvm.edu/~mcommerc/PGI2017.pdf
[7] Oliver Krumme, The rise of regional nationalism - The menace of Catalonia's independence movement // The Daily Journalist// http://thedailyjournalist.com/thethinker/the-rise-of-regional-nationalism-the-menace-of-catalonias-independence-movement/
[8] JaineBeswick, Regional Nationalism in Spain: Language Use and Ethnic Identity in Galicia// https://www.researchgate.net/publication/313098338_Regional_Nationalism_ in_Spain_Language_Use_and_Ethnic_Identity_in_Galicia
