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THE STATE-POLITICAL ACTIVITY OF DENG XIAOPING
Tynybayeva A.
Faculty of History, Archeology and Ethnology Al-Farabi Kazakh National University,
Almaty, Kazakhstan. Kartabayeva Y.
Faculty of History, Archeology and Ethnology Al-Farabi Kazakh National University,
Almaty, Kazakhstan.
Abstract
The article deals with the main principles and the essence of reforms, initiated by Deng Xiaoping in 1978. The decision of socialistic modernization was made on the third Plenum of the Central Committee of Chinese Communist Party of the 11-th convocation in December of 1978. The reform was started from the weakest sector of economy agriculture. Then it was focused on the urban sector. The base of the state is socialism, but socialism in China has national characteristics.
Keywords: political activity.
The period of Deng Xiaoping's presence at the highest power of China is a special strip of PRC's historical development.Oneof the most important features ofthis era is the "breakdown of consciousness", searching the way to build up the economic power of the state and to increase the efficiency of national production and the policy of openness.Deng Xiaoping left his successors a rich heritage-a prospering country.He left his experience and covenants, and the most important principles of his own activity as "to liberate consciousness", "search for truth in the facts", to take into account the national specifics - skillfully using these principles, this heritage can not only preserve but also increase, to solve the remaining unresolved and emerging new problems associated with China's entry into a new stage of reforms in the post-industrial era.The historical significance of his activities and heritage lies in the fact that, with all possible fluctuations and zigzags in the implementation of reform policies, the processes of transformation of Chinafurther initiated by Deng Xiaoping, the main trends in the modernization of the country are now irreversible.That is why his departure has not led to radical changes in the country's policy, as in the case of other charismatic leaders.Dan had prepared in advance the economic, political and ideological conditions - which serve as the basis for continuing the course of reforms he had be-gun.In this sense, the era of Deng Xiaoping does not end with his death.The reforms continue to this day, and "socialism with Chinese specifics", initiated by Deng Xiaoping, has become a platform for the development of one of the strongest countries in the world economy [1]. The experience of reforms led by Deng Xiaoping is of great interest in the world.Deng Xiaoping was born
in a wealthy family mT Guang'an County of Sichuan province.Dan got a traditional education, studied Confucianism, however, unlike most of his peers, he already mastered the basics of the French language at school, which later played an important role in his fate.
At the age of sixteen, Deng Xiaoping left his native place and went with other Chinese students to France to study and work. It was in the early 20's, when, under the ideological influence of the may 4 movement, two Chinese teenagers sought to acquire modern knowledge to better serve the cause of national liberation and social revival of the Motherland.Not having enough money, the young boys and girls organized groupsof mutual help members of which have combined work with study.Deng Xiaoping also was under such conditions when he went to France and, he had to work in different places: at a machinebuilding factory, as a fireman on a steam train, for some time he even worked as a waiter.But life has developed so that he was more involved in politics than studies.Involved in the Socialist Union of youth, all his free time, he spent on performing instructions of the Communist cell, one of the leaders of which was in France Zhou Enlai.Friendship with him played an important role in the life of Denglater.Escaping from arrest, Deng Xiaoping leaves for Soviet Russia, where he studied at the Communist University of Eastern workers for two years, learning the basics of revolutionary science.Two years later, Deng Xiaoping returned to China and became an active member of the Communist party.In 30-40 years, Deng Xiaoping occupies a prominent place in the governing bodies of the CCR, leading propaganda, ideological education of party members.It was at this time that he emerged as an
experienced political leader, capable of strictly carrying out decisions of the party center, able to findsolutions to specific problems and to ensure the success of the problem.His talent as a leader was evident during the anti-Japanese (1937-1945) and people's liberation (1946-49) wars.Deng Xiaoping considered the last period to be one of the happiest in his life: "when we, the weak, beat the strong, the small won the big ones."After the proclamation of the People's Republic of China, the former Vice-Chairman of the Southwest administrative CommitteeDeng Xiaoping, was in charge of land reform, the clearance of Sichuan and Yunnan from the remnants of the Kuomintang army, and developed the policy frameworks in areas inhabited by national minorities [2].
In 1952, Deng Xiaoping was transferred to Beijing, where he became deputy chairman of the state administrative Council (later - the state Council of the PRC), i.e.. the Central government of China, in 19531954 - he combines this post with the post of Minister of Finance.Since 1954, he began his work in the governing bodies of the Central Commeteeof the party: he was appointed as a Secretary of the CC and - at the same time - as the head of the organizing Department.In 1955, at the VIII Congress of the CPChe was elected as a member of the highest "inner circle" of the PRC leadership - into the Standing Committee of the Political bureau of the Central Committee and Secretary General of the Central Committee.Like the vast majority of senior leaders of the PRC, Deng Xiaoping, in his own words, beared responsibility for the "big jump"course.But very soon he was among the first to realize its perniciousness, with inherent energy involved in correcting mistakes.At that time, in the early 1960s, with his personal participation, documents that determined the content of anti-crisis measures in the city and the villagewere developed.With his approval, various forms of court contract were testedin agriculture, reminiscent of the first steps from which the economic reform in the Chinese village began in the late 70's-early 80's.At that time, as you know, he spoke in favor of a practical and pragmatic approach to solving economic problems, saying " It doesn't matter if a cat is black or white; as long as it catches mice, it's a goodcat."The slogan "Great Leap Forward" "Three years of hard work - ten thousand years of happiness" did not justify itself, it turned out that by 1962 the industry had decreased by almost half compared to 1960 and grain harvesting began to decline.Hunger, which represented old China, has become a common phenomenon in China.This experiment has been severely criticized [3] .
But everyone knows, that time it was not so easy, almost impossible, to oppose the course proposed by Mao Zedong, and under the ultra-left slogans to carry out the opposite policy in the national economy.It was at that time that Deng Xiaoping is rethinking the policy of the leader, understanding that it is necessary to solve in a short period of time the country's pressing prob-lems.But the "cultural revolution" does not allow to realize ideas, Dan Xiaoping, and many other politicians fall into disgrace.These people are accused in the most ridiculous way. Deng Xiaoping was presented with a
list of political charges published in the hunveibins' mass media.It included the following items: actions carried out as Secretary General of the party without the appropriate authority; condemnation of the cult of personality that caused damage to the position of Chairman Mao; an insult to the ideas of Mao Zedong at the conference in 1961, the proclamation in the agricultural policies of the slogan " It doesn't matter if a cat is black or white; as long as it catches mice, it's a good cat."; the introduction of a system of academic degrees and titles in 1963 (later Deng, being a persistent person introduced it again); "the weakening of the leading role of the party" introducing the Charter for Higher education consisting of 60 points in 1961; a deviation from the policies of Mao in the field of education, based on a combination of mental and physical labor; disagreement with Mao's criticism of in the field of culture; suppression of performances of "revolutionary students" at Beijing University; suppression of the mass movement at the beginning of the "cultural revolution" with the help of working groups [4].
Even during the IX Congress of the CPC, which was held from 1 to 24 April in 1969, Deng was in this position.Preparations for the Congress began in November 1967 with the fact that the documents were said about the ban to appear at the Congress of delegates Lue, Deng and others.Because of complete confusion and political turmoil, the Congress was organized only two years later.In 1973 on the eve of his 70-th anniversary, with the support of Zhou Deng returned in the leadership echelons of the PRC. After a long, almost 7-years "disfavor", including humiliating "struggle rallies", house arrests, and an exile to Jiangxi province to heavy physical work Deng holds the post of Deputy of Zhou Enlai on State Council, then the post of chief of the General staff of the PLAC.At the end of 1974, when the Zhou's heavy disease began to progress, Dengalmost performed the duties of the Premier of the State Council.In this relatively short period - until the new "removal from all posts" in early 1976 - Deng clearly saw the depth of the crisis in all areas of China's life as a result of the "cultural revolution" and left-wing exper-iments.Despite the restrictive framework of the dominant Maoist settings and successive political campaigns, with the support of Zhou Enlai, he developed and partially implemented measures to stabilize the situation in industry, science and education, and achieved the inclusion of the slogan "four modernizations" in the country's program documents.But the plans failed to be carried outas at this time the country takes a number of demonstrations and rallies calling for an end to "the author of the bourgeois theory about white and black cats» [5].
By its nature, the campaign resembles a "cultural revolution". Deng Xiaoping again had to flee and hide from the supporters of barrack communism.After the death of Mao Zedong and the arrest of his faithful henchmen in the face of the notorious "four", Deng Xiaoping was again, not without a fight, was called to power. And he immediately began to prepare and implement reforms.The power he obtained was not unlimited. Many important posts in the state apparatus
were in the hands of leftist-minded personnel, their elevation obliged "cultural revolution".The spirit of the deceased Mao was still hovering over the country, and CPC leaders demanded unquestioning fulfillment of all his immortal instructions.At the top, there were calls to preserve all the new that the "cultural revolution" had brought to the lives of the Chinese, thanks to which China avoided slipping into the path of revisionism and capitalism.Chinese leaders have declared their loyalty to the ideas of Mao Zedong, that these ideas will always serve as the compass that will forever determine the life of the Chinese people.This was the ideological and political situation in which Deng Xiaoping embarked on the implementation of the planned reforms.According to estimates of the Chinese press, at least five years it took him to release from captivity of Mao Zedong ideas to clean the apparatus, to stabilize the situation in the country.It cannot be said that all these tasks have been fully implemented.Moreover, abandoning the policies of Mao Zedong, debunking his cult and deploying criticism of leftist views, Deng Xiaoping considered it will be inexpedient to completely abandon the ideas of Mao Zedong.And yet, proclaiming the main task of the Chinese Communists emancipation of thinking, Deng Xiaoping launched a General offensive on the main Maoist dogmas, made it possible for many scientists and politicians to approach the problems of socio-economic development of China from a new perspec-tive.He explicitly stated that the CPC leadership did not have a clear understanding of what socialism is, nor was there a clear understanding of the ways and methods of its construction.Without entering the frontal, direct dispute with Mao Zedong, Deng Xiaoping proposed to Chinese society his concept of socialism [6].
The ideas of his concept disagreed with ideas that were considered correct, truly socialist before he came to power.First of all, he categorically rejected the idea that "poverty is socialism, and enrichment leads to cap-italism."In contrast, he put forward the slogan " Enrich yourself!".By the way, this was in full compliance with the traditional ideas about the role of the ruler. A prominent representative of the economic school of China Guan-Tzu said: "The highest commandment for a wise ruler, is to enrich people at first and then manage them" [7]. Deng Xiaoping spoke strongly against equalizing views on socialism. He constantly emphasized that some people, districts, provinces should be enriched before others, and together move to the General prosperity, avoiding the polarization of societyand its division into too rich and too poor.Deng Xiaoping follows a tradition that originates from Confucius, who claimed that he fears not so much poverty as inequality. With the beginning of reforms in the 80s, Deng's talents as a leader, his thinking and personality were fully mani-fested.Deng Xiaoping's charisma was formed in the mid-1980s when, as a result of reforms in the village, in a very short period of time, the country felt a noticeable improvement in the standard of living, freed from destructive political campaigns and leftist dogmatism.
The authority of Deng Xiaoping in the eyes of all strata of the population overshadowed and surpassed the authority not only Mao, but alsoZhou Enlaiwho enjoyed deep sympathy in China.
Definitely, Deng knew about it.
But he firmly opposed any attempt to create a new cult of personality, his own cult.His personal style of political speeches from high tribunes and the manner of communication with representatives of foreign countries, were deprived of affectation of demonstrative ef-fects.People met with him were impressed with the depth of knowledge of the subject matter of the conversations, the severity of the reactions, combined c with the simplicity of the manner of presentation and ability to be himself in any environment, with any guest, be it the Queen of England or Henry Kissinger.Advocating social justice, condemning and taking harsh measures against corruption and corrupt officials, he was alien to populism and populist gestures, and clearly understood that market socialism cannot be a Kingdom of simplis-tically understood universal income equality.His particularly valuable quality as a leader was manifested in the ability to find and nominate talented people who are able to solve urgent problems, to carry out plans and policy reforms to key positions in the country's govern-ance.Deng was alien to favoritism and was able to put barriers to this disease of all authoritarian regimes.He was connected with the older generation of leaders of the country, the party, the army by the community of destinies and personal relations.He considered it necessary to take their views into account, even if he did not fully agree with them [8].
And this contributed to his style of decisionmaking element of "healthy conservatism", insured against excessive sharp turns, provided support for its course from the population, who were close to the mood and views of the pre-reform era.But the main thing for him was the business qualities of leaders, their attitude to reforms. And in the moments when the fate of reforms was decided, he rigidly raised a question: "those who against reforms have to leave" .Deng Xiaoping, who has devoted his life to the struggle for socialist China, has not lost faith in the socialist future not only of his country but of the whole world.This belief was not undermined either by the" cultural revolution", during which Mao Zedong and his associates established feudal-fascist orders in China, or by the defeat of communism in the Soviet Union.Assessing these events, Deng Xiaoping comes to the conclusion that mistakes and fallacies, mistakes and failures are inevitable on the way to building a new society and it is necessary to learn the right lessons from negative experiences.He believesit is also necessary to find methods of building socialism that would meet the specific historical and national characteristics of the country.As a result of his thoughts on the fate of socialism in China, Deng Xiaoping came to the conclusion that when starting the construction of a new society, the CPC leaders did not know what socialism is or how to build it.
The lack of understanding of the essence of the socialist idea, deepened by the misconception about the specifics of China predetermined the formation of the leftist policy of accelerated entry into communism, which led to the creation of "people's communes" and the policy of "great leap" in practice, and then to "cultural revolution".As a result of left-wing principles China lost in vain twenty years, didn't manage to use
benefits of scientifically-technical revolution and still remains the backward country.Mao Zedong's leftist mistakes have defiled the ideas of socialism.The "cultural revolution" he unleashed, which took place under the banner of the struggle for "pure", true socialism, discredited these ideas in the eyes of millions of Chinese.
It is quite natural that after the death of Mao Zedong, the overthrow of the "gang of four" and the arrival of Deng Xiaoping to power in Chinese society opened up the possibility of relatively free expression, some began to speak openly about the need to turn China's development on the path of capitalism, others, referring to the experience of Taiwan, offered to take into account three popular principles of Sun Yatsen (nationalism, democracy and people's welfare) and completely abandon Marxism-Leninism as a doctrine that found its failure.They were opposed by a powerful cohort of party bureaucrats, who were not shocked by the "cultural revolution" and who continued to insist on loyalty to the ideas of Mao Zedong.In this complex ideological and political situation, Deng Xiaoping behaved as a bold, cautious, flexible politician.Deng Xiaoping was twice shifted from high positions by Mao Zedong and had all the grounds for discontent and resentment against him, but he chose the rejection of his 18 failed policies, while maintaining his credibility [9].
Condemning the desire to be guided in practical life by individual statements and instructions of Mao Zedong, he, on the one hand, said that the ideas of Mao should not be reduced to individual utterances made in specific conditions, but be regarded as a system, and on the other hand, deprived of their almighty authority, putting forward practice as the main criterion of truth.Thus, Deng opened the way to practical rethinking not only of the idea of Mao Zedong, but also Marxism-Leninism, as well as to a critical revision of the experience of building socialism in China.Thus, Deng Xiaoping was the Savior of the socialist idea, well aware that its preservation as a public ideal and goal of renewal is impossible without a radical abandonment of those provisions that are outdated and do not meet either the requirements of the modern era or the national characteristics of China.Deng Xiaoping's understanding of socialism and the ways of its construction was not immediately formed. As he embarked on economic and political reforms aimed at modernizing the country, in the course of their practical implementation he gradually realized, what attitudes were positive and which were not.Generalization of practical experience formed the basis of the approach to socialism. As a bold reformer, Deng Xiaoping, like many thinkers of the nineteenth and twentieth centuries, sought to transform China into a strong and prosperous country.Deng Xiaoping believes that the essence of Marxism is a realistic approach to the world, to life, and therefore the source of knowledge for him is the ever-changing life.
The objective of the politician, in his opinion, is a careful consideration of the ongoing changes and development of a line that would meet these changes.Deng Xiaoping's life philosophy is not a philosophy of struggle, like Mao Zedong's, but a philoso-
phy of practice, and all his steps to transform the Chinese economy are dictated by practice, maintaining the forms and methods of organizing production that are born of life itself.Expediency, efficiency, utility - these are his criteria, with this measurements he comes to the ideology.
Practical success, growth of production, improving people's lives is more expensive for him than loyalty to the doctrine, although he demands firmly uphold the principles of socialism, Marxism, the ideas of Mao Zedong and considers it a crime to abandon Marx, Lenin, Mao Zedong, because this, in his words, would be "the loss of ancestors."Deng Xiaoping's constant affirmation of his respect for the original teachers of socialism does not prevent him from boldly setting aside those provisions from their teachings that do not meet the requirements of economic growth.Not coinci-dentally, Deng Xiaoping firmly entrenched glory of practician, pragmatist, opportunistwho does not have a complete theoretical program.Some call him an apostate, who betrayed the basic principles of Marxism, a violator of Mao Zedong's covenants, others brand him as a conservative, blaming him for inconsistency in the implementation of reforms and for adherence to the principles of socialism.He calls himself a realist, combining features of the reformer and the conserva-tive.Experience shows that for consolidation of a victory and use for the benefit of the people, revolutionaries have to give way to reformers, "revisionists".Mao Zedong shook the country by "revolutions", "revolts" and continuous campaign. Deng Xiaoping is the leader of another plan.
He was well aware during the years of forced withdrawal from power that only the path of reform can strengthen the conquest of the revolution.Deng Xiaoping's theory is not praised as" top", it is promoted as a new step in the development of Marxism, as a breakthrough in the theory of socialism.The ideas of Mao Zedong, referred to as connection the universal truth of Marxism-Leninism and the practice of the Chinese revolution, and a theory of Deng Xiaoping - as a combination of that same truth with the practice of construction of socialism in China.Thus, Deng Xiaoping appears to be a theorist, creator of the concept of socialist construction, its "great designer", "great constructor", "great architect".This seems to emphasize that, unlike Mao Zedong, the revolutionary destroyer, Deng Xiaoping is a reformer-creator. As a reformer, Deng Xiaoping achieved a restructuring of the economic system, a gradual transition from planned to market-based economic management, without fear of accusations that China is slipping into a rut of capitalist development.As a conservative, he advocates that modernization and the renewal of the country preserve its socialist character, that the Communist party strengthen its leadership positions, so that the dictatorship of the proletariat did not weaken.
From the very beginning of reforms, he continuously fights against the right and" left " slopes, at times intensifying attacks against the right "bourgeois liberalism", and at times crushing blows to positions of the leftists demanding return to orthodox Maoism.It was in the struggle against the two fronts that his views on the
forms and methods of socialist modernization of China were formed, which are promoted today in China as "Deng Xiaoping's theory on the construction of socialism with Chinese specifics".Deng Xiaoping's theoretical contribution to the development of ideas of socialism equates to the breakthrough in public thought that was in 1848 by Marx and Engels when they turned socialism from utopia into science.
The merit of Deng Xiaoping before socialism is seen in the fact that he abandoned the traditional model and replaced it with the modern one, namely socialism with Chinese specifics.His theory was the second qualitative leap in the history of socialist teachings.The essence of this breakthrough Chinese ideologists see, first of all, in the rejection of the traditional view of the socialist economy as a planned, the recognition of the market mechanism as a phenomenon that does not contradict the principles of socialism.Deng Xiaoping was able to find the right answers to the questions of building socialism in a peasant country, which are found neither in the works of Marx and Lenin, nor in the works of Mao Zedong.
III Plenum of the Central Committee of the CCP of the 11th convocation in 1978 initiated the release from captivity of stale ideas that impede not only the development of socialism, but also the normal life of people.The Mao Zedong philosophy of the class struggle began to be displaced by philosophy of practice, ideas of peace and reconciliation, development and social progress.The policy of openness and expansion of relations with other countries has replaced isolation and exclusion from the outside world.The replacement of old ideas with new ones occurred not immediately in the course of a difficult struggle with the zealots of old orders and the reflection of attacks of more radical reformers and more outspoken Westerners.Rejecting the Mao Zedong's idea that poverty is not a vice, but a good, Deng Xiaoping points out that poverty is a heavy burden, and that the communism that Marx spoke of is a society where the principle of "from each according to abilities, to each according to needs" is implemented, and distribution by needs cannot be achieved without an abundance of material goods, which in turn is impossible without the growth of productive forces.
It took several years to eradicate the influence of leftist views.Deng Xiaoping demands to judge about advantages of socialism not by the extent to which the established system conforms to the principles and provisions stated by Marx and Lenin, but by the extent to which it is capable to provide, firstly, steady growth of productive forces, secondly, to promote strengthening of power of the state, thirdly, to increase a vital level of the people.From the conversation of comrade Deng Xiaoping with foreign experts participating in the Beijing forum on science and technology policy in 1983: "we are carrying out the modernization of the Chinese type, and socialism, which we are building, has the Chinese specification.We proceed mainly from the real situation and from our own conditions, we focus mainly on our own forces. Now we are on the right way, the people are happy, and we feel confident ourselves.Our policy will not change. And if it changes, it will be to the better side. The policy of expanding relations with
the outside world will become even more elastic. Our path will not be narrowed, it will be wider and wider. We tasted more than enough the bitterness of the narrow path.If we turn back, what are we goingto face? Only backwardness and poverty. The policy of refusal from "feeding from a common boiler" will not change.Since both industry and agriculture have their own characteristics, it is impossible to adopt a specific mechanical experience here.Nevertheless, the basic principle for them remains the principle of the system of responsibility."
The position put forward by Deng Xiaoping that universal prosperity is a goal for the future, and now some may become richer than others, was also a violation of traditional ideas about socialism.The call " Enrich yourselves!» indicates on this.As Deng Xiaoping said in a conversation with senior officials of the State planning Committee of the State economic Committee and the agricultural departments in 1983: "both in the village and in the city, it is necessary to allow some people to become rich before others.To get rich at the expense of honest work is legal. To allow some people and regions prosper before others is a good remedy. All people support this new feature. It is better than the old ones. I approve the emergence of large contractors in village.People's hands are not untied enough. In short, the criterion for the correctness of all our work should be whether it contributes to the construction of specific Chinese socialism, prosperity and development of the country, the creation of a prosperous and happy life for the people."Deng Xiaoping explained that his appeals were fundamentally different from those of the bourgeois. "During socialism, wealth belongs to the people, under socialism, the pursuit of wealth means the common pursuit of the wealth of the entire nation " he told in the course of conversation with an American journalist in September 1986.The principles of socialism consist, firstly, in the development of production,and secondly, in general enrichment.We allow some people and some areas to improve their living standards before others in order to achieve universal prosperity more quickly.That is why our policy is aimed at preventing the polarization of society, we are against the rich becoming richer and the poor poorer.Frankly speaking, we will not allow the emergence of a new bourgeoisie."The innovative breakthrough in Marxism is considered to be the position of Deng Xiaoping on the multiplicity of the socialist economy.It is known that Mao Zedong advocated the uniformity of forms of ownership, reducing them to one, nationwide, i.e. state-bureaucratic, which, in his opinion, created favorable conditions for the speedy transition to communism.Deng Xiaoping boldly discarded the idea and, recognizing the public domain, the state sector plays a leading role in the economy.
When Deng Xiaoping faces a dilemma: the principles of socialism or the demands of modernization, he does not hesitate to accept the principles in order to accelerate economic growth.He's still loyal to the famous two-cat theory." The realization of the need to introduce market mechanisms for economic recovery and development did not come imme-diately.At the beginning of reforms it was put forward
and after long debates it is recognized that the socialist economy has to be commodity. Then came the concept of combining plan and market.The main, leading role was assigned to the plan, and the market played secondary, subsidiary role. This ratio was considered necessary to preserve the socialist character of the national economy.China is a great empire, and the development of the world economy and international relations around the world largely depends on the processes taking place in this huge Asian country.Thanks to Deng Xiaoping, the Chinese began to perceive the world around them and themselves more objectively.China's intellectual elite is convinced that if the nineteenth century was the century of China's humiliation, and the twentieth century was the century of the Renaissance, the twenty-first century will be the century of the triumph of the Chinese nation.
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ON THE QUESTION OF THE GRECO-VARWARIAN RELATIONSHIPS ON THE TERRITORY OF THE ASIAN PART OF BOSPORA IN THE EARLY PERIOD OF COLONIZATION (VI - THE START
OF THE VTH CENTURIES BEFORE NE)
Bezrukov A.
candidate of historical sciences, associate professor
Fedyakina Ya.
student 2 years eg. History
"Magnitogorsk State Technical University. GI Nosova »Russian Federation, Magnitogorsk
К ВОПРОСУ О ГРЕКО-ВАРВАРСКИХ ВЗАИМООТНОШЕНИЯХ НА ТЕРРИТОРИИ АЗИАТСКОЙ ЧАСТИ БОСПОРА В РАННИЙ ПЕРИОД КОЛОНИЗАЦИИ
(VI - НАЧ. V ВВ. ДО Н.Э.)
Безруков А.В.
к. ист.н., доцент. Федякина Я.М.
студентка 2 курса напр. История «Магнитогорский государственный технический университет им. Г. И. Носова» Россия,
Магнитогорск
Abstract
The article deals with the nature of the relationship between Greek policies and barbarian peoples. Attention is drawn to the causes of relations, both for Greece as a whole and for individual cities. Аннотация
В статье рассматривается характер взаимоотношений между греческими полисами и варварскими народами. Обращается внимание на причины возникновения отношений, как в целом для всей Греции, так и с отдельными городами.
Keywords: Greece, barbarian, trade, policy, Bosporus, colonization. Ключевые слова: Греция, варвар, торговля, полис, Боспор, колонизация.
Рассматривая в целом VI в. до н.э. в контексте истории Древней Греции следует отметить, что он был весьма сложным периодом в плане социально-экономического и политического развития даже без учёта начала широкомасштабной греческой коло-
низации античной ойкумены. С Востока, как известно, практически на протяжении всего столетия реальная угроза исходила от персов, что вынудило часть островного населения Средиземноморья по-
