Научная статья на тему 'Western missionaries and merchants: an example of Cooperation within the Framework of the Mongol Empire'

Western missionaries and merchants: an example of Cooperation within the Framework of the Mongol Empire Текст научной статьи по специальности «История и археология»

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Ключевые слова
history of the Mongol Empire / history of the Golden Horde and Chaghadaid ulus / European commercial expansion in the Middle Ages / European missionary activity in medieval Asia / Medieval Latin sources / история Монгольской империи / история Золотой Орды и Чагатайского улуса / европейская торговая экспансия в Средне- вековье / европейская миссионерская деятельность в средневековой Азии / средневековые латинские источники

Аннотация научной статьи по истории и археологии, автор научной работы — Roman Hautala

Research objectives: to consider the interaction between Italian merchants and representatives of the Dominican Order, and more importantly the Franciscans, in the territory of the Mongol Empire (mainly the Juchid and Chaghadaid uluses) in the first half of the 14th century. The author focuses on the circumstances of the wide distribution of Latin missionary work in Asia and especially on the invaluable financial support of Italian merchants, without which the missionary work of the Mendicants could hardly have achieved such an unprecedented scale. In addition, the author of this article attempts to clarify the reasons that Italian merchants donated large amounts of money to support the activities of Western missionaries. At the end of this study, the author tries to explain the reason for a special favor of the Mongol rulers toward the missionaries from Europe. Research materials: a number of synchronous Latin sources (including Papal bulls and missionary reports from the East) which provide information on the activities of European missionaries within the boundaries of the Mongol Empire. Research results and novelty: the sources examined in this study suggest that the Mongol rulers’ favor toward the Italian merchants was related to the patronage of the Papal curia to certain extent – something which the Avignon Popes insistently pointed out in their letters to the khans of the Golden Horde and Chaghadaid ulus. The same sources equally clearly indicate that the favorable attitude of the khans extended to the Western missionaries who carried out their activity in their territories. Probably this favor originated from a desire to please Italian merchants who brought significant revenues to the treasury of the Mongol rulers. At the same time, the khans’ favor emerged from the fact that Western missionaries were official representatives of the pontiffs in the territories. The Mongol rulers, in turn, sought to use the missionaries’ influence to maintain diplomatic relations with the Avignon curia. Thus, the Western missionaries’ presence in the East proved beneficial both for Italian merchants and the Mongol rulers. By this consideration one can explain the widespread presence of Dominican and especially Franciscan convents in the vast Mongol Empire.

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ЗАПАДНЫЕ МИССИОНЕРЫ И ТОРГОВЦЫ: ПРИМЕР ВЗАИМОДЕЙСТВИЯ В РАМКАХ МОНГОЛЬСКОЙ ИМПЕРИИ

Цель исследования: рассмотреть взаимодействие итальянских купцов и представителей Орденов доминиканцев и в первую очередь францисканцев на территории Монгольской империи (в основном, в улусах Джучидов и Чагатаидов) в первой половине XIV века. Автор статьи уделяет основное внимание обстоятельствам широкого распространения латинского миссионерства в Азии и в первую очередь неоценимой материальной поддержке итальянских купцов, без которой миссионерская деятельность братьев-мендикантов вряд ли смогла бы достигнуть столь беспрецедентного размаха. Помимо этого, автор данной статьи попытался прояснить соображения итальянских купцов, жертвовавших значительные суммы денег на поддержание деятельности западных миссионеров. И в конце данного исследования автор постарался объяснить причину особой благосклонности монгольских правителей, которую они выказывали по отношению к миссионерам из Европы. Материалы исследования: ряд синхронных латинских источников (включающих папские буллы и отчеты миссионеров из Азии), предоставляющие сведения о деятельности европейских миссионеров в границах Монгольской империи. Результаты и новизна исследования: представленные в исследовании источники позволяют предположить, что благосклонность монгольских правителей к итальянским купцам была в определенной степени следствием того покровительства папской курии, на которое Авиньонские папы настойчиво указывали в своих посланиях ханам Золотой Орды или Чагатайского улуса. Те же источники столь же ясно указывают на благосклонное отношение ханов, которое они также оказывали и западным миссионерам, развернувшим свою деятельность на подчиненных им территориях. Вероятно, эта благосклонность была в первую очередь вызвана стремлением угодить итальянским купцам, приносившим значительные доходы казне монгольских правителей. Одновременно расположение ханов определялось тем фактом, что западные миссионеры выступали официальными представителями понтификов на территориях монгольских правителей, стремившихся поддерживать при их помощи дипломатические отношения с Авиньонской курией. Таким образом, присутствие западных миссионеров на Востоке оказывалось выгодным как итальянским купцам, так и монгольским правителям. И этим соображением можно объяснить широкое распространение доминиканских и в первую очередь францисканских конвентов на просторах Монгольской империи.

Текст научной работы на тему «Western missionaries and merchants: an example of Cooperation within the Framework of the Mongol Empire»

YflK 930.272

WESTERN MISSIONARIES AND MERCHANTS:

AN EXAMPLE OF COOPERATION WITHIN THE FRAMEWORK OF THE MONGOL EMPIRE*

Roman Hautala

Sh.Marjani Institute of History, Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Tatarstan Kazan, Republic of Tatarstan, Russian Federation University of Oulu Oulu, Finland romanhautala@gmail.com

Abstract. Research objectives: to consider the interaction between Italian merchants and representatives of the Dominican Order, and more importantly the Franciscans, in the territory of the Mongol Empire (mainly the Juchid and Chaghadaid uluses) in the first half of the 14th century. The author focuses on the circumstances of the wide distribution of Latin missionary work in Asia and especially on the invaluable financial support of Italian merchants, without which the missionary work of the Mendicants could hardly have achieved such an unprecedented scale. In addition, the author of this article attempts to clarify the reasons that Italian merchants donated large amounts of money to support the activities of Western missionaries. At the end of this study, the author tries to explain the reason for a special favor of the Mongol rulers toward the missionaries from Europe.

Research materials: a number of synchronous Latin sources (including Papal bulls and missionary reports from the East) which provide information on the activities of European missionaries within the boundaries of the Mongol Empire.

Research results and novelty: the sources examined in this study suggest that the Mongol rulers' favor toward the Italian merchants was related to the patronage of the Papal curia to certain extent - something which the Avignon Popes insistently pointed out in their letters to the khans of the Golden Horde and Chaghadaid ulus. The same sources equally clearly indicate that the favorable attitude of the khans extended to the Western missionaries who carried out their

First published in Crusaders, Missionaries and Eurasian Nomads in the 13th-14th Centuries: A Century of Interactions, Victor Spinei (ed.), Florilegium Magistrorum Historiae Archaeologiaeque Antiquitatis et Medii Aevi, XXI, Bucuresti, Editura Academiei Romane; Brailei, Editura Istros a Muzeului Brailei "Carol I", 2017, no. 10, p. 221-243.

I express my special gratitude to Stephen Pow who did not spare his valuable time to carefully proofread the draft of this article. Of course, only the author of this article remains fully responsible for those potential errors that can be identified after its publication.

activity in their territories. Probably this favor originated from a desire to please Italian merchants who brought significant revenues to the treasury of the Mongol rulers. At the same time, the khans' favor emerged from the fact that Western missionaries were official representatives of the pontiffs in the territories. The Mongol rulers, in turn, sought to use the missionaries' influence to maintain diplomatic relations with the Avignon curia. Thus, the Western missionaries' presence in the East proved beneficial both for Italian merchants and the Mongol rulers. By this consideration one can explain the widespread presence of Dominican and especially Franciscan convents in the vast Mongol Empire.

Keywords: history of the Mongol Empire, history of the Golden Horde and Chaghadaid ulus, European commercial expansion in the Middle Ages, European missionary activity in medieval Asia, Medieval Latin sources.

For citation: Roman Hautala. Western Missionaries and Merchants: an Example of Cooperation Within the Framework of the Mongol Empire Tyurkologicheskie issledovaniya =Turkological Studies. 2018; Vol. 1, no. 4: 42-66.

One can hardly see it as a mere coincidence that European missionary "expansion" in the Mongol Empire coincided with the most favorable period for the development of Italian trade in the East in the first half of the 14th century1. As will be illustrated on the basis of synchronous sources, the Oriental apostolate of the Dominicans, and especially of the Franciscans, experienced its heyday roughly during the reign of Golden Horde's Uzbek Khan (1313-1341), although the activities of Western missionaries also affected the territory of the Chaghadaid ulus and the Yuan Empire. Here, however, I will not discuss the details of the Latin missionary work, but will focus on the circumstances of its proliferation in Asia and the invaluable financial support of Italian merchants, without which missionary activity of the Mendicants could hardly have achieved such an unprecedented scale. In addition, I will try to clarify the motivations of Italian merchants to donate large amounts of money to support the activities of Western missionaries. At the end of this study, I will try to explain the reasons for the special favor of the Mongol rulers which they showed in relation to the missionaries from Europe.

The financial support provided by the Genoese or, more likely, Venetian merchant named Peter of Lucalongo2 to the future Latin Archbishop of Khanbaliq, John of Montecorvino, is the most prominent example of the interaction between Western missionaries and merchants in the Mongol Empire. According to the Italian prelate, Peter bought at his own expense a plot of land in the capital of the Yuan Empire and contributed to the construction of the Catholic Cathedral there:

1 For the sake of brevity, I will not consider the activity of Western missionaries in Ilkhanate, which experienced its heyday in the second half of the 13 th century due to the close diplomatic relations between the Hulaguids and the Papal curia, but then failed to reach the scale observed in other Mongol uluses in the first half of the next century.

2 It is possible that in reality his name was Pietro, the son of Luca Longo [23, p. 168-169].

"Master Peter of Lucalongo, a faithful Christian and a great merchant who was my companion from Tauris, himself bought the site for the place of which I have spoken and gave it to me by the love of God and the working of the divine grace. For a more useful and suitable place for building a Catholic Church could not be had in the whole empire of the lord Kaan"1.

Yet, Peter was not the only Italian merchants who supported the Western prelate in distant northern China. This is indicated by the fate of his letter addressed 8 January, 1305 to the Franciscans of Gazaria, that is, of the Northern Black Sea region. In this letter, John of Montecorvino urged his fellows to come to his aid for the deployment of a more effective apostolate in the Yuan Empire and he specified that the most convenient way route would be an overland route from the dominion of the Golden Horde's Toqta Khan:

"With regard to the way I make known that through the land of Toctai, emperor of the northern Tartars, is the shorter way and safer, so that they will be able to come with the envoys within five or six months. But the other road2 is very long and very dangerous, with two voyages of which the first is like the distance between Acre and the province of Provence, but the other is like the distance between Acre and England, and it might happen that they would scarcely accomplish that route in two years"3.

In his next letter addressed 13 February, 1306 to vicars of the Franciscans and Dominicans in Persia, Friar John wrote that his previous letter had reached its destination, and even was forwarded later in Tabriz by a "friend" who arrived in northern China and then returned to the Golden Horde, in both cases as part of Toqta Khan's embassy. Furthermore, Friar John wrote that he learned this fact from other "good persons" who arrived in northern China with a new embassy sent by Toqta Khan:

"But now I tell you that last year at the beginning of January I sent a letter in few words about my state and position to the Father Vicar and to Brothers of the province of Gazaria by a certain friend of ours who was among the retinue of lord Toctai Khan who came to the lord Kaan of Cathay. In which letter I asked the same Vicar that they would send on copies of it to you. And now I [am assured] by good

1 "Dominus Petrus de Lucalongo fidelis christianus et magnus mercator, qui fuit socius meus de Thaurisio, ipse emit terram pro loco quem dixi, et dedit mihi, amore Dei et divina gratia operante, quia utilior et congruentior locus haberi non posset in toto imperio domini Chanis pro ecclesia catholica construenda" [21, p. 179 (English text); 29, p. 352-353 (Latin text)].

2 Across the Indian Ocean.

3 "De via notifico quod per terram Cothay Imperatoris aquilonarium Tartarorum est via brevior et securior, ita quod cum nunciis infra V vel VI menses poterunt pervenire; via autem alia est longissima et periculosissima, habens duas navigationes quarum prima est secundum distantiam inter Achon et provinciam Provincie, alia vero est secundum distantiam inter Achon et Angliam, et posset contingere quod in biennio vix perficerent viam illam" [21, p. 175 (English text); 29, p. 349 (Latin text)].

persons who are now come with the envoys of the aforesaid lord Toctai to the lord Kaan of Cathay that my letter reached you, and that that same messenger who carried my letter came to Tauris afterwards from the city of Sarai"1.

The Umbrian Franciscan Giovanni Elemosina confirmed in his "Chronicon" of 1336 that in fact the first letter of Friar John of 1305 was brought to Saray by Venetian merchants (one of whom, apparently, was that "friend" mentioned in the friar's subsequent letter)2.

Apparently, the Venetian merchants arrived with a second embassy of Toqta Khan as well and probably these were the ones who informed Friar John that his letter had reached his fellows in the Golden Horde and Ilkhanate. It is evident that Italian merchants took advantage of the establishment of peaceful relations between the Mongol rulers in the early 14th century and they immediately tried to reach northern China. In any case, John of Montecorvino clearly pointed out that previously the Trans-Eurasian route "had not been safe for a long time on account of wars"3, and he urged the Franciscans to immediately take advantage of short-term period of peace to reach distant northern China. However, according to the same Giovanni Elemosina, although the Franciscans had responded to his call, they were forced to stay in Caffa in Crimea4 because of the resumption of hostilities between the Mongol rulers5.

1 "Nunc autem notifico vobis quod anno preterito in principio Ianuarii per quemdam amicum nostrum, qui fuit ex sociis domini Cothay Canis qui venerunt ad dominum Chanem de Cathay, ego misi licteras patri Vicario et fratribus provincie Gazzarie de statu et conditione mea in paucis verbis. In quibus licteris rogavi eumdem Vicarium quod exempla illarum vobis transmicteret, et iam michi constat per bonas personas que nunc pervenerunt cum ninciis predicti domini Cothay ad dominum Chanem de Cathay, quod mee lictere ad vos pervenerint, et quod ille idem nuncius qui portavit licteras meas, postmodum de Sara civitate venit Thaurisium" [21, p. 178 (English text); 29, p. 351-352 (Latin text)].

2 "Has litteras transmisit fr. Johannes predictus, legatus apostolice sedis, cuidam fratri Predicatori viro spirituali, qui circa partes Orientis peregrinabatur gentibus predicando fidem Christi, per mercatores Venetianos qui a Tartaria redierant. Et dederunt predicto fratri Predicatori in signum veritatis tabulam Magni Chaam imperatoris. Et ipse frater transmisit eam in pluribus locis citra mare fratribus Minoribus et Predicatoribus" [13, p. 132].

3 "Quia prima via secura non fuit a multo tempore propter guerras" [21, p. 175 (English text); 29, p. 349 (Latin text)].

4 In fact, the Franciscans Gherardo Albuini, Peregrino de Castello, Andrea da Perugia and Pietro and Giacomo di Firenze managed to reach northern China [25, p. 86].

5 "Et fratres predicti ceperunt viam et pervenerunt usque Gazariam Tartarorum Aquilonarium, sed non potuerunt transire propter guerras, unde in eadem civitate remanserunt predicantes et baptizantes gentes ibidem, quousque guerra cessaret" [13, p. 132].

Perhaps, their movement eastward was hindered by the conflict between the son of Qaidu, an Ögedeid Chapar, and the Yuan emperor Temür Öljeytü, mentioned by Hayton: "Chapar dominium suum tenet in regno Turquesten. Et iste potest congregare ad pugnam, ut dicitur, quatuor c. m. equitum armatorum. Et illi de patria illa sunt homines ad arma strenui et audaces; et armorum tamen et bonorum equorum copiam non habent, sicut neccessarium esset eis. Multociens gentes magni imperatoris movent istis guerram, volentes terram ipsorum aliquam occupare, sed ipsi viriliter se defendunt" [15, liber III, caput xlvi, p. 335].

Thus, John of Montecorvino did not get that abundant support of his fellows which he requested in his letters. The Franciscans, in turn, were to limit themselves to the western regions of the Golden Horde in their missionary work, postponing its deeper expansion into Asia to better times. However, it is more important to note here the desire of missionaries to travel along the newly opened trade route through the Asian expanses with merchant caravans. Thus, three decades later -in a period of relative calm in the Mongol Empire and the corresponding activation of international trade - the Spanish Franciscan Paschal of Vittoria wrote in his letter in 1338 that he was able to reach Almalyk, going from Saray in the company of Armenian merchants and reaching Saraychuk along the Volga, Caspian Sea and Yaik, and continuing from there with a caravan of Muslim merchants through Urgench and probably Otrar:

"I had now been staying more than a year in the aforesaid Sarray, a city of the Saracens of the Tartar empire, in the Vicariat of the North, where three years before1 a certain friar of ours, Stephen by name2, suffered honourable martyrdom at the hands of the Saracens. Embarking on a certain vessel with some Armenians, I departed thence by the river called Tygris, and then along the shore of the sea which is called Vatuk, till I came in twelve days' travel to Sarachik. From that place I got on a cart drawn by camels (for to ride those animals is something terrible), and on the fiftieth day reached Urganth, which is a city at the extremity of the empire of the Tartars and the Persians. The city is otherwise called Hus, and the body of the blessed Job is there. Thence I again mounted a camel-cart, and travelled with a party of accursed Hagarens and followers of Mahomet, I being the only Christian among them, with a certain servant called Zinguo3, until by God's grace we reached the empire of the Medes4"5.

Those Western merchants who sought to reach wealthy regions of northern China had to use the same overland route. In any case, the "Practice of Commerce" of the Florentine Francesco Balducci Pegolotti, written around the same time as

1 Correctly: one year before (ante per annum).

2 Istvan of Nagyvarad who was executed in Saray by Muslim community in April 1334 [2, p. 515].

3 Correctly: from the nation of Ziches (Ziquo natione), that is, a Circassian.

4 That is, the eastern half of the Chaghadaid ulus, former possessions of Qaidu Khan.

5 "et cum iam ultra annum demoratus fuissem in praedicta Saray civitate Saracenorum imperii Tartarorum in Vicaria aquilonari, ubi ante per annum quidam frater noster, Stephanus nomine, fuit passus venerabile martyrium per Saracenos; inde ascendens in quoddam navigium cum Armenis per fluvium, qui vocatur Tigris, et per ripam maris, Vatuk nomine, usque Saraschuk deveni per XII dietas. Inde ascendes currum camelorum, cuius equitatus terribilis est, 50. die in Urganth deveni, quae est civitas in fine imperii Tartarorum et imperii Persarum; quae civitas alio nomine vocatur Us, ubi est corpus beati Iob. Inde ascendens currus camelorum cum Agarenis, maledicti Machometi sequacibus, solus ego Christianus inter ipsos cum quodam servitore, Ziquo natione, usque ad imperium Medorum veni Deo dirigente" [30, p. 83-85 (English text); 2, p. 533 (Latin text)].

the letter of Paschal of Vittoria, recommended Italian merchants follow the same exact route:

"Information regarding the journey to Cathay1, for such as will go by Tana and come back with goods. In the first place, from Tana to Gintarchan2 may be twenty-five days with an ox-waggon, and from ten to twelve days with a horse-waggon. On the road you will find plenty of Moccols3, that is to say, of gens d'armes. And from Gittarchan to Sara4 may be a day by river, and from Sara to Saracanco5, also by river, eight days. You can do this either by land or by water; but by water you will be at less charge for your merchandize. From Saracanco to Organci6 may be twenty days' journey in camel-waggon. It will be well for anyone travelling with merchandize to go to Organci, for in that city there is a ready sale for goods. From Organci to Oltrarre7 is thirty-five to forty days in camel-waggons. But if when you leave Saracanco you go direct to Oltrarre, it is a journey of fifty days only, and if you have no merchandize it will be better to go this way than to go by Organci. From Oltrarre to Armalec8 is forty-five days' journey with packasses, and every day you find Moccols. And from Armalec to Camexu9 is seventy days with asses, and from Camexu until you come to a river called [...] is forty-five days on horseback; and then you can go down the river to Cassai10, and there you can dispose of the sommi11 of silver that you have with you, for that is a most active place of business. After getting to Cassai you carry on with the money which you get for the sommi of silver which you sell there; and this money is made of paper, and is called balishi. And four pieces of this money are worth one sommo of silver in the province of Cathay. And from Cassai to Gamalec12, which is the capital city of the country of Cathay, is thirty days' journey"13.

1 Northern China.

2 Hajji-Tarkhan, modern Astrakhan.

3 The Mogols.

4 Saray.

5 Saraychuk.

6 Urgench.

7 Otrar.

8 Almalyk.

9 Kamchu or Kan chau, the Yuan frontier town [30, p. 148, nota 2].

10 Modern Hangzhou [30, p. 148, nota 3]. In fact, it was situated to the south of Khanbaliq.

11 Ingots.

12 Khanbaliq.

13 "Avisamento del viaggio del Gattaio per lo cammino della Tana ad andare e tornare con mercatantia. Primieramente, dalla Tana in Gintarcan si á 25 giornate di carro di buoi, e con carro di cavallo pure da 10 in 12 giornate. Per cammino si truovano moccoli assai, cioe gente d'arme. E da Gittarcan in Sara si á una giornata per fiumana d'acqua. E di Sara in Saracanco si á 8 giornate per una fiumana d'acqua, e puotesi andare per terra e per acqua, ma vassi per acqua per meno spesa della mercatantia. E da Saracanco infino in Organci si á 20 giornate di carro di cammello, e chi va con mercantia gli conviene che vada in Organci

It is also important to note that in contrast to movement throughout the territory of the formerly united Mongol Empire, which, according to Balducci Pegolotti, could be hindered by the sudden change of the local ruler - "And there is another danger: this is when the lord of the country dies, and before the new lord who is to have the lordship is proclaimed; during such intervals there have sometimes been irregularities practiced on the Franks, and other foreigners. (They call Franks all the Christians of these parts from Romania1 westward.) And neither will the roads be safe to travel until the other lord be proclaimed who is to reign in room of him who is deceased"2 - Western missionaries reached Golden Horde territory relatively easily thanks to the fact that Italian merchants established almost uninterrupted maritime traffic between Europe and Crimea.

The same Paschal of Vittoria offers on this occasion the most characteristic description of his journey from Spain to Saray (which preceded his departure to Almalyk) first through Avignon to Venice, with an intermediate visit to St. Francis Basilica in Assisi, and then on the Venetian cargo ship to Pera. From there, he took a Genoese galley to Tana, from whence the Spanish Minorite reached Saray in the company of Greek merchants, while his unnamed companion went to Urgench:

"Dearly beloved fathers, your sanctities3 are aware that when I quitted you I proceeded to Avignon in company with the dear father Friar Gonsalvo Transtorna.

perche la e spacciativa terra di mercatantia. E d'Organci in Ioltrarre si a da 35 in 40 giornate di cammello con carro. E chi si partisse di Saracanco e andasse dritto in Oltrarre si va 50 giornate, e s'egli non avesse mercatantia gli sarebbe migliore via che d'andare in Organci. E di Oltrarre in Armalecco si a 45 giornate di some d'asino, e ogni die truovi moccoli. E d'Armalecco insino in Camesu si a 70 giornate d'asino, e di Camesu insino che vieni a una fiumana che si chiama [...] si a 45 giornate di cavallo. E dalla fiumana te ne puoi andare in Cassai e la vendere i sommi dell'argento che avessi, pero che lae e spacciativa terra di mercantia. E di Cassai si va colla muneta che si trae de' sommi dell'argento venduti in Cassai, ch'e moneta di carta che s'appella la detta moneta balisci, che gli quattro di quella moneta vagliono uno sommo d'ariento per le contrade del Gattaio. E di Cassai a Gamalecco, che e la mastra citta del paese del Gattaio, si va 30 giornate" [30, p. 146-149 (English text); 11, p. 21 (Italian text)].

1 Byzantium.

2 "E ancora v'a un altro pericolo, cioe che quando lo signore morisse, infino che non fusse chiamato l'altro signore che dovesse signoreggiare, in quello mezzo alcuna volta v'e stata fatta novitade a' franchi e ad altre stranee genti (i franchi appellan'eglino tutti i cristiani delle parte di Romania innanzi inverso il ponente), e non corre sicuro il cammino infino che non e chiamato l'altro signore che dee regnare appresso di quello che e morto" [30, p. 152-153 (English text); 11, p. 22 (Italian text)].

Paschal of Vittoria faced similar obstacles in the Chaghadaid ulus due to the death of Jankeshi Khan: "However, the Emperor of the [Middle Asian] Tartars had been slain by his natural brother, and the caravan of Saracens with which I travelled was detained by the way in the cities of the Saracens, for fear of war and plunder" ("Quia enim imperator Medorum per fratrem suum carnalem est interfectus, caravana Saracenorum, cum qua ibam, detenta est per viam in civitatibus Saracenorum timentibus guerram et suorum exspoliationem") [30, p. 86 (English text); 2, p. 533 (Latin text)].

3 Heads of the Franciscan convent and Custody of Vittoria in Castile.

Thence we went, with the blessing of the reverend the general1, to get the benefit of the Indulgence at Assisi; and after that we embarked at Venice on board a certain carrack, and sailed down the Adriatic sea. We next sailed through the sea of Pontus2, leaving Sclavonia3 to the left and Turkey to the right, and landed in Greece at Galata near Constantinople, where we found the father Vicar of Cathay4 in the Vicariat of the East. Then, embarking on another vessel, we sailed across the Black Sea, whose depth is unfathomable, to Gazaria in the Vicariat of the North, and in the empire of the Tartars. Then traversing another sea which has no bottom5, we landed at Tana. And having got thither sooner than my comrade, I found my way with some Greeks by wagons as far as Sarray; whilst my comrade, with some other friars, was carried on further to Urganth"6.

In their letter of 1323, the Franciscans of Caffa, too, encouraged their fellows in the West to get to Crimea in the company of Venetian merchants, taking the sea route instead of the "difficult and dangerous" way by land:

"So thus you may know that you must come to places which it would be made difficult and dangerous to reach by land, but safer and easier to reach by sea and in the company of Venetian merchants"7.

Thus, Catholic missionaries jorneyed to the East alongside Western merchants and ostensibly they appeared in Golden Horde territory in parallel with the establishment of Genoese trading station in Caffa. In any case, the Latin translation of the yarlik granted by Uzbek Khan to the Franciscans in 13148 pointed

1 Head of the Franciscan Order Gerardus Odonis.

2 Sea of Marmora.

3 Balkan Peninsula.

4 Head of Central Asian Franciscans.

5 Azov Sea. Correctly: which is not deep (non est profundus).

6 "Noverit vestra sanctitas, patres dilectissimi, quod cum a vobis recessimus cum caro patre fratre Gonsalvo Transtorna, profecti sumus usque Avinionem. Inde Generalis reverendi benedictione accepta, ivimus ad indulgentiam Assisii et post Venetiis ascendentes quandam carracam transivimus per mare Adriaticum, et post per mare Pontum ad sinistram dimittentes Sclavoniam et ad dexteram Turquiam applicuimus Graeciam, scilicet Galatas iuxta Constantinopolim, et ibi invenimus patrem Vicarium de Cathay in Vicaria orientali. Inde ascendentes unum lignum per mare Nigrum, cuius profunditas est abyssus, profecti sumus usque ad Gazariam in Vicaria aquilonari in imperio Tartarorum. Inde per aliud mare, cuius non est fundus, applicuimus Thanam. Et quia ego citius accessi quam socius meus, cum Graecis in curribus equorum usque in Saray sum directus; socius autem meus cum quibusdam aliis fratribus usque ad Urganthum delatus est" [30, p. 81-82 (English text); 2, p. 532 (Latin text)].

7 "vt sciatis ad partes quas per terram, quod difficilimum esset et periculosissimum, vel quod securius et leuius per mare et in societate mercatorum Venecorum extra veniendum" [19, p. 364 (English text); 20, p. 110-111 (Latin text)].

8 "In virtute eterni dei et magne maiestatis suffragio, Nos Vsbek mandamus hec verba nostra: Istud priuilegium tenentes sacerdotes latini qui suo more se fratres minores appellant, vt videlicet animo tranquillo consistentes, deum rogando, benedictionem faciendo incedant, priuilegium quod dederat Culuk progenitor noster et successor eius, frater noster senior, inperator, nos eciam nunc dedimus secundum eundem tenorem" [5, p. 65].

to the fact that the first time such a yarlik was granted to the Minorites by Mengu-Timur Khan (1266/67-1280)1, apparently at the beginning of his reign [14, p. 33-34].

After they had settled in Caffa, the Franciscans continued to follow the Western merchants both in the territory of the Golden Horde and beyond. They established their footholds in those large commercial centers which were visited by Italian merchants. According to the report "About the Residences of the Friars Minor and the Friars Preachers in Tartaria" (De locis Fratrum Minorum et Predicatorum in Tartaria), compiled by the anonymous Dominican between 1314 and 1318, in addition to Cherson, Cembalo, Karasu Bazaar, Soldaia and Caffa in Crimea the Franciscans established their residences in Vicina, Maurocastro, Tana, Majar, Saray and Ukek2. At the end of the 14th century, Bartholomew of Pisa mentioned among the Franciscans' achievements the foundation of additional residences in Hajji-Tarkhan and Urgench3. The anonymous Aquitaine author of the "Chronicle of the 24 Generals of the Order of the Friars Minor" (Chronica XXIV Generalium Ordinis Minorum) testified to the existence of the Franciscan convent in Almalyk4.

Undoubtedly, the wide spread of Franciscan convents within the vast Mongol Empire was the result of financial support of their well-wishers. Therefore, it is necessary to dedicate some space here for identification of the source of this material welfare and primarily focus on European support of the Catholic missionaries in the East.

The famous Catalan theoretician of Catholic missionary activity, Ramon Llull, addressed in 1294 the Papal curia with "Raymund's Petition regarding the Conversion of the Infidels Directed to Pope Celestine V" (Petitio Raimundi pro conversione infidelium ad Coelestinum V papam), where he urged the Pope to establish a special fund at the Curia in order to finance the Eastern apostolate and paid particular attention to the need to organize specialized language training for the European missionaries5. However, Ramon's appeal was not heard, and five

1 See the identification of Uzbek's predecessors' names mentioned in this yarlik in: [22, p. 58-60].

2 "In Tartaria Aquilonari fratres Minores habent monasteria immobilia 18, in civitatibus et villis infra scriptis, videlicet: in vicina iuxta danubin. In Mauro castro. In Cersona, ubi beatus Clemens fuit exulatus, et ibi fundavit lxx ecclesias. Et prope est ille fons de sub cuius pede etc. In Cimbalo. In Barason. In Soldaia. In Capha duo loca. In Thana. In Cummageria duo loca. In Saray. In Sancto Johanne, ubi est sepulcrum Coktogani filii Imperatoris. In Ugek" [13, p. 72].

3 "Custodia Sarayae habet locum de Thana; locum Agitarcan et locum de Saray ... locum de Organe" [3, p. 557].

4 "Anno Domini MCCCXLI ... Tunc fuerunt capti omnes fratres, qui erant in conventu Amalech" [2, p. 531].

5 "Thesaurus spiritualis est, quod sancti homines religiosi et seculares, qui ad honorandum nostrum Dominum Deum desiderarent sustinere mortem, et qui sacra doctrina sunt illuminati, addiscerent diversa linguagia, qui irent praedicare Evangelia per totum

years later, abandoning all hope of centralizing the Eastern apostolate's funding, he insisted only on linguistic training of the missionaries in his address to the University of Paris, while stressing all the dangers to which Europe could be subjected owing to insufficient support of the Christian missionaries and the corresponding conversion of the Mongols to Islam1.

No doubt, the Avignon Popes of the 14th century devoted certain funds for sending the Catholic prelates to the East or, for example, in order to purchase religious books for the Franciscan Vicariates in Asia [28, p. 538-540; 26, p. 135— 136, nota 54]. The leadership of the Order of the Friars Minor was likely to do the same while sending the missionaries to the "lands of the infidels"2. However, these

mundum; et quod vos sancte Pater, et vos Domini Cardinales assignaretis unum Dominum Cardinalem, qui tractaret hoc negotium, et quod tales faceret quaeri per omnes terras Christianorum, qui huic sanctae praedicationi essent convenientes et vellent esse, et quod illis monstrarentur omnia linguagia mundi, et quod de illis fierent studia in terris Christianorum et Tartarorum, et quod ille Dominus Cardinalis, qui hoc officium haberet, faceret missionem studiorum et studentium, et hoc continuo, usque dum totus mundus esset Christianorum" [12, p. 373-374].

1 "et preterea Judaei et Saraceni, prout possunt, conantur Tartaros in suas sectas inducere: et si contingat, quod absit, ut Tartaros esse Judaeos, vel Saracenos, vel eos condere per se sectam, timendum est ne cedat in totius christianitatis incomparabile detrimentum, sicut accidit de secta Macometi, qua inventa, Saraceni irruerunt super nos, et quasi tertia pars christianitatis cecidit. Innumerabilis est illa Tartarorum generatio, in brevi quidem tempore multa sibi regna et principatus manu bellica subjugavit. Videte, reverendi patres et domini magistri, imminere periculum toti ecclesiae Dei, et nisi sapientia et devotio vestra, qua tota christianitas sustinetur, Sarracenorum perfidiae opponat clypeum salutarem, et si negligat impetuosum torrentem Tartaricum refraenare. Nolo ulterius dicere, sed pensate quid poterit evenire" [17, col. 1318-1319].

2 Apparently, this support of the Order was rather limited as well. This forced the Franciscans of Caffa to address to the cardinals of the Papal curia in 1323 with a special request to organize the ubiquitous fundraising in Europe to finance the moving of the Minorites from Europe to the Golden Horde: "we ask you in the Lord, our holy lords the Bishops of the Latin Church, and all religious men and all clerks, that in all your public and private prayers, which pour forth with sweet tears for us and for all the people, you will think fit to draw attention to the shortness of our life (which we know because we are continuously exposed to numberless dangers, and because of which we are so eager for the arrival of others, that the work begun may not perish), and also to the neophytes here and to their constancy; ordering, if you please, for so great a benefit to the faith that religious men in their chapters, and the elders before he people, particularly on festivals, specially recommend our mission to other peoples; and that they will be favourable to all those who are now about to come and to expose themselves to the same perils for Christ's sake, and will lend them a helping hand towards the material support without which they will not be able to come. And all these we also continually receive in our prayers and commend in the Lord Jesus" ("Vos in domino rogamus ... ordinantes si placet pro tanto fidei bono, ut in suis religiosi capitulis et coram populo presbiteri diebus precipue festiuis specialiter recomendent nostram in alios expeditionem, et omnes qui iam venturi ac eisdem pro Xpisto periculis se exposituri fauorabiles erunt, et manus porigant adiutrices in subsidia terrena, sine quibus venire non poterunt, quos eciam omnes continue in nostris recipimus precibus et in domino Ihesu recomendamus") [19, p. 366 (English text); 20, p. 112 (Latin text)].

funds were, on a large extent, only sufficient to cover travel expenses1. From this perspective, the Franciscans in the Mongol Empire had no choice but to rely on the material support given to them in the eastern regions, where they developed their missionary work. In essence, the nature of their activities in the East was not very different from the initial period of the Order's expansion in Europe during the life of St. Francis of Assisi. Thus, the Franciscans of Caffa reported in the above-mentioned letter of 1323 that local nomads gratuitously supplied the missionaries with everything that was most necessary:

"But - and we had almost been silent about this at the dictation of conscience, lest perhaps any alleviation and lightness of suffering should attract in a small degree some weak men - you may know that we often find an appearance of greater devotion among the pagans themselves than we do in many Christians; and they gladly give us food and suitable clothing such as they possess, of hemp and linen and mixed with certain waste silk and woven with goats' hair"2.

36 years before that the Custodian (that is, the head) of the Franciscans of the Northern Black Sea region named Ladislaus pointed out in his letter that the Mongol governor of Vicina (at the mouth of the Danube) intended to not only provide the Minorites with everything necessary but also to build a church for them and he probably fulfilled his promise3. Between 1314 and 1320, Friar Iohanca who preached the Gospel in "Bascardia" in the territory of modern Bashkortostan with another three brothers, received an invitation to baptize the local population from the Mongol judge of the land of "Sybur" (that is, the modern Tyumen region) along

1 The unusually large sum of 1,500 gold florins was allocated by Pope Benedict XII at the end of 1338 for sending a large delegation led by the Franciscan Giovanni de' Marignolli to the Yuan emperor Toghon Temür [28, p. 540].

2 "Set quod fere urgente consciencia siluerimus, ne forte infirmos aliquos attraheret aliquantulum alleviamen aliquod et leuis sufferencia, sciatis quod maioris sepe deuocionis reperimus apparenciam in ipsis paganis quam nos in multis xristianis cum et victualia nobis libenter conferunt et indumenta nobis apta qualia ipsi possident de canabe et lino et quibusdam a serico relictis mixta ac pilis caparum texta" [19, p. 362 (English text); 20, p. 108 (Latin text)].

3 "Interim autem dum frater Moyses Vicum pervenisset, millenarius populi illius, qui dicitur Argum misit filium singulariter, cum esset paganus, postulando, ut ad illum populum duos fratres mittere dignaretur propter Deum, qui, fideles ibidem existentes, ad fidem catholicam reformarent, et converti volentes baptizarent, dictisque fratribus ipse dominus tam in animalibus quam domibus et omnibus aliis necessariis provideret. Causa autem mota fuit ista, quae ipsum incitavit: quia in eodem populo, quidam Tartarus nobilis et potens, cuius uxor pluribus annis a daemonio vexabatur, cui nec magorum, nec phitonum malitia posset subvenire, tandem post multa mala, quibus dictus populus a dicta muliere gravabatur, fecit eam ad ecclesiam fratrum nutu Dei deportari; votoque emisso tam a marito quam a memorata [uxore], quod fidem reciperent christianam, si eam Deus per fratrum orationes liberaret a periculo supradicto, fuit miraculose coram omnibus liberata meritis beatissimi patris nostri Francisci et orationibus fratrum mediantibus: multa tandem postulatione instantium, tam maritus quam ipsa fuerunt cum suis omnibus baptizati" [13, p. 445].

with the promise from the same judge to build churches and houses for missionaries "anywhere in Sybur"1.

While Iohanca was compelled to reject the request of the Tatar judge because of the small number of friars, the Franciscans who preached Christianity in Middle Asia achieved much greater success due to the fact that one of them, according to Bartholomew of Pisa, was able to cure the Chaghadaid Eljigidei Khan from cancer2. Giovanni Elemosina for his part pointed out that thanks to the benevolence and material support of Eljigidei Khan, the Minorites were able to build their Cathedral in Samarkand3. In his letter of June 13, 1338 Pope Benedict XII thanked the Christian relatives of the Chaghadaid Jankeshi Khan for the fact that they had provided the Franciscans a plot of land in Almalyk, where the Latin Bishop Richard of Burgundy built the Cathedral4.

Thus, Western missionaries enjoyed some support of individual Mongol rulers in the East. However, they probably received the most substantial help from Italian merchants. Thus, John of Hildesheim emphasized in his description of the "Deeds and Doings of the Three Holy Kings" that Western merchants tended to

1 "Nam predictus nuncius qui venerat de Sybur, legacionem attulit a quodam tartarico iudice populi supradicti ad nostrum xristianum iudicem Bascardorum in hec verba certa: Audiui quod tu, germane mi, habes tecum 4or sacerdotes latinos xristianos, rogo ut duos ex ipsis ad nos mittere velis, qui possint et debeant nostrum populum baptizare; et si voluerint in ciuitatibus morari, nos eis ecclesias et domos edeficabimus in quocunque loco voluerint de Sybur; si vero voluerint castra nostra sequi, omnia necessaria eis ministrabimus; si vero nobiscum stare noluerint, eos vsque ad vos super capita nostra conducemus, tantum nos baptizent et doceant fidem suam; si autem ad nos venire noluerint, deus eorum animas omnium quos saluare possent, de manibus eorum requirat" [5, p. 69].

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2 "Hi omnes, dum essent in dicto imperio et ab imperatore, qui tunc erat, quem frater Franciscus de Alexandria a cancro liberaverat, oratione potius quam medicamine — et ista de causa [imperator] fratrem istum suum vocabat patrem et medicum, — optime tractarentur, utpote datis terris et privilegiis et auctoritate praedicandi, ac suo filio fratribus dato, ut baptizaretur a fratribus, qui septennis tunc erat, vocato Ioanne" [3, p. 334—335].

3 "In quodam autem regno maximo Tartarorum erat rex nomine Cygatay, et hic erat germanus frater magni Chaam; et in isto regno est maxima Summachra nomine civitas nobilissima, ubi habitabant multi christiani. Deo autem operante, qui facit mirabilia magna solus, et inspirante animam regis huius, Rex iste Cygatay credidit Christo, et sacrum batisma suscepit. Et ipse cum christianis edificavit mirandam ecclesiam in honorem beati Johannis Baptiste" [13, p. 108].

4 "Laetanter de vobis audivimus, filii, quod vos, qui iuxta magnificum principem Chansi imperatorum Tartarorum de medio imperio familiaritatis et potestatis auctoritate fulgetis, ut intelleximus, aliis christianis in imperio illo degentibus favores, auxillia et consilia opportuna libenter impenditis et apud imperatorem eumdem pro gratiis et privilegiis eis necessariis et opportunis interponitis sollicitudinis vestrae partes, quodque pleni zelo Dei et favore fidei christianae ferventes, volentesque temporalia pro spiritualibus et terrena pro caelestibus felici commercio commutare, unum fundum vestrum optimum cuidam episcopo de ordine fratrum Minorum in civitate Armalech deputato pro consolatione vestra et christianorum ibidem degentium donatione libera concessistis, in quo ad laudem divini nominis talis pulchra ecclesia est constructa" [7, p. 60, nota 1].

bring with them to the Mongol Empire friars of different Mendicant orders, contribute to the construction of their convents, and even supply them the slave boys for the education of future preachers of local origin1.

Of course, the relations between European merchants and missionaries in the East were not always cloudless and from time to time conflicts erupted around the property granted to the Franciscans. In particular, a special bull of Pope John XXII addressed to the Vicar of the Minorites in the Golden Horde and the Guardians of two their convents in Caffa mentions the "grave and enormous injuries" inflicted by the local Genoese to the Franciscans and provided the letter's recipients the powers to excommunicate the offenders of the Minorites in the case of refusal of compensation for damages2. This Papal bull emphasized the extraordinary privileges and powers given to the leaders of the Franciscans in the East, which could be used within Europe only by the highest-ranking prelates. The Franciscans in the Golden Horde were clearly aware of their privileged position and pointed to it as an additional incentive in their appeals addressed to their fellows in the West to devote themselves to the Oriental apostolate:

1 "Nam mercatores de Lombardia et aliis terris ditissimi, qui in illis partibus degunt, et frequenter perveniunt, trahunt hos ordines ad illas partes, et eis cum auxilio aliorum mercatorum et fidelium claustra fundant et omnia necessaria largiter eis ministrant, secundum quod quivis aliquem Ordinem diligit. Et ipsi mercatores adducunt secum de diversis terris et locis iuvenes pueros, linguis diversis eruditos, quos tradunt Ordinibus, qui tunc ab eis non possunt alienare vel apostatare. Et illos pueros tunc Fratres docent latinam, et exponunt eis libros in quibus habentur omnes confusiones iudeorum et hereticorum et eorum opiniones et errores; et hos libros et espositiones discunt ipsi pueri cordetinus sicut nostri scolares discunt in scolis regulas vel Donatum, ac alia privilegia. Et hunc modum Fratres Minores et alii mendicantes in partibus illis quamplurimos egregios doctores habent" [13, p. 153].

2 "Nuper ad nostri apostolatus auditum non absque turbatione pervenit, quod nonnulli de civibus Ianuen. per civitatem et doecesim Caphen. constituti, qui per fructum bonorum operum aliis partium ipsarum, qui sunt divinae legis ignari, esse deberent in speculum et exemplar, ad illicita lassatis habenis contra ven. fratrem nostrum [Hieronymum] episcopum et ecclesiam Caphen. insurgentes, improvide eis graves et enormes iniurias intulerunt, propter quas forte non sunt a sententia excommunicationis immunes. Nos vero, dictarum iniuriantium volentes providere saluti, eos per litteras nostras rogandos duximus attentius et hortandos, expresse mandantes eisdem, ut episcopi et ecclesiae praedictorum gratiam repetentes eis super contumeliis et iniuriis antedictis congruam satisfactionem impendant. Quocirca discretioni vestrae per apostolica scripta mandamus, quatenus iniuriatores praedictos, si forte huiusmodi monitis et mandatis nostris parere contempserint, vos vel duo aut unus vestrum per vos vel per alium seu per alios, inquisita super praemissis diligentius veritate, si vobis per inquisitionem huiusmodi de iniuriis et contumeliis praedictis constiterit, ad impendendum praefatis episcopo et ecclesiae satisfactionem praedictam, prout iustum fuerit, per censuram ecclesiasticam appelatione proposita compellatis" [6, no. 446, p. 212-213].

"And think again, Brothers, of the very great indulgence granted to those who come by the Bull1, and how free a hand you will have from the commission of delegation lately made to you by the Lord Pope, as very clearly appears in the Bull. But from this progress you are now in your native lands, through the council and the Bishops, sufficiently restrained and perilously disturbed2. And let this also (with regards to merit alone) be an enticement, that it will be our duty by the terms of the privilege granted to you to perform almost all episcopal functions; not that it will be any honour here, but a very great burden and immense labour"3.

Franciscans headed by their prelates acted as representatives of the Pope in the East. Their primary task was to keep an eye on moral character, adherence to the Christian faith and the Catholic canons' observance of those Europeans who happened to be beyond the jurisdiction of the European secular rulers. In particular this applied to western merchants and European residents of Golden Horde towns whom local missionaries had to protect from the "pernicious" influence of alternative world religions. Thus, the Papal letter addressed March 28, 1318 to the Latin Bishop of Caffa, Jerome of Catalonia, reflects the extreme concern of John XXII in relation to the practice of mixed marriages in Caffa between Catholics and "schismatics and other enemies of the faith". After having mentioned this widespread and reprehensible, from the point of view of the Pontiff, phenomenon caused by the small number of local Catholics, John XXII conceded to the request of the Bishop of Caffa and provided him extraordinary powers to allow the local Catholic residents to intermarry within a degree of kinship which was forbidden in Europe by canon law4.

1 The bull of John XXII of October 23, 1321 reproducing the content of the previous bull of Pope Clement V of July 23, 1307 [6, no. 84, 443, p. 35-37, 211].

2 This refers to a secession within the Order of the Friars Minor connected with the regulations of the Council of Vienne on the nature of the immovable property of the Franciscans and with the subsequent bulls of Pope John XXII condemning all who opposed the change of the Order's original statute [18, p. 308-317].

3 "Et recogitetis, fratres, maximam que venientibus per bullam confertur indulgenciam, et quam liberam manum habebitis de profundo ipsis animabus ex delegataria nuper per dominum papam vobis facta commissione, que maxima in bulla patet, a quo profectu iam in vestris patriis per concilium et prelatos satis estis artati et periculose perturbati, et hoc eciam alliciat pro merito, solum quod fere omnia vos oportebit exercere officia episcopalia per vestrum priuilegium, sine omni ibi honore, set cum onere maximo et inmenso labore" [19, p. 365-366 (English text); 20, p. 111-112 (Latin text)].

4 "Sane lecta coram nobis fraternitatis tuae petitio continebat, quod in dominio Tartarorum partium Aquilonis, in quibus Caphensis episcopatus de novo pro fidei propagatione creatus fore dinoscitur, sic peccatis exigentibus paganorum et schismaticorum multitudo crassatur, quod pauci reperiuntur adhuc in ipsis partibus christianae fidei professores: propter quod quandoque immo persaepe contingit, quod ipsi christiani, qui propter paucitatem ipsorum omnes fere se consanguinitate vel affinitate contingunt, cum ad invicem contrahere nequeant, coguntur cum schismaticis at aliis inimicis fidei contra ipsius fidei sanctiones contrahere in suarum perniciem animarum. Quare de ipsorum salute

It is obvious that in this case the Bishop of Caffa acted as an intercessor of the local Italian residents, and as the person who enjoyed the confidence in the Papal curia he was able to convince the Pontiff to take into account the particular conditions of their stay in the East and to make concessions. At the same time, this bull displayed the desire of Europeans to follow the moral leadership of the representatives of the Pope in the Golden Horde. Italian merchants and settlers from Europe, as well as the local inhabitants of the Golden Horde who converted to Catholicism certainly needed the Catholic priests for the consecration of the essential rituals (particularly of weddings1) as well as for regular church services. Pope John XXII, for his part, fully approved of these aspirations, abundantly providing with quotations from the "Second Letter of St. Paul to the Corinthians" his bull addressed January 22, 1330 to the Catholics in the Golden Horde and the Chaghadaid ulus2.

Europeans who found themselves within the boundaries of the Mongol Empire wished to participate in religious services, which were held in Catholic churches by Catholic priests. The consequence of these desire was their propensity to contribute to the construction of Catholic churches in the East and to the spread

sollicitus nobis humiliter supplicasti, ut providere ipsorum saluti iuris moderando rigorem de benignitate apostolica dignaremur. Tuis itaque in hac parte supplicationibus inclinati, volentes eorum statui et saluti de solita sedis apostolicae gratia consulere, fraternitati tuae dispensandi cum illis ex eisdem partibus catholicis, ubi huius dispensationis id necessitas exigit et tibi videbitur expedire, super quo tuam conscientiam oneramus, qui inter se quarto consaguinitatis vel affinitatis gradu contingunt, ut impedimentis hiis nequaquam obstantibus, singuli videlicet cum singulis mulieribus, matrimonium inter se libere contrahere valeant et in sic contracto licite remanere, plenam et liberam concedimus tenore praesentium facultatem" [6, no. 317, p. 148].

1 Giovanni Elemosina reported on the Franciscans' missionary successes among the local nomads (who probably professed Christianity before the arrival of Western missionaries) because they consecrated their marriages: "Et quia ipsi fratres a principio sponsum et sponsam et nuptias benedicere ceperunt, et exemplo Salvatoris nostri cum eis manducare, ideo tantum inolevit ista devotio inter Tartaros, ut fratres oporteat sepius nuptias benedicere et cum eis manducare" [13, p. 125].

2 "Gratias agimus Deo nostro, quia, sicut grata, et exultabili relatione percepimus, gratia Dei illuminati estis, divites facti in revelatione Domini nostri Jesu Christi, qui et confirmabit vos usque in finem ambulare in semitis mandatorum ipsius; fecit enim Dominus in cordibus vestris lucem splendere ad illuminationem scientiae claritatis suae, ut habeatis thesaurum spiritualem in vasis fictilibus, ut sciatis quod licet is, qui foris est, noster homo corrumpatur, tamen is, qui intus est, renovatur de die in diem; quoniam id, quod in praesenti est momentaneum, et leve tribulationis humanae, supra modum in sublimitate aeternum gloriae pondus operatur in nobis, non contemplantibus temporalis, quae videntur, sed quae non videntur, aeterna. Amplexantes igitur tempus acceptabile vocationis vestrae ad catholicam veritatem, nemini dantes ullam offensionem, in omnibus exhibetais vosmetipsos sicut Dei ministros, in multa patientia, in castitate, in caritate non ficta, in verbo veritatis, in virtute Dei, per arma justitiae a dextris, et a sinistris, non ducentes jugum cum infidelibus, eorum imitantes errores; sed impietates de ipsorum cordibus evellere studeatis" [8, no. lxxvii, p. 189].

of the missionary activity of the Franciscans. At the same time they could afford to lay claim to a special status in the territory of the Mongol Empire1 and to assert their primary dependence on the Supreme Pontiff unlike other subjects of the local Mongol rulers. In any case, the Avignon Popes consistently stressed the protection provided to the Catholics in the East in their letters addressed to these Mongol rulers. In his first letter to Uzbek Khan of March 28, 1318 Pope John XXII warmly thanked the Golden Horde ruler for the favorable treatment of Christians in his empire and insistently urged him to adhere to this attitude in the future with a special appeal to favorably treat the preachers of "the word of God"2. Five years later, Pope John XXII reproduced almost unchanged the content of this letter [9, a. 1323, § 2, p. 202], and 20 years later his successor, Pope Benedict XII, thanked the khan for the same favorable attitude both in his letter addressed to Uzbek June 13, 1338 [7, no. 91, p. 60] as well as in the bull of October 31, 13383. In his next

1 Or even to behave arrogantly, which, according to the anonymous continuator of the "Chronicle" of Jacopo da Varagine, led to Toqta Khan ordering the arrest of all the Genoese in the Golden Horde in 1307 and temporarily expelling them from Caffa the next year: "Anno domini MCCCVII in festo beati francisci toctai imperator tartarorum in dominio gazarie propter multas superbias quas Januenses fecerant in suo imperio precepit quod omnes Januenses erunt capti per totum suum imperium in here et persona. quod et factum fuit ita quod mercatores qui erant in saray capti fuerunt et depordati sed postea ex precepto dicti imperatoris persone eorum usque in sulcati ducti fuerunt et aliqui in caffa venerunt. reliqui remanserunt ibi incarcerati qui postea quasi toti frigori gladio et desasio perierunt. Dicto autem Mo dictus thoctai missit ad destructionem caffe elbasar filium suum qui aplicuit in gazaria dicto Mo de mense novembris et ibi congregavit exercitum suum inter equites et pedites centum millia et venit in caffa. erant Januenses CCC et greci CCC ac sperantes in adiutorio dei ad se deffendendum et familias eorum et contra dictos inimicos dei se viriliter posuerunt. et cum multis preliis et incendiis dictam terram caffa dicti tartari fere per menses VIII duriter aflixissent. ultimo videntes Januenses ibi existentes quod propter deficientiam quam non habebant terram tenere non potuebant. fecerunt conscilium generate, in quo deliberatum fuit derelinquere terram et ascendere in lignis. Itaque die XX maij MCCCVIII derelicta fuit caffa et tota igne combusta manibus dictorum Januensium" [24, p. 500-501].

2 "Laetanter audivimus, quod tu non absque speciali motione divina ob reverentiam Christi Ihesu divini Salvatoris religionis christianae cultores infra imperii tui terminos constitutes benigno favore prosequeris et pertractas ... Celsitudinem tuam in Domino deprecamur, quatenus ad christianae fidei professores, qui dominationis tuae terram inhabitant et maxime qui praedicant inibi verbum Dei, sic tuae benignitatis affectum continues ipsos operosis favoribus prosequendo, quod tua protecti defensionis clypeo cuiuscunque offensionis molimina non formident, quin potius assidue securitatis dulcedine valeant gloriari" [6, no. 318, p. 148].

3 "Dudum ad notitiam nostram placida relatione perducto, quod tu inspiratus a Domino, qui numquam cessat a benedictionibus gratiarum, christianos in tuo degentes imperio et ad illud etiam accedentes favore benignitatis et mansuetudinis pertractabas, multos eis impendendo favores nihilominus et opportuna privilegia concedendo: Nos haec et alia bona per te eisdem christianis gratiose impensa regratiando tuae celsitudini et ad ea continuanda exhortando attentius per litteras nostras magnificentiae tuae scripsisse meminimus" [7, no. 97c, p. 64].

letter to Uzbek of August 17, 1340, Pope Benedict XII yet again thanked khan for the favorable attitude to the "Catholic Christians obeying the Roman Church" as well as for the permission to "build churches and preach the word of God" granted to missionaries - something which was granted, according to the Pope, in response to his own "exhortations and requests"1.

Nor did the Pontiffs miss an opportunity to express their gratitude to those close relatives of Uzbek who stood out for their supportive attitude towards Catholics. Thus, in his letter of November 22, 1321 addressed to a Christian Abusqa, a cousin of Uzbek (the son of Kutukan who was Uzbek's uncle), Pope John XXII urged him to both favorably receive the Latin Bishop of Caffa, Jerome of Catalonia, and his unnamed companion and provide adequate protection to the local Catholics2. In his letter of October 31, 1338, Pope Benedict XII, in turn, thanked Uzbek's son Tinibek for patronage extended to Catholics and urged him to patronize them in the future as well3. In a parallel letter addressed on the same date to the Franciscan Elia the Hungarian, Benedict XII pointed out that Tinibek's benevolence toward Catholics was not in the least a consequence of Elia's exhortations4. Two years later, Benedict XII again appealed to Tinibek with the

1 "exhortationibus et precibus nostris, quibus christianos catholicos et Romanae obedientes ecclesiae in tuo degentes imperio benevolentiae tuae commendavimus, favorabiliter annuens, erga christianos eosdem tuae magnitudinis liberalitatem et gratias ampliasti, eis reparandi nihilominus et aedificandi ecclesias et loca ecclesiastica necnon antistitibus et religiosis catholicis praedicandi verbum Dei et sacramenta ecclesiastica iuxta ritum et morem sanctae Romanae ecclesiae, matris omnium fidelium et magistrae, ministrandi licentia liberali concessa" [7, no. 124, p. 78].

2 "Ceterum cum dicti episcopus et socius pro tua dictorumque populorum procuranda salute ad partes ipsas cum benedictionis nostrae gratia revertantur ad praesens, quaesemus, fili, ut tam eos quam alios christianos in eisdem partibus commorantes pro divina ac dictae sedis ac nostra reverentia benigne pertractans eos favoribus munias opportunis tuaeque protectionis auxiliis a molestiis tuearis et in libertate plenae securitatis manuteneas et conserves" [7, no. 124, p. 78].

3 "Laetamur in Domino et eidem laudes exolvimus puro corde, quia, sicut intelleximus, inter multas virtutes, quibus te ipse largitor bonorum omnium adornavit, tibi benignitatis et clementiae spiritum contulit, ut omnibus tam christianis quam aliis in imperio genitoris tui degentibus adeo te propitium exhibeas et benignum, quod non solum te ratione principatus terreni, quem super eos habere dignosceris, venerantur, quin imo magis caritatis et amoris fervore beneficiorum tuorum sentientes dulcedinem student iugiter attollere nomen tuum. Nos igitur, qui favores, quos impendisti et impendere non cessas, ut praemittitur, continue christianis eisdem gratos habemus admodum et acceptos, tuam exinde benevolentiam multipliciter in Domino cum gratiarum actionibus commendamus, excellentiam tuam rogantes attentius et hortantes, quatenus (consideranter attendens et spe firma certaque fiducia gerens in mente, quod nullum bonum irremuneratum remanet apud Deum) favores huiusmodi erga christianos praedictos continuare et exuberare non cesses iugiter" [7, no. 97d, p. 64-65].

4 "Fide dignorum placido relatu percepimus, quod tu familiaribus spectabilis viri Tynybech, primogeniti magnifici principis Usbech imperatoris Tartarorum et magni filii Chyscam, insistens obsequiis eidem primogenito, quantum potes commode, viam salutis ostendis et ipsum ad favores christianis in partibus illis commorantibus impendendos et alia pia opera exercenda diligentibus studiis et sollicitis curis inducis" [7, no. 97e, p. 65].

same gratitude and exhortations, expressing, among other things, the certainty that Tinibek's benevolence toward Catholics was the result of his "respect and honor" of the Pontiff1. Simultaneously, the Pope addressed a separate letter to Uzbek's senior wife, Taydula, urging her to continue to patronize the Catholics "obeying the Roman Church" as she had done it before "out of devotion" to the Apostolic See2.

Furthermore, the same Pontiffs sent similar letters to the khans of the Chaghadaid ulus, as we see with Benedict XII directing on 31st October, 1338 to Jankeshi Khan the same message that was found in the parallel letter to Uzbek Khan [7, no. 97b, p. 64] and addressing the letter of June 13, 1338 to the Christian relatives of Jankeshi Khan (calling them by the names of "Carasmon and Iohanan") with a request to continue to intercede for local Catholics before the Chaghadaid

1 "Venientem nuper ad praesentiam nostram dilectum filium Eliam de Hungaria ordinis fratrum Minorum, tuae nobilitatis nuncium, benigne tam tuae considerations obtentu quam ipsius probitatis intuitu recepimus et ea, quae pro parte tua coram nobis exponere voluit, favorabiliter audivimus et intelleximus diligenter. Sane, licet devotionem tuam inspiratam tibi a Domino, quam habes et habuisti hactenus ad sanctam sedem apostolicam et Romanam ecclesiam, matrem omnium christianorum fidelium et magistram, necnon benevolentiam et favores, quos erga christianos ob pietatem divinam ac nostram et dictae sedis reverentiam et honorem geris et gerere continue non desistis, iamdudum relatibus placidis audissemus, dictus tamen nuncius, te super his et aliis piis et devotis operibus multae commendationis et laudis praeconiis apud nos magnificans et attollens, de te nobis super multis donis virtutum, quibus te largitor bonorum omnium edotavit, extitit placabiliter collocutus. Cum autem de his tuis virtuosis actibus in Domino exultantes tuam salutem teque illa operari et perficere, quibus in hac vita praesenti gratiam et in futura beatitudinis aeternae merearis gloriam, cupiamus, nobilitatem tuam rogamus attentius et in Domino exhortamus, quatenus circa haec et alia tuae saluti animae utilia vigilanter intendes praefati Eliae nuncii tui, qui te sincere ut intelleximus diligit, salutaribus monitis et persuasionibus salubribus acquiescas, devotionis huiusmodi spiritum, quem dedit tibi virtutum Dominus, non extinguens, christianos vero praedictos opportunis favoribus et benevolentiis habeas commendatos, ut ipse Deus, a quo bona cuncta procedunt quique nullum bonum irremuneratum relinquit, te oculo pietatis irradiando verae fidei lumine mentem tuam respiciat et ad ea, quae sibi sunt placita tuaeque saluti utilia, dirigat actus tuos" [7, no. 126, p. 79].

2 "Pridem ad nostram venientes praesentiam dilecti filii Elias de Hungaria ordinis fratrum Minorum et nobiles viri Petranus de Lorto, olim dominus de Capha, et Albertus eius socius, nuncii magnifici principis Usbech imperatoris Tartarorum viri tui exponere nobis inter cetera curaverunt, qualiter tu spiritu devotionis et benignitatis imbuta sinceram devotionem ad nos et sanctam sedem apostolicam corde gerens, christianos catholicos sacrosanctae Romanae ecclesiae obedientes, in illis degentes partibus, piis tractas affectibus ac favoribus et gratiis prosequeris opportunis, te libenter in his et aliis misericordiosis operibus exercendo ... Ideoque tuam rogamus magnificentiam et in Domino attentius exhortamur, quatenus in huiusmodi et aliis bonis operibus continuatione laudabili perseverans et ad obtinendum benedictionem divinae gratiae per susceptionem verae fidei catholicae, sine qua nemo potest salvus fieri, te coaptans, christianos praedictos catholicos ecclesiae Romanae obedientes praedictae habeas favorabiliter commendatos" [7, no. 125, p. 78—79].

khan1. Nine years earlier, Pope John XXII addressed a letter to Eljigidei Khan with thanks for the favor toward Catholics in Middle Asia as well as with an appeal to treat the new Latin Bishop of Samarkand and friars from the orders of the Dominicans and Franciscans with the same favor2.

Undoubtedly, the favor of the Mongol rulers was primarily caused by the material advantage which was brought by Italian merchants who paid taxes on commercial transactions carried out in their territories. However, the intercession of the Pontiffs should serve as an additional stimulus for the manifestation of this favor. Although it should be recognized that the patronage of the Pontiffs was limited, as, for example, in attempts to stand up for Christian residents of Soldaia who were mainly Greeks [10, p. 194, nota 205]. In his message addressed to Uzbek Khan on September 27, 1323, Pope John XXII regretted the fact that shortly before this, local Christian residents were expelled from Soldaia and their churches were turned into mosques. He called on the Golden Horde ruler to allow them to return to their hometown and get back their churches3.

1 "Nos autem vos super tot et tantis operibus meritoriis multipliciter in Domino commendantes et ei, qui sic suae gratiae lumine illustrare dignatus est mentes vestras, in humilitate spiritus gratias referentes, nobilitatem vestram rogamus attentius et hortamur, quatenus haec vestra sincera devotio et opera laudabilia et meritoria non minuantur in vobis, sed crescant, ut per ea, quae in praesenti vita feceritis, aeternae valeatis felicitatis beatitudinem adipisci" [7, p. 60, nota 1].

2 "Ad haec multae benignitatis affectum, quem, sicut praediximus, Latinis Christianis in partibus illis morantibus, et illuc accedentibus, favorabiliter exhibes, uberibus gratiis prosequentes petimus, ut effectum hujusmodi tua nobilitas continuet circa illos, et ceteros alios, qui fide imbuti fuerint orthodoxa. Ceterum instanter rogamus, ut eundem Thomam Episcopum, et omnes Catholicos Antistites in dictis Partibus commorantes, et qui illuc accedent in posterum, necnon praefatos Praedicatorum, et Minorum Ordinum Professores, ad dictas partes, non alicujus commodi temporalis obtentu, sed solum pro lucrifaciendis Domino animabus, non absque gravibus laboribus, et periculis, accedentes, benigne pertractes, jucunde recepias, praedicationes ipsorum aure cordis efficaciter audias, ipsosque per tuos subditos similiter facias benigne suscipi, et tractari, ut bonorum omnium retributor mentem tuam aperiat, te beneplacitis suis coaptet, tuosque labores in ejus obsequium praestitos, non solum temporalibus, sed etiam spiritualibus praemiis recompenset" [8, no. lxxiv, p. 187].

3 "Demum quia in Christianorum angustiis, tribulationibus et pressuris non possumus anxie non torqueri, dolenter audivimus, Christianos in civitate Soldaye noviter degentes, esse noviter de civitate ipsa per Saracenos ejectos, et campanis de Ecclesiis ipsorum depositis, Ecclesias ipsas factas esse mesquitas. Nos autem ad Christianos ipsos, tanquam pater ad filios praecordialis habentes compassionis affectum, adhuc preces adjicimus precibus; et a celsitudine tua, quam per hujusmodi pietatis opera penes Deum et homines crescere cupimus, petimus et ob reverentiam ejus, qui bona uniuscujusque opera cum mercede compensat opima, praelibatos Christianos, ut praefertur, ejectos facias in dictam civitatem ad inhabitandum inibi regredi, et restitutis eis dictis Ecclesiis et campanis, ipsos Domino nostro Jesu Christo, quem colimus, intrepide obsequi et servire permittas; sciturus indubie, quod quanto per plura pietatis et charitatis opera ad Christianos ipsos oculos tuae propitiationis extendes, tanto suaviores intentiones thurificabis Domino, et gratiora sibi offeres holocausta" [9, a. 1323, § 3, p. 203].

Two synchronous entries in the "Sudak Synaxarion" show that Soldaia was attacked by the military forces of Uzbek's governor in Crimea, Tuluk-Timur, in August 1322 and January 1323 [4, no. 30, 181, p. 600, 621]. Ibn Battuta's testimony of the fact that in 1334 Soldaia was largely populated by "Turks" [27, p. 499] indicates that the Papal request was not heeded. However, in another case mentioned in the message of Pope Benedict XII which he addressed on August 17, 1340 to Uzbek Khan, the Pontiff expressed clear confidence that Uzbek rejected recent accusations toward local Catholics for plotting against the Golden Horde ruler, mindful of the previous "requests and exhortations" of the Pope1.

This same letter of the Pontiff reflected the obvious desire of Uzbek Khan to maintain diplomatic relations with the Avignon curia for the peaceful resolution of international conflicts. In particular, the Pope mentioned in his bull the khan's concern about the increased number of clashes between the khan's subordinates and subjects of the kings of Hungary and Poland. He assured Uzbek, on whom the prosperity of Catholic Christians depended in the Golden Horde, that he would use his influence to halt border conflicts2. In this case, however, the answer of the Pontiff to Uzbek was not sincere, since a fortnight before that, Benedict XII proclaimed the preaching of a crusade in Poland, Hungary and Bohemia to repel the expected attack by Uzbek's troops as a response to the intention of the Polish king, Casimir III the Great, to attach Galicia to his possessions [1, no. 48, p. 103— 104; 16, p. 213—214]. However, it should be noted that Uzbek's embassy, which had arrived in Avignon with a demand that the Pope intervene in the emerging conflict, consisted of two Genoese merchants and one Franciscan. It is obvious that the Golden Horde's khan was inclined to use the mediation of Catholic residents in his dominion to establish relations with one of the most powerful rulers in the Latin

1 "praeterea quod, cum aliqui nequissimi homines sceleris nefandissimi patratores, proditoriis et temerariis ausibus intentata tibi morte, te in tuo palatio igne supposito nocturno tempore obsedissent et christianis praedictis falso imponere patrationem huiusmodi sceleris niterentur, tu, divino auxilio feliciter ab huiusmodi periculo liberatus et recordatus precum et exhortationum nostrarum praedictarum ac impositionem praedictam esse falsam et calumniosam Dei sapientia inspiratus attendens, praefatos christianos tamquam de huiusmodi scelere innocentes (tribus tantum exceptis, qui maligno seducti spiritu se cum nequissimis patratoribus sceleris eiusdem immiscuisse dicebantur) tandem, facta de aliis eiusdem facinoris patratoribus iustitia, sub tuae serenitatis gratia in pacis et libertatis dimisisti quiete" [7, no. 124, p. 78].

2 "Et insuper, cum, sicut intelleximus, inter tuos et carissimorum in Christo filiorum nostrorum Hungariae et Poloniae regum officiales et subditos in confiniis imperii tui et regnorum regum praedictorum quandoque suscitari contingat dissensiones et guerras, ex quibus strages hominum, lapsus rerum et animarum amarius deploranda pericula subsequuntur, velit tua sublimitas ab invasione regnorum praedictorum desistere, quia, si reges praedicti inferrent tibi vel tuis inuirias indebitas vel offensas et id nobis duxeris intimandum, haec per reges ipsos praecabimur facere, quantum cum Deo poterimus, tibi et tuis rationabiliter emendari" [7, no. 124, p. 78].

world. And this tendency was to serve as an additional reason for his favorable treatment of Western merchants and missionaries.

Summarizing the results of this study, it should be clarified that its author has not in any way sought to refute the generally accepted opinion that European commercial expansion in the Mongol Empire was primarily promoted by the shared material interests of Italian merchants and the Mongol rulers. Nevertheless, a number of sources presented in this study suggests that the same Mongol rulers' favor toward Italian merchants was to a certain extent a consequence of the patronage of the Papal curia which the Avignon Popes insistently pointed out in their messages to the khans of the Golden Horde or Chaghadaid ulus. The same sources indicate with equal clarity that the favorable attitude of the khans extended as well to Western missionaries who carried out their activities in their territories. Probably, this favor was primarily caused by the desire to please the Italian merchants who brought significant revenues to the treasury of the Mongol rulers. At the same time, the khans' favor was determined by the fact that Western missionaries acted as official representatives of the Pontiffs in the territories of Mongol rulers who sought to maintain - with missionary assistance - diplomatic relations with the Avignon curia. Thus, the presence of Western missionaries in the East turned out to be beneficial both to the Italian merchants and to the Mongol rulers. And with this consideration, one can explain the proliferation of Dominican and, more prominently, Franciscan convents in the Mongol Empire's expanses.

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About the author: Roman Hautala — Ph.D. (History), Senior Research Fellow, Usmanov Center for Research on the Golden Horde and Tatar Khanates, Sh.Marjani Institute of History of Tatarstan Academy of Sciences (7, Baturin Str., Kazan 420111, Russian Federation); Docent, Historical branch at the Faculty of Humanities, University of Oulu, ORCID: http://orcid.org/0000-0003-3898-0107, ResearcherID: H-9114-2016 (1, Pentti Kaiteran Str., Historia, PL 1000, 90570, University of Oulu, Oulu, Finland), e-mail: romanhautala@gmail.com

Received September 28, 2018.

Accepted for publication October 19, 2018.

ЗАПАДНЫЕ МИССИОНЕРЫ И ТОРГОВЦЫ: ПРИМЕР ВЗАИМОДЕЙСТВИЯ В РАМКАХ МОНГОЛЬСКОЙ ИМПЕРИИ*

Р. Хаутала

Институт истории им. Ш. Марджани АН РТ г. Казань, Республика Татарстан, Российская Федерация Университет Оулу Оулу, Финляндия romanhautala@gmail.com

Резюме. Цель исследования: рассмотреть взаимодействие итальянских купцов и представителей Орденов доминиканцев и в первую очередь францисканцев на территории Монгольской империи (в основном, в улусах Джу-чидов и Чагатаидов) в первой половине XIV века. Автор статьи уделяет основное внимание обстоятельствам широкого распространения латинского миссионерства в Азии и в первую очередь неоценимой материальной поддержке итальянских купцов, без которой миссионерская деятельность братьев-мен-дикантов вряд ли смогла бы достигнуть столь беспрецедентного размаха. Помимо этого, автор данной статьи попытался прояснить соображения итальянских купцов, жертвовавших значительные суммы денег на поддержание деятельности западных миссионеров. И в конце данного исследования

* Впервые опубликовано в Crusaders, Missionaries and Eurasian Nomads in the 13th-14th Centuries: A Century of Interactions / Victor Spinei (ed.) // Florilegium Magistrorum Historiae Archaeologiaeque Antiquitatis et Medii Aevi, XXI. Bucuresti: Editura Academiei Romane; Brailei: Editura Istros a Muzeului Brailei "Carol I", 2017. No. 10. P. 221-243. Я выражаю мою особую благодарность Стивену Поу, кто не пожалел своего ценного времени для тщательной проверки макета данной статьи. Разумеется, только автор настоящей статьи несет полную ответственность за любые потенциальные ошибки, которые могут быть выявлены после ее публикации.

автор постарался объяснить причину особой благосклонности монгольских правителей, которую они выказывали по отношению к миссионерам из Европы.

Материалы исследования: ряд синхронных латинских источников (включающих папские буллы и отчеты миссионеров из Азии), предоставляющие сведения о деятельности европейских миссионеров в границах Монгольской империи.

Результаты и новизна исследования: представленные в исследовании источники позволяют предположить, что благосклонность монгольских правителей к итальянским купцам была в определенной степени следствием того покровительства папской курии, на которое Авиньонские папы настойчиво указывали в своих посланиях ханам Золотой Орды или Чагатайского улуса. Те же источники столь же ясно указывают на благосклонное отношение ханов, которое они также оказывали и западным миссионерам, развернувшим свою деятельность на подчиненных им территориях. Вероятно, эта благосклонность была в первую очередь вызвана стремлением угодить итальянским купцам, приносившим значительные доходы казне монгольских правителей. Одновременно расположение ханов определялось тем фактом, что западные миссионеры выступали официальными представителями понтификов на территориях монгольских правителей, стремившихся поддерживать при их помощи дипломатические отношения с Авиньонской курией. Таким образом, присутствие западных миссионеров на Востоке оказывалось выгодным как итальянским купцам, так и монгольским правителям. И этим соображением можно объяснить широкое распространение доминиканских и в первую очередь францисканских конвентов на просторах Монгольской империи.

Ключевые слова: история Монгольской империи, история Золотой Орды и Чагатайского улуса, европейская торговая экспансия в Средневековье, европейская миссионерская деятельность в средневековой Азии, средневековые латинские источники.

Для цитирования: Roman Hautala. Western Missionaries and Merchants: an Example of Cooperation Within the Framework of the Mongol Empire. Тюркологические исследования. 2018; Vol. 1, no. 4: 42-66.

Сведения об авторе: Роман Хаутала - Ph.D. (история), старший научный сотрудник Центра исследований Золотой Орды и татарских ханств им. М.А. Усманова Института истории им. Ш. Марджани АН РТ (420111, ул. Батурина, 7, Казань, Российская Федерация); доцент исторического отделения гуманитарного факультета университета Оулу, ORCID: http://orcid.org/ 0000-0003-3898-0107, ResearcherlD: H-9114-2016 (90570, ул. Пентти Кайте-ра, 1, История, почтовый ящик 1000, университет Оулу, Оулу, Финляндия). E-mail: romanhautala@gmail.com

Дата поступления материала 28.09.2018.

Принят к публикации 19.10.2018.

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