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18Вооружающий нарратив: медиадискурс во время COVID-19 в России
Инь Жуюй
кандидат политических наук, младший научный сотрудник Центра изучения России, Восточной Европы и Центральной Азии Ляонинского университета, yin.ys@outlook.com Сихань Ли
магистр Школы иностранных языков и культур Китайского университета коммуникации, lisihan9095@126.com.
В этом исследовании рассматривается, как Россия расширила свои возможности по использованию средств массовой информации в качестве инструмента по борьбе с пандемией COVID-19 2019 года. Россия рассматривает международное общение как важное направление своей внешней политики, используя выборочную информацию для продвижения предпочитаемых нарра-тивов, чтобы узаконить режим и его внешнеполитические усилия. В этой статье используется как анализ политического дискурса, так и фреймы СМИ, чтобы продемонстрировать, что в ответ на непрекращающиеся обвинения со стороны некоторых западных стран Россия превратила свой дискурс в эффективный инструмент. Это делается с помощью методологии, сочетающей качественные (контент-анализ) и количественные (анализ цифрового корпуса) методы. Он фокусируется на двух взаимосвязанных компонентах языка: делегитимации неуместных высказываний западных СМИ о России и обеспечении безопасности антипандемической деятельности российского правительства. В заключении этого исследования отмечается, что Россия рассматривает военный нарратив как инструмент внешней политики, но такой дискурс в СМИ вряд ли приведет к решению реальной напряженности и внешнеполитических проблем в отношениях с США. В статье использованы статистические данные о пандемии, предоставленные Всемирной организацией здравоохранения, Университетом Джонса Хопкинса и Минздравом России.
Ключевые слова: российские СМИ, международное вещание, Sputnik, нарративное оружие, дискурсивная борьба
Introduction
Russian information warfare in the Ukraine crisis has increased Western countries' vigilance against Russian media activities. As Russia and Western countries accuse each other of using information warfare, their discourses promote "a confrontational stance of both Russia and the West towards the respective Other." [2, 288] The current Russophobia in the Western media is increasingly showing strong political overtones. Especially since the beginning of the coronavirus disease 2019 (COVID-19) outbreak, Russia has been accused by some Western countries of lying about mortality rates, spreading fake news, and interfering with their anti-pandemic actions. Russia generally strikes back in a timely manner, and these tit-for-tat accusations and counterattacks constitute fresh rounds of narrative warfare during the pandemic.
Russia sees global information communication as an important track in its foreign policy, using selective information to advance preferred state-supported narratives, legitimizing not only Russia's regime but also its foreign policies. Russia's international broadcasting delivers the official government position both directly and indirectly; this can involve the selective use of facts to frame issues to accommodate the nation's preferred narrative [25]. The COVID-19 pandemic has exacerbated tensions between Russia and the US and its allies, but so far there are no relevant studies examines Russia's refinement of its ability to weaponize the digital media in the context of the COVID-19 pandemic, our study delves into Russia's media manipulation to explain why such actions are unlikely to resolve tensions and foreign policy problems with the US.
In this paper, the analysis sets off by outlining the theoretical groundwork, touching in particular upon the role of the media in foreign policy during crises. The next two sections introduce a research design for discourse analysis of Russian media and present the empirical findings as prevalent themes in Russian discourse during the pandemic. These are then discussed analytically, delving into questions of discursive struggle and national image construction.
Статья подготовлена при поддержке Молодежного Проекта Социальных Наук Провинции Ляонин «COVID-19 и общественное мнение: китайская стратегия международной коммуникации и дестигматизации» (№ Ь20СОМ02).
Weapon izing narrative: persuasion and manipulation
Strategic competition between major powers is replete with discourse narratives. Words can be loaded pistols [8]. The so-called "narrative" in media is not simply to convey factual content but to pass carefully designed content after screening or processing to the target audience, so that the publisher can achieve
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strategic or tactical goals. For example, during the pandemic, there has been a proliferation of disinformation on social media; some of this disinformation consolidate power by provoking reactionary responses that sustain epidemics of social unrest [11]. Since the conflict in Eastern Ukraine started in 2014, "information warfare" has become a paradigmatic catchphrase, and mutual accusations of using disinformation increasingly pervade the Western and Russian societies [2]. The fake news panic in the US has sped up polarization and caused people to become resistant to new information. According to a 2019 Pew Research Center survey, nearly 68% of American adults say false news and information impacts their confidence in government institutions [24]. Despite the psychological harm perpetuated by fake news during the pandemic, governments continue to use this charge to discredit other countries. On that account, the allegation of "fake news" is a form of disinformation in itself. During a crisis, discursive narratives help a country unite the audience as "us" against the "other," represented by unfriendly or even hostile countries. Unlike other forms of aggressive language, weaponized language "is a systematic, affective manipulation that amplifies resentments, deepens social divisions and destroys the integrity of public information spaces." [11, 4] Borowski [7] suggests that weaponized language involves four conditions: an elite that shapes a narrative, a barrage of slogans, a person or persons serving as the charismatic face of the movement, and an insular approach to international relations.
The narrative becomes the script after the processes of adaptation, construction, and whitewashing. A country can use its mass media's international communication capabilities to launch public opinion, propaganda, and information wars and infiltrate and confuse the people of other countries to achieve the political goal of controlling or subverting other regimes; the "color revolutions" in Central Asia and the "Arab Spring" in the Middle East have proved this [37]. Russian scholars have long recognized the role of discourse narration in managing audience expectations and changing audience preferences [36].
Russian media and their narratives
In 2004, Becker [3] identified the key characteristics of Russian media: predominance of state-owned media with limited autonomy; direct and indirect control over media messages; strategic use of broadcast media, particularly television; and so on. After nearly two decades, the campaign controlling the internet has been stepped up and the media has become one of the government's most powerful weapons [14]. Ultimately, the state remains the major actor in Russian news media.
Realizing its importance in enhancing international discourse power and influence, the Russian government has strived to build international media, among which RT (formerly Russia Today) and Sputnik are the flagships. The Russian international media, dominated by RT, has been Russia's voice in the international community and countered the ugly image perpetuated by the mainstream Western media.
Relying on different values and perspectives from Western countries, RT has successfully entered the mainstream of international communication. After the Ukraine crisis, Western scholars became wary of the Russian media's information warfare campaigns. Many scholars have examined Russian external information activities, particularly in the post-Soviet space [23; 32], selected western European states, and the US [26]. After examining the weaponization of Russian-language mass media during the Russo-Georgian War of 2008 and the 2014 Crimean annexation, Lupion [18] concluded that Russia has improved its ability to use narratives to achieve its geopolitical goals, making its content more thematically sophisticated and potentially more persuasive.
The COVID-19 pandemic has affected political and economic life in Russia, as well as diplomatic work. The outbreak and the sharp drop in international oil prices caused severe economic damage, reducing the resources available for multilateral diplomacy. Further, the pandemic has not in any way eased the relationship between Russia and Western countries. In fighting the new global threat, Europe and America still recognize Russia as the greatest menace to regional security. Analyzing the discourse narratives of the Russian official media after the COVID-19 outbreak can help understand Russia's geopolitical choices during the crisis.
This article focuses on Sputnik, a modern news agency whose products include newsfeeds, websites, social networks, mobile apps, radio broadcasts, and multimedia press centers. The agency covers global political and economic news targeting an international audience. Launched in 2014, Sputnik now has editorial staff working in over 30 languages. The importance of establishing Sputnik is to use the new logo to dilute the official color of RT.
Methods
I employ quantitative content analysis and discourse analysis to examine the themes in news articles published online by Kremlin-backed media, that is, Sputnik, during the pandemic. Circulation figures, accessibility of articles, and broader political representation informed the choice of news websites. First, I employed simple content analysis, using AntConc 3.5.9 software to generate a quantitative account of the raw material (news about COVID-19 from July 1 to December 31, 2020 on Sputnik) based on the frequencies of keywords and a thematic analysis. Subsequently, I conducted discourse analysis to better understand the context of the quantitative results.
Analysis and discussion
The first wave of the pandemic in Russia occurred in mid-to-late March, and the number of new cases per day after summer 2020 was around 5,000. From autumn, in the global second wave, the severity of the pandemic far exceeded that in spring 2020. Russia has developed various COVID-19 vaccines; among these, the most notable is Sputnik V, the world's first registered COVID-19 vaccine (August 11). After
preliminary test results showed an efficacy rate of 91.4%, mass vaccination was launched in December.
Looking at the dates and number of news articles published provides an indicator of the distribution of articles over time (Figure 1). Sputnik has not published much news about the pandemic in the country, even during the September to December outbreak. Instead, the focus has been on vaccine information.
Figure 1. Dynamics of the number of publications of Sputnik from July to December 2020
Figure 2. Distribution of coronavirus disease 2019 topics in Sputnik from July to December 2020
When viewed in terms of topics, Sputnik's coverage seems more comprehensive (Figure 2). The topics include a) vaccination, latest therapies and testing method development, and purchase information in various countries (24.5% overall; Russia-related: 46.3%); b) pandemic situation in various countries, including prevention and control measures, pandemic development, and impact (18.4% overall, Russia-related: 0.9%); c) economic life and policies in various countries during the pandemic (11.2% overall; Russia-related: 0.0%); d) global celebrity infections (11.0% overall; Russia-related: 2.0%); e) global pandemic variations, including the latest developments, transmission, and infection status (8.1% overall; Russia-related: 1.4%); f) political life and national policies during the pandemic (7.3% overall: Russia-related: 3.8%); g) societal problems brought on by the pandemic (6.3% overall; Russia-related: 2.6%); h) research summary, scientific clarifications, international cooperation and other pandemic-related information (4.6% overall; Russia-related: 8.3%); i) (counter) conspiracy theories, rumors, accusations (4.4% overall; Russia-related: 11.3%); j) development, summary, and forecast of countries during the pandemic (2.9% overall; Russia-related: 3.8%); k)
casualties and crimes during the pandemic (0.8% overall; Russia-related: 7.1%); l) traceability of the new virus (0.4% overall; Russia-related: 0.0%).
Discourse on COVID-19 in Russia
Three themes characterizing the Russian media discourse during the COVID-19 pandemic were identified:
Western countries led by the US have been ineffective in controlling the pandemic
First, the COVID-19 pandemic and corresponding policies adopted by US have directly affected global economic development and social stability [34]. The US has missed the window for pandemic prevention and control, and the federal and state governments continue to clash. In Italy, difficulties in formulating economic recovery policies and government inaction and chaos are serious problems. It is not uncommon to politicize the pandemic and use it to engage in political operations or show off [13], leading to inefficient anti-pandemic work.
Further, Western countries led by the US are trying to put the blame on China. This will not only win the support of the anti-China camp in the US and abroad but also divert domestic attention from the US' inefficiency in fighting the pandemic. Another intention is to discredit China's international image and suppress its growing international influence. The dissemination of false news for political purposes and the spread of conspiracy theories have led to intensified public opinion wars between the East and the West. The internet and social media have become the main battlefields, and vigilance against new types of social control and brainwashing have become serious problems. For example, in August 2020, the US imposed sanctions on five Russian institutes, accusing them of developing chemical and biological weapons. One of these is the 48th Central Scientific Research Institute of the Russian Defence Ministry, which developed the first COVID-19 vaccine together with the Gamaleya Research Institute [16]. The possibility that the US is trying to exert pressure on Russia for the benefit of its own pharmaceutical companies cannot be ruled out.
Russia's vaccine development and national immunization have gone smoothly, and Sputnik V has been provided to many countries
Reporting on COVID-19 vaccination is a focus of Sputnik, with diverse angles. For example, vaccination has a star effect, and many politicians and celebrities either expressed their willingness to get the COVID-19 vaccine or publicly demonstrated the vaccination process [20]; the complications in various stages of vaccine circulation, with common problems such as improper distribution and theft [22]; and the politicization of vaccination, with various global leaders, such as US President Biden, making political commitments on vaccine issues [4]. As the global pandemic continues to develop, Sputnik no longer simply condemns the lack of clear cooperation and understanding among Western diplomats but explicitly points out their errors, indirectly proving the legitimacy of Russian actions. For example, Sputnik pointed out
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that Russia is having a "told-you-so" moment as the US and British authorities desire to follow the fast-track registration procedure for COVID-19 vaccines applied in the Russian Federation [27]. Regarding vaccine reporting, Russian vaccines are the top priority. Sputnik has reported on the production and distribution of many Russian vaccines and presented the situation of domestic vaccination and foreign registration. The COVID-19 vaccine has created a huge diplomatic space for Russia to wander around the world. For example, after the registration of Sputnik V in August 2020, Sputnik published an article titled "From Sputnik I to Sputnik V: Russia Won the COVID Vaccine Race and Changed History, Again, Prof Says", saying:
"With Sputnik I, Moscow became the centre of humanity's space technological revolution... With the production of the first vaccine against COVID-19, registered as Sputnik V, Russia is confirming its status as a scientific superpower." [5]
Since registering Sputnik V, Russia has engaged in "vaccine diplomacy"; this is an important part of the current discourse on Russian foreign policy. Russia is trying to play the role of a Western competitor, especially against the background of US sanctions against the Russian institute that worked on the COVID-19 vaccine [35]. The New York Times commented on this:
"While the United States and European countries have considered or implemented bans on vaccine exports to deal with shortages at home, Russia has earned plaudits by sharing its vaccine with countries around the world in an apparent act of enlightened self-interest.buffing the image of Russian science and lifting Moscow's influence around the world." [15]
Regarding the source of the pandemic, Sputnik has displayed caution, speaking scientifically and only quoting sources like World Health Organization (WHO) experts or medical journals. Besides, Sputnik has refrained from exaggerating unfounded speculations. For example, before WHO experts visited Wuhan city, Sputnik published an article saying:
"Despite ongoing speculations that the virus had been artificially manufactured, the study published in Nature Medicine in March dismissed that possibility, claiming that it would have been possible to find a much closer match to SARS-CoV-2 if it was for the lab leak.
The terms of the WHO visit do not specifically mention that the experts plan to investigate the 'artificial origin' claims, but it is known for sure that one member of the team, British zoologist Peter Daszak, previously dubbed the theory on the lab leak 'pure baloney'." [30] COVID-19 has tested Western countries' ability to deal with livelihood issues, fostering reflection on Western-led global human rights governance
First, in terms of protecting the right to survival, some Western countries cannot guarantee the life-first standard of human rights. The consequences of the pandemic cover all aspects, and have particularly revealed the problems in Western countries' healthcare systems. For example, in November 2020, the surge in deaths in Texas resulted in a shortage of staff dealing with "mortuary affairs." [31] People's psychology has also been affected. For example, patients are anxious,
the mental condition of medical staff is deteriorating, and anxiety among ordinary people is rising. In Finland, domestic violence, alcohol-related crimes, and drug use have all increased during the pandemic [17]. Further, there have been rallies against quarantine in the UK, Spain, Norway, and the Czech Republic [33].
Second, regarding the right to development, some Western countries cannot ensure that enterprises resume work and production in a timely manner. For example, Sputnik reported in December 2020 that 2.6 million people in the UK could lose their jobs amid a potential no-deal exit from the EU's single market and a spike in COVID-19 cases [6]. The occurrence of violent cases and crimes is on the rise, and people's safety cannot be guaranteed. For example, Interpol warned that organized criminal networks could potentially sell fake COVID-19 vaccines [12]. When reporting on pandemic development in the US, Sputnik conveyed that while the lack of consistent pandemic strategies has played a role, the deeper reason is the failure of the political system. The article emphasizes that the US' "federalist approach" to handling the respiratory illness is a failure, and "political polarization was also to blame for the varying COVID-19 countermeasures by US states" [1].
On the contrary, Sputnik failed to focus on the high number of cases within Russia in the fall of 2020. Instead, Russian aid to other countries and global human rights protection efforts were highlighted. These included the active provision of vaccines to other countries [28; 20], sharing anti-pandemic experience, and calling for international cooperation [29]. Sputnik also reported that Russia's public health diplomacy, vaccine development, and cooperation were being attacked by information from the West. For example, according to Sputnik, the allegations of Moscow launching a disinformation campaign against Oxford University scientists' efforts to develop a COVID-19 vaccine were meant to discredit Russia's efforts in combating the pandemic [9]. In December 2020, the Russian Embassy in Ottawa refuted a Canadian intelligence report that claimed Russia actively spread COVID-19 disinformation to discredit the West. Reciprocally, Russia asserted that "western countries are using COVID-19 disinformation to sow discord in Russian internal affairs." [10] By representing the West as offensive, disorderly, and irrational actors, Sputnik insinuates a defensive, orderly, and rational Russia. The Russian media discourse strives to stabilize the articulated identities, using factual information to drive wedges in societies and decrease trust in Western institutions.
Faced with more protectionism in the international community during the fight against the pandemic and the lack of leadership in US-led Western countries, the Russian state media bluntly reported it, weakening the foundation of the legitimacy of the "other." Further, to avoid being marginalized in the power game, Russia vigorously engaged in vaccine diplomacy, which the official media went to great lengths to report.
Conclusions
During the pandemic, Russia has been fully equipped to weaponize digital news media. Through
planning and reporting from different angles, differentiated content from Western media reports has been disseminated, leaving more thinking to the audience. Ineffective pandemic prevention and control in some Western countries, and particularly anti-American sentiment, accounts for a large proportion of Sputnik's reports. Russian vaccine production, administration, and registration abroad also account for a large proportion. Overall, Sputnik's reporting is based on Russia's national interests and has a clear stand.
Russia has long accumulated rich experience in dealing with discourse conflicts with Western countries. In terms of timing, material selection, and especially weaponizing the media narrative, Russia can counterattack the West; this has become an asymmetric game. Russia disseminates information through a narrative template, with the state-backed media favorably portraying Moscow's initiatives in foreign policy.
Based on COVID-19 coverage by state-backed media, Russia may be moving away from outright information manipulation to a greater emphasis on global narrative competition. The way narratives are framed, delegitimized, and securitized has important implications for public understanding of crises, policy responses, and future diplomacy. This study demonstrates how a weaponized narrative has become a major part of the way Russia handles relations with the West, arguing that the current Russian media narrative is unlikely to produce a solution to real tensions and foreign policy problems. An offensive narrative does not help Russia and the US build mutual trust, and in the long run, this trend is sowing the seeds of mistrust and will harm Russia's own interests. The media has been used as a tool to advance Russia's diplomatic efforts, highlighting the foreign aid and vaccine distribution for Russia to seek praise, which may be misinterpreted as a projection of rising nationalist sentiment.
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33. There are too many relevant examples, for example, Protests Against COVID-19 Quarantine in Barcelona Result in Clashes, Law Enforcement Says, Sputnik, 31.10.2020, https://sputniknews.com/europe/20201031108093478 9-protests-against-covid-19-quarantine-in-barcelona-result-in-clashes-law-enforcement-says/ (accessed: 19.11.2021)
34.Tweedie J. COVID-19: Boris Johnson Admits UK Government 'Cannot Save Every Job' at Risk from End of Furlough. Sputnik. 30.09.2020. https://sputniknews.com/uk/202009301080621529-covid-19-boris-johnson-admits-uk-government-cannot-save-every-job-at-risk-from-end-of-furlough/ (accessed: 29.10.2021)
35. US Sanctions Russian Defence Ministry Research Institute That Worked on COVID-19 Vaccine, Sputnik, 26.08.2020, https://sputniknews.com/world/202008261080284502-us-sanctions-russian-defence-ministry-research-institute-that-worked-on-covid-19-vaccine/ (accessed: 29.10.2021)
36.Achkasov V.A. Nacional'naya identichnost' kak istoricheskij narrative [National identity as a historical narrative]. Upravlencheskoe Konsul'tirovanie. 2018. № 10. C.19-26. (In Russ.).
37.Tokarenko A.V., Surzhik D.V. V smertel'nom pike informacionnoj vojny [At the deadly peak of the information war. Space and time]. Prostranstvo i 14. Vremya. 2014. 3(10). C.34-44. (In Russ.).
Weaponizing Narrative: Media Discourse During the COVID-19 Pandemic
in Russia 15
Ruyu Yin, Sihan Li
Liaoning University, Communication University of China
This study examines how the Kremlin enhanced its ability to weaponize news
media during the coronavirus disease 2019 pandemic. Russia sees 16. international communication as an important track in its foreign policy, using selective information to advance preferred narratives to legitimize the regime and its foreign policy endeavors. This article uses both political discourse analysis and media frames to demonstrate that, in response to 17 the continuous accusations from some Western countries, Russia has weaponized its discourse. This is done through a methodology combining qualitative (content analytical) and quantitative (digital corpus analytical) methods. It focuses on two interlocking components of weaponized language: delegitimizing the Western media's inappropriate remarks 18. about Russia and securitizing the anti-pandemic activities of the Russian government. This study concludes by noting that Russia regards a weaponized narrative as a tool of foreign policy, but this kind of media 19 discourse is unlikely to produce a solution to real tensions and foreign policy problems with the US. The article incorporates pandemic-related statistical data provided by the World Health Organization, Johns Hopkins University, and the Russian Ministry of Health.
Keywords: russian media, international broadcasting, Sputnik, narrative 20 weaponization, discursive struggle
This article war prepared with the support of the Liaoning provincial social science youth project"COVID-19 and Public Opinion: China's Strategy for International Communication and Destigmatization" (Project No. 21 L20CGJ002).
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https://sputniknews.com/europe/202010311080934789-protests-against-covid-19-quarantine-in-barcelona-result-in-clashes-law-enforcement-says/ (accessed: 19.11.2021)
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Achkasov V.A. Nacional'naya identichnost' kak istoricheskij narrative [National identity as a historical narrative]. Upravlencheskoe Konsultirovanie. 2018. № 10. C.19-26. (In Russ.). Tokarenko A.V., Surzhik D.V. V smertel'nom pike informacionnoj vojny [At the deadly peak of the information war. Space and time]. Prostranstvo i Vremya. 2014. 3(10). C.34-44. (In Russ.).
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34. Tweedie J. COVID-19: Boris Johnson Admits UK Government Cannot 36. Save Every Job' at Risk from End of Furlough. Sputnik. 30.09.2020. https://sputniknews.com/uk/202009301080621529-covid-19-boris-johnson-admits-uk-government-cannot-save-every-job-at-risk-from-end- 37. of-furlough/ (accessed: 29.10.2021)
35. US Sanctions Russian Defence Ministry Research Institute That Worked on COVID-19 Vaccine, Sputnik, 26.08.2020, https://sputniknews.com/world/202008261080284502-us-sanctions-russian-defence-ministry-research-institute-that-worked-on-covid-19-vaccine/ (accessed: 29.10.2021)
