22IRSTI 03.61.91
The processes of adaptation of Koreans in Kazakhstan at the end of the XIX-XXth centuries
Yerlan K. Dzhiyenalyev1, Bulbul Shaken2*
L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Astana, Kazakhstan
Corresponding author:
1 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4642-033X
2 https://orcid.org/0000-0002-4157-3302 DOI: 10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-3-21-38
Abstract. The relevance of the research is determined by the development and formation of the Korean diaspora in Kazakhstan in the 19-20th centuries which has become a stable component of the demographic, socio-economic, political, and cultural life of the republic, showing an example of a successful adaptation of an ethnic group in a foreign cultural environment. While studying the presented problem, we relied on works and documents, having studied which we were able to trace the processes of resettlement and adaptation of Koreans on the territory of Kazakhstan. The article highlights the stages of resettlement and adaptation of Koreans in Kazakhstan in the pre-revolutionary era, in the early years of Soviet power, during the deportation period in 1937-1938, and in the post-war years. Along with the stages of resettlement and the number of migrants, the types of adaptation are described in detail: economic, social, and cultural. The process of development of agriculture by Koreans in Kazakhstan, in particular rice farming, as well as fishing, is shown. Household adaptation is described in detail, which provided for the construction of dwellings adapted to the natural and climatic conditions of Kazakhstan, and the creation of Korean settlements. Attention is also paid to cultural and educational adaptation: the emergence of schools and other educational institutions, theaters, and the development of literature and periodicals. The socio-cultural relations of migrants with the indigenous population are highlighted. In conclusion, the conclusion is presented that, despite various historical events, Koreans were able to adapt to local conditions and actively engage in creative work for the development of Kazakhstan. When studying the history of the formation and development of the Koreans of Kazakhstan at the end of the 19-20th centuries, and the peculiarities of its cultural and social development, it is necessary to consider the basic layer of mentality that developed in the historical conditions of the former places of residence, as well as the ideological traits acquired in the tsarist and Soviet times. The Korean diaspora of Kazakhstan in the process of its development and formation at the end of the 19-20th centuries turned into a stable component of the demographic, socio-economic, political, and cultural life of the republic, showing an example of the successful adaptation of an ethnic group in a foreign cultural environment. The materials are of practical value since the application of this experience by the government will undoubtedly become the basis for practical application in the field of creating an atmosphere of interethnic harmony. Keywords: Korean; tsarism; adaptation; migration; colonization; deportation; ethnicity; rice farming; diaspora; fishing; resettlement.
Received 11 March 2022. Revised 15 March 2022. Accepted 31 July 2022. Available online 30 September 2022.
For citation:
Dzhiyenalyev Y.K., Bulbul Sh.. The processes of adaptation of Koreans in Kazakhstan at the end of the XIX-XX
centuries // Bulletin of the L.N. Gumilyov ENU. Historical sciences. Philosophy. Religion Series. 2022. - Vol. 140. - №.
3. - P. 21-38. DOI: 10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-21-38
Для цитирования:
Джиеналиев Е.К., Булбул Ш. Процессы адаптации корейцев в Казахстане в конце XIX-XX вв. // Вестник ЕНУ им. Л. Гумилева Серия Исторические науки. Философия. Религиоведение. - 2022. - Т. 140. - №. 3. - С. 21-38. DOI: 10.32523/2616-7255-2022-140-3-21-38
Introduction
The modern development of the Republic of Kazakhstan in the conditions of sovereignty is extremely relevant to the study of historical science of topics that until recently remained little explored, among them is the adaptation of ethnic groups in the 19-20th centuries. The relevance of its study is due to several factors.
Firstly, the complex geopolitical situation in the world, one of the reasons for which is the deterioration of interethnic relations, due to the weak adaptation of ethnic groups in several multinational states and often the reactionary policies of governments in this area.
Secondly, the formation of the republic on the path of sovereign development contributed to the awakening of the national consciousness of the peoples of Kazakhstan, the basis of which is the knowledge of history, including the adaptation of ethnic groups.
Thirdly, interethnic harmony is an invaluable asset of Kazakhstan. To further consolidate the ethnic groups living in the republic, in the name of civil peace, it is important to study both the origins of the formation and the climatic, economic, household, and cultural adaptation of ethnic groups that led to interethnic harmony in society. Their history shows that the stability of these relations is based on mutual understanding with the indigenous population. The Kazakhs, who experienced all the hardships of the colonial regime, treated the peoples who moved here, who by the will of fate found their homeland on the Kazakh land, preserved their identity, with their characteristic kindness and traditional hospitality.
Fourth, no less important is the problem of the formation of citizenship, Kazakh patriotism, the core of which is the unity of all ethnic groups
of Kazakhstan, their awareness of unity, and responsibility for the development of a common Homeland.
Koreans are an example of the successful adaptation of ethnic groups to a foreign cultural environment. Most of them found themselves unwillingly on the territory of Kazakhstan in the 19 - early 20th centuries. they were able to undergo climatic, economic, household, and cultural adaptation and became part of a multinational society and contribute to the development of the Republic of Kazakhstan.
Materials and methods
While studying the presented problem, we relied on works and documents, having studied which we were able to trace the processes of resettlement and adaptation of Koreans on the territory of Kazakhstan. Important sources for us were materials from the State Archive and the archive of the President of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the city of Nur-Sultan, and published in various collections of documents, the information provided by the Korean center of the Assembly of People of Kazakhstan, as well as website resources where there is a large layer of information about this problem. The following methods of scientific research were used in the preparation of this publication: a case study (method of specific situations), including analysis and synthesis of information, revealing patterns, interrelation, and interdependence of processes; as well as the method of analogy, which requires the establishment of similarities in some aspects, properties, and relationships between non-identical objects of research, on the basis of which we drew the appropriate conclusions. Bibliometric quantitative methods were also used, with the help of which the structure, dynamics,
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and interrelations of various phenomena in the field of library, information, and documentation activities are studied. Content analysis is one of the bibliometric methods used by the author when writing this article. It was used to study significant arrays of documents works of the press, normative-official, accounting, and other documentation. In the texts of the documents, some semantic units ("observation units") were distinguished, which were the authors and titles of works, the type of publication, the date of issue, etc. A careful calculation of the identified units and the frequency of their use, with mandatory consideration of the estimates that are given to them in the texts, allowed us to identify trends in the development of various phenomena: information interest of various groups of users to certain types, genres of documents, the level of information culture, the effectiveness of methods of working with consumers of documentary information, etc. Scientometric methods were also used for quantitative studies of the structure and dynamics of arrays and flows of scientific information.
Discussion
The historiography of the history of the Korean ethnic group of Kazakhstan is extensive. The first official data on the stay of Koreans in the region were recorded in the first General Population Census of the Russian Empire in 1897.
The literature on the history of the Korean ethnic group in Kazakhstan is numerous. Back in Soviet times, V. Tsoi (Tsoi, 1985: 23) and G. Kim (Kim, 1990: 25) defended their dissertations on the history of socio-cultural development of Koreans in Kazakhstan. G.N. Kim also studied the development of the education of Koreans in Kazakhstan (Kim, 2000: 356).
Published for many years, "News of Korean Studies in Central Asia" is a serious scientific publication demonstrating the development of Korean studies in one of the regions with the largest Korean group. The works of R.K. An (An, 2018: 24), V.N. Khan, P.M. Chernysh (Chernysh, Khan, 2000: 298), B.V. Lee (Lee, 2008: 123), and other authors are devoted to the history of the
Koreans of Kazakhstan, the development of education, traditions, and customs of the Korean people.
A comprehensive approach to the study of the deportation of Koreans was laid down by the famous Kazakhstan historian G.V. Kan. Since the beginning of the 90s of the 20th century, the works of G.V. Kan "Koreans of Kazakhstan" and "History of Koreans of Kazakhstan" are known, which are written on the basis of large documentary material of the Central State Archive of Kazakhstan and reveal the tragic pages of the history of the Korean ethnic group. (Kan, 1994: 212), (Kan, 1995: 208).
He also wrote general essays on the history of the Korean people in Kazakhstan, as well as textbooks, and books intended for the younger generation (Kan, 1997: 160), (Kan, 2001: 223), (Kan, 2006: 128), (Kan, 1994: 178).
Many general and special works are devoted to the history of deported Koreans. In the works of M.K. Kozybayev and K.S. Aldazhumanov (Kozybayev, Aldazhumanov, 1997: 128), M.K. Kozybayev (Kozybayev, 1998: 155), E.K. Aldazhumanov (Aldazhumanov, 1997: 116), deportation was assessed as the gravest crime of the totalitarian regime.
Anniversary editions dedicated to the activities of the Association of Koreans of Kazakhstan, the 70th anniversary of the Koreans in Kazakhstan have been published. In different years, works devoted to the development of television and Korean theater have been published. The books contain essays about outstanding representatives of the Korean ethnic group, and ordinary workers who work for the common good of the country -the Republic of Kazakhstan (Tshai, 2000: 98).
In the context of the actualization of the study of the state language in the Republic of Kazakhstan, which is recognized as an important consolidating factor of the unity of the people of Kazakhstan, the experience practiced by different ethnic groups is interesting. To this end, in 2010, the academy of science undertook a study of the experience of language policy among the Koreans of Kazakhstan. The results collected in the Analytical Report showed the effectiveness of existing practices, on the other hand, made it possible to identify problematic points.
Despite the large source material on the Koreans of Kazakhstan, they do not sufficiently cover the processes of their adaptation to new conditions. It is necessary to further study the economic, social, cultural, and psychological adaptation of the Korean population both during the period of tsarist exile and during forced deportation on the eve of World War II.
Results
The process of resettlement and adaptation of Koreans to the territory of Kazakhstan can be divided into 3 stages:
1. At the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th centuries.
2. In the 20s of the 20th century
3. Deportation in 1937-1938
4. 40-80s of 20th century and during the period of independent Kazakhstan.
The first Koreans appeared on the territory of the Russian Far East in the 50s-60s of the 19th century. Unbearably difficult economic and political conditions in Korea: high taxes, cruel exploitation of the landowners, the oppression of usurers, and mass poverty forced the people, especially its poorest part, fleeing starvation, to seek refuge in Primorye. The tsarist authorities kindly accepted the settlers, endowed them with land, and exempted them from taxes and duties. They needed an able-bodied population on the outskirts of the empire. Soon the Koreans appeared in Siberia, and at the end of the 19th-beginning of the 20th century in the north-east of Kazakhstan.
According to the first general census of the population of the Russian Empire in 1897, Koreans lived in the Semirechensk region - 11 people, of which 5 were men and 6 were women, including 3 men and 2 women in the Vernensky district, 1 man in the city of Verny (now Almaty), 1 man and 3 women in the Dzharkent district, 1 woman in the city of Zharkent. In the Syrdarya region in the city of Aulie-Ata (now the city of Taraz) there lived 1 male Korean, in the Perovsky district (now the Kzyl-Orda region) also 1 Korean. 5 Koreans lived in the Akmola region - 4 women and 1 man (The first general census of the
population of the Russian Empire in 1897).
In 1904-1905, during the years of the Russo-Japanese War, hundreds of Koreans, by order of the tsarist authorities, were forcibly evicted from the Far East to the deep provinces of Russia under police supervision. They were evicted to Tomsk, Perm, Penza, and other cities and provinces close to, and directly bordering Kazakhstan, and also transported along the Trans-Siberian Railway, passing through Kazakhstan. Therefore, it is no coincidence that some of them settled in Kazakhstan.
The Koreans worked mainly at day jobs: they also traded in tents for all sorts of trifles, paper flowers, tobacco products, etc.; among them were hairdressers, stuffers of cigarettes, cigarettes, other handicraftsmen, etc. Popular among them was the Korean laundry in Omsk, Semipalatinsk, Tomsk, and Ishim. Here, Koreans not only washed and ironed clothes but also were the owners of these establishments. In the special cards of their records in the internal affairs bodies, the vast majority of them say that they work honestly, nothing reprehensible is noticed behind them, they completely provide their lives and the lives of their families with their work, they got used to Russian living conditions.
Korean immigrants mastered the Russian language, but as a rule, they could not read and write. Many of them were "enlightened in holy baptism" and converted to Orthodoxy. G. Kan gives the Russian names of baptized Koreans who lived in Kazakhstan at the beginning of the 20th century: Yu-On-Po - Vladimir Rafailovich, Kim-Chu-I - Fyodor, Chan-Hani - Alexander Litvinov, Bak-Po-Shi - Vasily, Kisi-Ne-Pek - Vasily Nikolaevich Pikhtovnikov (Kan, 2006: 128).
There were facts when official authorities began to oppress such Koreans, for example, accusing them of unreliability, they argued that they belong to the Orthodox faith. So, a Korean from the An-Akmola region was accused of political unreliability, to which he told the head of the gendarme department that he was in holy baptism Savrasov Alexander Romanovich, and his successor at baptism, that is, the godfather, was the mayor of Chita, Roman Mikhailovich Savrasov himself. (Kan, 2006: 44).
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The Koreans of Kazakhstan of that period had both mono-ethnic and multi-ethnic marriages. In a mono-ethnic marriage, often one of the family members converted to Orthodoxy.
The second category of family lifestyle included Koreans who married Russians. Below G. Kan gives an example of a Korean Cho-Kim-Piri, born in 1877 (born in Seoul). On September 2, 1909, in Omsk, as a parish of the Grado-Omsk Elijah Church, he married with his first marriage to a philistine girl Natalia Nikolaevna Tukmacheva, 29 years old. They had a daughter, Ekaterina, born November 15, 1909 (Kan, 2006: 45).
And finally, the third category included those who simply cohabited with locals. For example, the Korean Kim-In-Su in the city of Omsk in Lunev>s house cohabited with a peasant woman, Augusta Vasilievna Ryabkova (Kan, 2006: 46).
In the first years of Soviet power, Koreans continued to migrate to Kazakhstan in small groups. The Bolsheviks, who seized power in Russia in 1917, continued the colonial policy of the tsarist government to assimilate small ethnic groups. In 1921, the future "father of all peoples" Joseph Stalin offered the following definition of this term: "...Separate fluid national groups [...] interspersed in other-national compact majorities and in most cases do not [...] have a defined territory" (Denninghaus, 2022: 10).
According to the data of the first all-Union Population Census of 1926, at that time some Koreans lived in the Akmola, Semipalatinsk, and Syrdarya regions (All-Union population census of 1926: 16-35).
In 1928, about 300 Korean rice growers were invited to Kazakhstan to share their rich experience in rice cultivation. 70 families arrived in the Semirechensk province and organized the Korean Agricultural Labor Artel «Kazakh Rice" (GAO AO, 78).
And the fact that Kazakhstan became the most rice-growing region of the USSR was a great merit of these "first virgin lands" of the 20s. A couple of years later, rice growers who had developed the Karatal massif in the Alma-Ata district began to send seeds of a crop rare for Kazakhstan and recommendations for its cultivation to other
regions of the republic (Without anger and sorrow (On the Koreans of the Aral Sea region), 2003: 125).
The largest flow of resettlement of Koreans to Kazakhstan relates to the deportation of 19371938.
Under the conditions of the totalitarian regime and the threat of the Second World War, the leadership of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics pursued its domestic and foreign policy in accordance with Stalin>s thesis that with the development of the construction of socialism, the class struggle within the country and abroad intensifies. This thesis gave a start to mass terror throughout the country, and it directly affected the Koreans. The Koreans, who lived on the eastern borders, became hostages of the policy of the Soviet state, which began to strengthen its borders along the entire perimeter. The government of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, assessing the situation in the Far Eastern Territory, decided that with the deterioration of relations with Japan, the Koreans posed a certain threat and, on the whole, an unreliable mass, easily influenced by Japanese espionage. In such a situation, the country>s leadership takes a tough decision to strengthen the borders in the spirit of a totalitarian regime, starting a policy of eviction of certain peoples from the border areas into the interior of the country. To eliminate the threat of betrayal, the Koreans were resettled in Kazakhstan, which was located thousands of kilometers away. from the Far East and made it possible to disperse the Korean ethnic group over vast territories.
In addition, the Stalinist government, by this criminal act, planned to restore the population at least partially, as well as revive agriculture and create new branches of agriculture in the regions of Kazakhstan destroyed by forced collectivization and mass famine.
The deportation of Koreans was a planned, organized, and carefully controlled large-scale action of the totalitarian regime, which first tested the mechanism of mass forced migration.
To justify the illegal deportation of the Koreans, shortly before it began, the propaganda machine began to work at full capacity, fueling the atmosphere of spy mania.
In April 1937, the central party organ Pravda published publications about Japanese espionage in the Soviet Far East, which indicated that Japanese spies were operating in Korea, China, and the Soviet Union, using the Chinese and Koreans for espionage, masquerading as locals.
To deport Koreans without hindrance, the totalitarian regime deprived them of recognized leaders and leaders. In the depths of the People>s Commissariat for Internal Affairs, the "Korean Regional Insurgent Center" was fabricated, which allegedly was preparing an armed uprising to tear the Far East Territory from the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics. Before and during the deportation, about 2500 Koreans were arrested and repressed (Without anger and sadness (On the Koreans of the Aral Sea region), 2003: 30).
Legally, their deportation was formalized in two well-known decrees: August 21, 1937 -Decree of the Council of People>s Commissars of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics and the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks No. 1428-326 "On the eviction of the Korean population of the border regions of the Far Eastern Territory" and Decree of the Council of People>s Commissars of the USSR No. 1647-377 "On the eviction of Koreans from the territory of the Far Eastern Territory" dated September 28, 1937 (Yakovlev, Pobol, Polyan, 2005: 904).
The second resolution clearly stated that all remaining Koreans were evicted from the Far Eastern Territory, and the places of their eviction were specified in it: Aktobe, West-Kazakhstan, Karaganda, South-Kazakhstan, regions, and Guryev district in the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic. Even though specific areas for resettlement were identified, the Koreans were settled throughout Kazakhstan: the state ruled out the possibility of their compact residence.
The deported Koreans experienced indescribably severe trials, and they suffered irreparable material and moral losses. They were arrested and repressed at the places of eviction, along the way in echelons, at new places. There were accidents along the way.
Many were unloaded at small stations, right in the steppe, and left there to settle down. So,
50 Korean families were sent to the Aral region to the "Bugun" fish factory. However, navigation had already been closed, and families had to be accommodated in the homes of residents. 600 people lived in the Collective Farmer>s House, 400 in the shipyard club, and 250 people at the railway station until the ice got stronger and the settlers were sent to the island in trucks. And their dugouts and outbuildings hastily adapted for housing were waiting for them.
The first stage of resettlement in the Karatal valley from the Ussuriysk and other regions of the Primorsky territory accommodated 5,000 Korean households, or about 25,000 people (of all ages). In the Karatal region, the Koreans settled in the so-called "points". So, the 1st point was called "Far East", the 2nd - "Frunze", the 3rd -"Maxim Gorky", the 4th point - "Osoaviakhim", etc. (Kahn, 2006: 424).
On February 1, 1938, senior lieutenant of state security Shkele reported to the head of the resettlement department of the People>s Commissariat for Internal Affairs of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, divintendant Pliner: "According to the census carried out by the resettlement areas, it was established that Korean settlers arrived in Kazakhstan, 20,789 families, 98,454 people. These included:
104 agricultural collective farms - 6175 families, 30856 people;
13 fishing collective farms - 1109 families, 5350 people;
Agricultural workers, individual collective farmers, and individual farmers - 3362 families, 15582 people;
Laborers, including workers of the state word - 3305 families, 15327 people;
Qualified workers - 2470 families, 10782 people;
4 commercial martels - 229 families, 1167 people;
Prospectors - 371 families, 1492 people. Employees - 3248 families, 15047 people" (Without anger and sadness (On the Koreans of the Aral Sea), 2003: 125).
By the Decree of the Council of People>s Commissars and the Central Committee of the All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks
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of February 20 and the Council of People>s Commissars and the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Bolsheviks of March 3, 1938, they predetermined the geography of the settlement of Korean migrants in the republic. According to the reports of the regional executive committees, as of December 1, 1938, 18,525 Korean households were settled as follows: Alma-Ata - 4191 Kyzyl-Orda -7613 Karaganda -1225 Aktobe -758 Guryevskaya -1075 North Kazakhstan -778 West Kazakhstan -512 South Kazakhstan -1269 Kostanay -1040
As of December 1, 1938, 57 Korean collective farms were formed in the Alma-Ata and Kyzyl-Orda regions. Almost half of them (26) are in the Kyzyl-Orda region (Chernysh, Khan, 2000:105).
The North Kazakhstan region was not included in the list of those regions that were identified as places of settlement of Koreans. Nevertheless, in October 1937, "2300 resettlement households" arrived in the North Kazakhstan region (North Kazakhstan State Archive. F. 22. Op. 2. D. 31. L. 425).
Here, most of the Koreans were accommodated in the region in those areas where there were labor settlements of Poles and Germans expelled from Western Ukraine, where they already had experience working with immigrants. In general, this nature of the placement of Koreans can be explained by the fact that taking into account the current situation, it was easier for local authorities to exercise control and supervision functions over this population. The rest settled in all the remaining areas, which meant their dispersion throughout the region. Thus, when placing Koreans in the region, they took as a basis the criterion that made it possible to control and manage all those deported to the region.
The first and most difficult for the deported Koreans was climate adaptation. People had to get used to the new natural conditions, do a huge job of building their own housing and industrial premises, irrigation facilities, and prepare fields, and rice paddies.
But people had to get used to the new climatic conditions, do a huge job of building their own housing and industrial premises, irrigation facilities, and prepare fields, and rice paddies. In Kazakhstan, Koreans found themselves in different natural and climatic environments. The coastal monsoon climate of the Far East differed from the sharply continental climate, with hot summers, harsh winters, abrupt transitions from heat to cold, and dry, with a predominance of northern and northeastern winds, the climate of Kazakhstan. In addition to the stress of resettlement, in Kazakhstan, Koreans also found themselves in a different ethnic-economic, socio-cultural, and linguistic environment. It was also tragic that as a result of the deportation, the Far Eastern Koreans were finally torn off and isolated from their historical homeland, Korea, for many years.
A particularly difficult situation developed in the area of the Aral Sea, here even the People>s Commissariat for Internal Affairs workers themselves reported to Alma-Ata: "Horses can't stand it, send oxen" (Without anger and sadness (On the Koreans of the Aral Sea region), 2003: 125).
On October 24, 1939, the collective farmers of the collective farm "Ekpendy" of the Kum-Aral village council of the Yany-Kurgan district of the Kyzyl-Orda region sent a collective letter to the Chairman of the Council of People>s Commissars of the Kazakh Soviet Socialist Republic. They wrote that they were settled on a plot where there was no irrigation water, in 1939 they sowed 50 hectares with wheat, and harvested only 13 centners. grains. Further, the letter said: "For two years from spring to autumn, the collective farmers exhausted themselves by digging ditches by hand, but still they were left without bread. Collective farmers and their children are starving. Many students have stopped even going to school, there is no food, no shoes, no clothes. They sit naked and hungry. There is no hope for the future" (Without anger and sadness (About the Koreans of the Aral Sea region), 2003: 87).
It was difficult for the settlers to get used to the new conditions. Another area of social security for Koreans - medical care was also
unfavorable. There were a lot of lice among the settlers. Food was scarce, in Selpo>s stalls there was a very limited assortment of food, and there was not enough meat and vegetables. The absence of these products, especially vegetables, contributed to the development of scurvy. The migrants of the North-Kazakhstan, Guryev, Kyzyl-Orda, and Alma-Ata regions were ill with scurvy. In addition to scurvy, were common: typhoid fever, hemocalitis, diphtheria, measles, and other infectious diseases (Kahn, 1994: 212).
Almost all infectious and catarrhal diseases raged among Koreans: influenza, bronchitis, otitis media, pneumonia, typhoid fever and typhus, cholera, dysentery, scarlet fever, measles was especially common among children, scurvy also raged, due to a lack of vitamin C and generally poor nutrition. Hepatitis outbreaks were frequent, and patients with syphilis were observed. In addition, the Koreans were settled in the Aral, Kazalinsky, and Dengiz regions, affected by leprosy. Due to the lack of baths, lice began among the Koreans.
In the spring of 1938, after wintering in dugouts, many, especially the elderly and children, suffered from scurvy, night blindness, the consequences of vitamin deficiency, and unusual food. And then typhoid fever broke out. Local authorities took all measures to eliminate diseases. Dried vegetables were delivered to the stores, and doctors conducted door-to-door rounds. Medical care has been improved.
The 1939 population census speaks of the plight of the settlers. She gives out that out of every thousand Koreans, 42 people died. Child mortality was 200 per thousand. It turns out that every fifth child died. Reports of health authorities on mass outbreaks of acute intestinal diseases and scurvy among migrants have been preserved. Although emergency measures were taken - the necessary drugs and equipment were allocated from the epidemiological fund, and tents were deployed in places - they were often late (Without anger and sadness (On the Koreans of the Aral Sea region), 2003: 125).
But life went on, and the Koreans, steadfastly, courageously and with dignity enduring the trials that fell to their lot, settled down in their
new homeland. The resettlement of Koreans in Kazakhstan made it possible, first of all, to significantly increase agricultural production here.
Undoubtedly, the help of local residents played a huge role in the survival of Koreans and other deported peoples, who, despite their difficult situation, shared their last piece of bread with them.
Relations between the local population and visitors did not always develop well. Shortly before these events, the Kazakhs, who survived a terrible famine, were themselves in a difficult situation. Therefore, some representatives of the autochthonous population were hostile to the forced migrants. The secretary of the regional committee of the party, Babkin, at a meeting of the organizing bureau in the same Chilean region, urged the communists "to wage a stubborn struggle against the anti-Soviet mood and the class enemy, who are now using the method of setting the Kazakhs against the Koreans and vice versa. This is the work of the class enemy. The task of the party organization is to follow "the enemy>s sortie and educate people in the Soviet spirit, to pursue a policy of friendship between peoples" (Kim, 1999: 392).
But these were mostly isolated cases, and in general, the relationship between the Koreans and the local population was good.
As G.V. Kan in the book "Koreans of Kazakhstan",... "according to the laws of the development of nature and society, a person, as a unity of natural and social, inevitably integrating to it, bearing its external and internal attributes, in turn introducing creativity into it. And the answer to the question "how did the forcibly displaced people manage not only to survive in those difficult years but also to maintain their creative potential? " lies precisely in the fact that he found himself in an environment that was close and understandable to the troubles of the Koreans" (Kang, 1994: 33).
This is very fair, because both Kazakhs and other nationalities, whose representatives already lived in these parts, themselves drank plenty of grief and were ready to share the last piece of bread with their newly found brothers, to give shelter in their wretched dwelling.
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Z. Kim recalled: "Shepherds supplied the settlers with dung, which none of the Koreans had any idea about before, shared milk and meat, treated them with Kurt. I remember only yellowish-white pellets of tart-salty Kurt, which seemed to us, children, sweeter than candy, acrid smoke that covered our eyes..." (Kan, 2001: 61).
The migrants who survived the horrors of deportation are unanimous in one thing: the good-heartedness, compassion, and disinterested help of the Kustanai people helped them to withstand the disaster. Koreans at first huddled with Kazakhs, Ukrainians, Russians, and Germans.
Kan Cher Tyun, a member of the collective farm "III International" recalls: "At the end of September 1937, we arrived at the Dzhusaly station, where we were dropped off. That year melons and gourds were well harvested, the locals greeted us cordially, as if they were good guests, treated us to melons and watermelons, brought food" (Chernysh, Kan, 2000: 40-41).
Domestic adaptation at the beginning was also very difficult. Most collective farms arrived in Kazakhstan without any equipment. In the hands of the collective farmers were only certificates of property handed over to the state. Together with the collective farmers, they brought in workers, employees, and intelligentsia of various professions and qualifications. But no one needed these people. Even the artisans who arrived with their equipment did not immediately find work, although sewers, bakers, hairdressers, shoemakers, watchmakers, carpenters, and metalworkers could start work almost immediately. The issues of employment of teachers and doctors were not always promptly resolved.
Only on March 13, 1938, the decision for the Kyzyl-Orda region "On the resettlement and economic organization of Korean settlers in the Kyzyl-Orda region" was adopted.
According to it, "7457 resettlement farms located in the Kyzyl-Orda region were arranged in the following order: a) 3386 farms of collective farmers and workers as independent collective farms and 2241 farms of collective farmers and workers in the order of additional settlement in the collective farms of the region on the basis of
rice growing, grain and garden crops, fishing and industrial cooperation; 400 families of workers and employees at enterprises and institutions of the city of Kyzyl-Orda. (Without Anger and Sorrow (On the Koreans of the Aral Sea Region), 2003: 33).
In Kazakhstan, Koreans were brought to unprepared places of settlement, they were placed in warehouses, barns, stables, pigsties, abandoned mosques, clubs, railway buildings, schools, sheds, other outbuildings, and even in the building of a former prison. In the Kyzyl-Orda region, the outside air temperature was kept within 10-18 degrees below zero. The building of the former club of printers, where up to 150 people were accommodated, could collapse at any moment, as the special technical commission admitted.
The temperature inside the premises of other buildings was also very low and did not exceed 4-6 degrees Celsius, and in some, like the mosque, below zero (Kan, 1995: 103).
Those who did not get even such premises dug dugouts for themselves in an open field. Let me remind you that it was October, November 1937, and harsh winter is ahead.
Initially, adobe houses without foundations and "layer-turf houses" were built for Koreans. Especially for the settlement of Koreans in Kazakhstan, the Spetsstroy office was created, it was also called the Office for the Construction of Korean Villages.
Kan P.P. talks about the housing and household adaptation of migrants: "New settlers were temporarily placed in Kazakh yurts, offering everyone to dig dugouts for housing. Most dugouts were about 5x4 meters in size, and about two meters high. The ground was sandy, so digging wasn>t exactly difficult. The collective farm allocated some timber for the construction of a roll on the roof of the dugout and equipment for bunks for sleeping, as well as reed mats for the roof. Then clay was brought near each dugout, which was used to coat the reed mats of the roof. In conclusion, stove-makers went around all the dugouts, arranging small stoves inside, the chimneys of which were taken out, as it were, from underground.
From the available boards, bunk beds were knocked down along three walls, and a small table was arranged in the middle. The walls and floor were earthen. Quite a bit of time passed, about 15-20 days, and 60 dugouts appeared on a completely empty place, which was settled by "new settlers", the yurts were collected and taken away. We had to spend the winter in these dugouts, so we had to deal with the preparation of dung fuel" (Kan, 1994: 178).
The settlers brought wood, lumber, glass, nails, and paint. The state allocated loans, and the cost of materials was reimbursed by transfer. The rest was taken underfoot: they made adobe and mud bricks from local clay, mowed reeds for roofs, and built a primitive brick factory. And although all the work on the construction sites was carried out manually, there was no idea about any construction equipment, delays were not allowed. In all collective farms, construction went on without stopping for two years. By the autumn of 1939, the collective farm settlement was pleasing to the eye: straight streets of semidetached residential buildings, shops, paramedics, and most importantly, a brand new school was ready for the start of the new academic year (Kim, Kozybaev, 2001: 240).
Not all Koreans were able to adapt to the climate of the places of deportation. They began to leave these territories without permission and migrate to other regions of Kazakhstan, as well as to other republics of Central Asia, in particular to Uzbekistan.
Already in the winter of 1938, messages began to arrive in Alma-Ata from almost everywhere: "Massive administrative migration of Korean households is noted", "tell us where and the reasons for the flight of Korean migrants", "despite the fact that the heads of the party, Soviet and economic organizations have repeatedly made trips for the purpose of agitation and explanatory work among the Korean population, these events they don't help, and people's movements don't stop" (Central State Archive of Republic of Kazakhstan. F.1481. op.10. D. 13. P. 74-97).
The main reason for the unauthorized resettlement of the Koreans was the desire
to simply survive, to save their families and children.
In the field of economic adaptation, the Koreans showed miracles of adaptation to new living conditions. In regions where there was a large amount of precipitation, the summer was damp, the soil was clayey, and the Koreans sowed bread in beds, which protected the grain from excess moisture and spoilage since the furrows between the beds played the role of drainage. Therefore, the Korean fields were not afraid of either dampness or fungus and gave large yields.
The development of rice growing in Kazakhstan is directly connected with the Koreans. The deported Koreans created blooming oases in the bare steppe with their own hands. Each weaving, each hectare, cages, checks, canals, and ditches, processed by hand with chekmen and shovels, were abundantly watered with the sweat of superhuman efforts.
In 1938, 3,000 families of Koreans were settled on the lands of the former Karatal rice state farm, and 15 independent Korean rice collective farms were formed. They competently organized rice cultivation, and on October 8, 1938, in Kazakhstan, rice cultivation began to be singled out separately in the plans of the government. (Association of Koreans of Kazakhstan 10 years, 2000: 346).
In the Karatal valley, each collective farm was allocated a plot of land with a size of 25 acres, in addition, it was allowed to cultivate empty land near the village. Many villagers started a personal plot on which they grew corn and potatoes. There were outbuildings in the courtyard of the houses: a barn, a cellar, a poultry house, a pigsty, and stables where horses and donkeys were kept (Em, 2003: 89).
According to the state plan, in the first spring of their stay on Kazakh soil, only independent Korean collective farms were to sow 26,860 hectares of arable land with grain, horticultural and melon, and industrial crops. And in 1939 they had already sown 38,482 hectares; there were 104 livestock farms on Korean collective farms. In 1940, only in one Kyzyl-Orda region, the Koreans sowed 25,026 hectares with spring crops (Kan, An, Kim, Men, 1997: 63-64).
In the North Kazakhstan region, the resettled Korean collective farms consisted of a small
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number of households, therefore, in order to strengthen their economic structure, they were merged, as a result of which 4 large collective farms were formed. The remaining 202 Korean farms were placed as follows: "In the village of Arkhangelsk, near the city of Petropavlovsk, on the lands of the main children>s regional hospital, another 1 Korean collective farm was set up - Krasny Vostok with 123 farms - 570 people, 39 Korean farms were arranged in existing collective farms and 40 farms were employed by the new machine-technological station. Organized collective farms of the Koreans on the lands of the Krasnoarmeisky dairy-meat-sovkhoz were attached to the Kellerovsky district. The Northern machine-technological station was formed to serve 4 Korean collective farms, and the Petropavlovsk machine-technological station was attached to serve the Krasny Vostok vegetable collective farm (North Kazakhstan State Archive. F. 1189. Op. 1. D. 445. 6, pp. 168-169).
The organization of independent Korean collective farms allowed the local authorities to better control and observe the settlement regime, to stop attempts to escape. The compact settlement of the Koreans facilitated the creation of national schools, and also made it possible to provide assistance to them in a more organized manner, which was what the regional leadership was trying to do.
The Koreans successfully coped with all the difficulties of rice cultivation, up to the development of new varieties of this crop, since all the varieties brought here did not take root, or they did not have time to ripen due to lack of heat or gave low yields. For example, a local variety of rice "Pak-Li" was bred here, which meets the natural and climatic requirements of this particular region. It was the Koreans who established rice growing on an industrial scale in the republic.
Among the heroes of labor, the most famous Korean was the famous rice grower, a leader of the Avangard collective farm in the Chilean district of the Kyzyl-Orda region Kim Man Sam. He was a friend and colleague of the twice Hero of Socialist Labor of the neighboring collective farm "Kyzyl-Tu" Ibray Zhakhaev. He was a friend and
colleague of the twice Hero of Socialist Labor of the neighboring collective farm "Kyzyl-Tu" Ibray Zhakhaev. Kim Man Sam set a world rice yield record, he harvested 150 c. grain per hectare. He was awarded all the highest titles and awards for labor achievements established in the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics.
He was awarded the State Prize of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, and awarded the title of Hero of Socialist Labor. 11 Heroes of Socialist Labor of the Avangard collective farm considered him their teacher. Kimmansam movement was deployed throughout the Soviet Union, even in the most remote corners of the vast country, Kimmansam units were created. Poems were written about him, and songs were sung. The whole country admired his labor achievements. And in 1942, the most difficult and turning point in the Great Patriotic War, Kim Man Sam donated 105 thousand rubles from his personal savings for the construction of the tank column "Kyzyl-Orda Collective Farmer".
There were 12 Heroes of Socialist Labor in the Avangard collective farm in the Chilean district of the Kyzyl-Orda region, where Kim Man Sam worked as a link. In the Karatal district of the Taldy-Kurgan region, in 1948 alone, 21 Koreans were awarded the title Hero of Socialist Labor. And all these titles in Kazakhstan were awarded to 67 Koreans (Encyclopedia of Koreans of Kazakhstan, 2017:11).
The Koreans were not only rice and vegetable growers, but also born fishermen, and dozens of fishing collective farms were resettled in Kazakhstan from the Far East. Moreover, the Koreans were masters of deep ocean fishing, and when they applied this technique in Kazakhstan, it contributed to the fact that their collective farms became advanced in this sector of agriculture.
As a result of repressions and deportations, Koreans suffered huge losses in education, culture, and language. On September 1, 1938, Korean schools were closed, the Korean Pedagogical College in Kazalinsk, and then the Korean Pedagogical Institute in Kyzyl-Orda. Tens of thousands of books brought by Koreans from the Far East region were destroyed. But those who were settled on the shores of the
drying the Aral Sea were not lucky. For example, the Korean fishing collective farm named after Voroshilov was placed in the village of Kuvan- Darya in the Aral region, 192 Korean families lived in it. He was 250 km from the regional center of Aralsk, at a distance of 8.5 km from the sea, besides, because of the shallow water, ships could not approach the shore closer than 15 km. All this distance the fishermen passed on foot by land and water. Fishing was carried out at 60 to 200 km from the shore and the fishermen were at sea for three or more months without returning to the collective farm. There was no drinking water on the collective farm, the Koreans dug a canal 7 km long so that water would flow into the village. Due to poor drinking water, 85 people died from an intestinal infection on the collective farm. But despite this, the Koreans were able to undergo social and cultural adaptation.
New hospitals, schools, and other social and cultural institutions were built for the new collective farms. A separate paragraph in the Decree instructed the Kyzyl-Orda Organizing Bureau of the Communist Party of Kazakhstan to start building a Korean Pedagogical Institute in Kyzyl-Orda with a hostel with a total cost of 1200 thousand rubles. At the same time, at the expense of funds allocated for school construction, build a Korean school for 400 children in the city of Kyzyl-Orda" (Encyclopedia of Koreans of Kazakhstan, 2017:34).
However, the Soviet totalitarian regime put the Koreans in harsh conditions of survival and adaptation to the new environment, when people were forced to abandon their traditional economy, culture, and even their native language. They understood that they were resettled in Kazakhstan for a long time, and only knowledge of the Russian language would give them the opportunity to adapt to the new realities.
For example, in the North Kazakhstan village of Novo-Kubansky, the authorities planned to open a school in Korean with a boarding school for 60 people, students gathered from all villages, but most parents did not want to teach their children in their native language but arranged their children in a Russian school (North
Kazakhstan State Archive. F. 1189. Op. 1. D. 445. 6, l. 193.).
An important place in the life of the Koreans of Kazakhstan is occupied by the Korean newspaper and theater. After moving to Kazakhstan, the editorial office of the Avangard newspaper, founded in the Far East in 1923, was moved to Kyzyl-Orda. It was one of the Korean newspapers that were published there at the district and provincial levels. On its base in 1938 in Kyzyl-Orda, the regional newspaper "Lenin kichi" ("Lenin banner") began to be published. Then she went through the path of the regional, republican, relocated to Alma-Ata. In 2013, she celebrated her 90 th birthday. Now it is the newspaper "Kore Ilbo", which is also published in electronic format (Encyclopedia of Koreans in Kazakhstan, 2017: 112).
Thus, the repressive policy of the totalitarian state (in the form of deportation) had a detrimental effect on the socio-economic, cultural, and demographic development of Koreans. The Koreans, once in Kazakhstan, were dispersed throughout all regions. Over the years, they lost part of their ethnic group due to hunger and disease, were deprived of civil and political rights, did not have the right to free movement, the right to serve in the army, enter central universities, and were forced to live under moral and psychological pressure.
Despite some improvement in the situation of the Koreans after the death of I. Stalin in 1953, they were never allowed to return to the Far East. Until the mid-1950s, they were forbidden to leave the republic, and in their passports, in the "Special Marks" section, it was written: "It is allowed to live within Kazakhstan", and this entry was certified with a red seal (Khan, 1997: 231).
After Kazakhstan gained independence in 1991, unlike the Germans, Russians, Poles, and several other ethnic groups, whose numbers decreased because of returning to their historical homeland, the Koreans, on the contrary, mostly remained in the republic. Kozhakeyeva L.T. showed the dynamics of growth in the number of Koreans during the period of independent Kazakhstan.
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Table 1. The number of ethnic groups of Kazakhstan in 1989-2018
Nationality 1989 1999 2009 2018
Koreans 103 315 99 665 100 385 107 169
According to the Ministry of Information and Social Development, as of January 1, 2022, the proportion of Koreans in Kazakhstan was about 108,000 people or 0.57%. (Kozhakeeva, 2022: 1516).
After the collapse of the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics, an integrative image gradually becomes obvious to Koreans and other people of different nationalities included in life, affirming in their minds the community of "Kazakhstan". Kazakhstani in the modern multi-ethnic meaning of this concept is a new phenomenon; they are the most important component in the supra-ethnic formation of post-Soviet Kazakhstan. This is especially typical for Nur-Sultan and Almaty, where a new "Kazakhstani" metropolis is being formed more fully than in other regions of Kazakhstan from various "ethnic sources". Ethnic formations are involved in it in different ways, which are internally differentiated by the degree of inclusion in this multi-ethnic space. The environment nourishes in the formed groups of Koreans the specificity of the "supra-ethnic" metropolitan self-consciousness.
The Koreans of Kyzylorda and South Kazakhstan. regions, the preservation of ethnic attributes is more pronounced than among fellow tribesmen living in Nur-Sultan and Almaty. Although they do not know Korean better, they more often consider it their native language, are more focused on teaching children in Korean schools, are less likely to enter ethnically mixed marriages, etc.
Among the most numerous nationalities living on the territory of Kazakhstan, the Koreans occupy the 9th place in terms of specific weight, and in the city of Almaty - the 6th place. Thus, in Kazakhstan, the population of Korean nationality is still mainly concentrated in 5 regions (Almaty, Zhambyl, Karaganda, Kyzyl-Orda, Turkestan), and the city of Almaty.
Thus, both during the tsarist period, during the years of the totalitarian regime, and during
the period of independence of the Republic of Kazakhstan, the Koreans made a great contribution to the development of the republic. Once in Kazakhstan, having received the support of residents, they managed to successfully adapt, not lose their potential, and take their rightful place among the many peoples of Kazakhstan.
Conclusion
Thus, the historical destinies of the representatives of the Korean people in Kazakhstan were closely linked both in time and space. After all, for many decades, Koreans, Kazakhs, Russians, and other ethnic groups lived in one state and, to a large extent, shared a common life. As a result, they have much in common in cultural and socio-economic relations. The study of the features and patterns of socio-cultural adaptation and identification of Koreans in post-Soviet Kazakhstan provides a good opportunity to assess the potential for the survivability of a minority ethnic group in a foreign ethnic environment and determine the nature of the acculturation and modernization changes taking place with it.
Symptoms of the qualitative results of such integration processes are typical for countries in which we can already talk about the formation of collective supra-ethnic formations of theAmerican type. This is an outward resemblance to the supra-ethnic image of the Soviet person accepted in our past, which, due to specific reasons, could not stand it, however, it has been tested by time. For integrated trends to be effective, they must go beyond the mere moods or intentions of the ruling stratum and have vital manifestations and unconditional stability. The experience of Koreans living in Kazakhstan shows that an important premise for the adaptation and integration of an ethnic group into the Kazakh environment can be an understanding of the historical path traveled and the current ethno-cultural situation. And the diversity of the socio-cultural environments of the post-Soviet space cannot detract from the prospects for such processes.
But despite the inevitable difficulties and costs of ethnonational interaction, at certain stages of civilizational development, the predominance
of historically set integrative tendencies is inevitable. In the future, this implies the formation of new inter-ethnic, more precisely, supra-ethnic communities with similar and even uniform features in culture, lifestyle, and, ultimately, self-consciousness. The Korean ethnos in Kazakhstan, in interaction with others, especially with Kazakhs and Russians, created, in a certain sense, a derived integrative interethnic community, optimal for its progressive development.
In general, when studying the history of the formation and development of the Koreans of Kazakhstan at the end of the 19th-20th century, and the features of its cultural and social development, it is necessary to consider the
basic layer of the mentality that developed in the historical conditions of the former places of residence, as well as worldview features acquired in the tsarist and Soviet times. The Korean diaspora of Kazakhstan is in the process of its development and formation at the end of the 1920th century. has become a stable component of the demographic, socio-economic, political, and cultural life of the republic, showing an example of the successful adaptation of an ethnic group to a foreign cultural environment. The practical application of this experience by the government will undoubtedly become the basis for practical application in the field of creating an atmosphere of interethnic harmony.
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XIX Facbipflbi^ соцы мен -XX F. Казак,станда кэрктердщ беймделу YPdicrepi
Андатпа. Зерттеудщ езекллт этностьщ бегде мэдени ортага сэтт бешмделушщ Y^ricm керсеткен, республиканьщ демографияльщ, элеуметтш - экономикальщ, саяси жэне мэдени eMiprnifl тура^ты ком-понентше айналган Каза^стандагы кэрк диаспорасыньщ XIX-XX гг.дамуы мен ^алыптасуымен ай^ында-лады. ¥сынылган мэселеш зерттеу барысында 6i3 ецбектер мен кужаттарга CYйендiк, оларды зерделеп, Казахстан аумагында кэрктердщ ^оныс аудару жэне бешмделу Yрдiстерiн ба^ылай алдьщ. Макала рево-люцияга дешнп дэуiрде, Кецес еюметшщ алгаш^ы жылдарындагы, 1937-1938 жылдардагы депортация нау^анындагы, согыстан кейшп жылдардагы жэне тэуелаз Казахстан кезещндеп кэрктердщ Каза^станга ^оныс аударуы мен бейiмделу кезецдерш ^амтиды. Коныс аудару кезецдер^ айма^тары жэне ^оныс ау -дарушылар санымен ^атар, бешмделудщ экономикальщ, элеуметтiк, мэдени TYрлерi егжей-тегжейлi сипатталады. Кэрктердщ Каза^стандагы егiн шаруашылыгын, атап айт^анда курш edрудi, сондай-а^ бальщ аулауды дамыту YPДiсi кeрсетiлген. Каза^станньщ табиги-климаттьщ жагдайларына бейiмделген тургын Yйлер салуды, корей елд! мекендерiн куруды кeздейтiн турмыстьщ бейiмделу егжей-тегжейл^ сипатталган. Сондай-а^ мэдени, 61л1м беру бейiмделуiне де: мектептер мен бас^а да о^у орындарыньщ, театрлардыц пайда болуына, эдебиет пен мерз!мд! басылымдардыц дамуына кещл белшед! Коныс ау-дарушылардыц автохтонды тургындармен элеуметтiк-мэдени ^арымщатынасы ерекше атап етыдд. Ко-рытындылай келе, эртYрлi тарихи о^игаларга ^арамастан, кэрiстер жергiлiктi жагдайларга бейiмделiп,
Каза^станды дамыту женшдеп жасампаз ецбекке белсене араласты деген ^орытынды жасалды. XIX-ХХ ff. соцыщ^ы Каза^станныц кэрктердщ ^алыптасу жэне даму тарихын, оныц мэдени жэне элеуметт1к даму ерекшел1ктер1н зерделеу кезшде бурыюты турFан жерлершщ тарихи жаFдайларында ^алыптас^ан менталитеттщ базист1к ^абаты, сондай-а^ патша жэне кецес заманында ^алыптас^ан дуниетанымдыщ ерекшел1ктер ескер1лд1. Каза^стащ^ы кэр1с диаспорасы езшщ дамуы мен ^алыптасуы барысында XIX Fасырдьщ соцы мен ХХ ff. республиканыц демографиялыщ, элеуметтш-экономикалыщ, саяси жэне мэдени ем1ршщ тура^ты компонент1не айналды, этностыц шетелд1к мэдени ортаFа сэтт1 бешмделушщ Yл-псш керсетт1. Материалдар практикалыщ кундылывда ие, ейткен1 Yкiметтщ бул тэж1рибеш ^олдануы сезаз этносаралыщ келiсiм атмосферасын куру саласында практикалыщ ^олдануFа негiз болады.
ТYЙiн сездер: Казахстан; Корея; Патшалык,; Бейiмделу; Миграция; Отарлау; Депортация; Этнос; Курш шаруашылыFы; Диаспора; Балыщ Аулау; Коныс аудару.
Е.К. Джиеналиев, Б. Шакен
Евразийский национальный университет имени Л.Н. Гумилева, Астана, Казахстан
Процессы адаптации корейцев в Казахстане в конце XIX-XX вв.
Аннотация. Актуальность исследования определяется развитием и становлением в Х1Х-ХХ вв. корейской диаспоры Казахстана, которая превратилась в стабильный компонент демографической, социально-экономической, политической и культурной жизни республики, показывающий пример успешной адаптации этноса в инокультурной среде. В ходе изучения представленной проблемы мы опирались на труды и документы, благодаря которым смогли проследить процессы переселения и адаптации корейцев на территории Казахстана. Статья освещает этапы переселения и адаптации корейцев в Казахстане в дореволюционную эпоху, в первые годы Советской власти, в период депортации в 1937-1938 гг. и в послевоенные годы. Наряду с этапами переселения и численностью переселенцев, подробно описываются типы адаптации: хозяйственная, социальная, культурная. Показан процесс развития корейцами земледелия в Казахстане, в частности рисоводства, а также рыболовства. Подробно описана бытовая адаптация, которая предусматривала строительство жилищ, приспособленных к природно-климатическим условиям Казахстана, создание корейских населенных пунктов. Уделяется также внимание культур- но-образовательной адаптации: появлению школ и других учебных заведений, театров, развитию литературы и периодики. Особо выделены социально-культурные взаимоотношения переселенцев с автохтонным населением. В заключении представлен вывод о том, что, несмотря на различные исторические события, корейцы смогли адаптироваться к местным условиям и активно включиться в созидательный труд по развитию Казахстана. При изучении истории формирования и развития корейцев Казахстана в конце Х1Х-ХХ вв., особенностей ее культурного и социального развития необходимо учитывать базисный слой менталитета, сложившийся в исторических условиях прежних мест проживания, а также мировоззренческие черты, приобретенные в царское и советское время. Материалы представляют практическую ценность, так как применение этого опыта правительством, несомненно, станет основой для практического применения в сфере создания атмосферы межэтнического согласия.
Ключевые слова: Казахстан; Корея; царизм; адаптация; миграция; колонизация; депортация; этнос; рисоводство; диаспора; рыболовство; переселение.
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Information about the authors:
Dzhiyenalyev Yerlan Kurmashevich - The 2nd year Ph.D. student in Archaeology and Ethnology, L.N.Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Astana, Kazakhstan.
Shaken Bulbul - The 2nd year Ph.D. student in Archaeology and Ethnology, L.N. Gumilyov Eurasian National University, Astana, Kazakhstan.
Джиеналиев Ерлан Курмашулы - Л.Н. Гумилев атындагы Еуразия улттыщ университет тарих факуль-тетшщ «Археология жэне этнология» кафедрасыньщ 2 курс докторанты, Астана, Казахстан.
Шзкен Булбул - Л.Н. Гумилев атындагы Еуразия улттыщ университет тарих факультетшщ «Археология жэне этнология» кафедрасыныц 2 курс докторанты, Астана, Казахстан.
Л.Н. Гумилев атындагы Еуразия улттьщ университеттц ХАБАРШЫСЫ.
Тарихи гылымдар. Философия. Днтану сериясы ISSN: 2616-7255, eISSN: 2663-2489
