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51
Е.С. Лазаричева
ПРОБЛЕМА ТЕХНОЛОГИЙ И ОТНОШЕНИЯ К ЭЛЕКТРОННОЙ ДЕМОКРАТИИ В СТРАНАХ ВОСТОЧНОЙ И ЗАПАДНОЙ ЕВРОПЫ
Аннотация
Вопросы электронной демократии сегодня активно обсуждаются и рассматриваются как значимый и необходимый шаг в направлении расширения политического участия и включения все большего числа граждан в процесс принятия решений. Однако во многих случаях эти вопросы остаются даже без частичного ответа. Данная статья - это попытка определить, что влияет на внедрение электронной демократии разных частях Европы в большей степени - технологические аспекты или отношение. Без сомнения страны Восточной и Западной Европы имеют разный политический опыт, который по-разному влияет на процессы внедрения электронной демократии. В данной статье представлен краткий сравнительный обзор инструментов и идей электронной демократии в рамках восточно- и западноевропейской перспектив с целью панорамного обзора проблемы и изучения возможностей дальнейшего исследования и бенчмаркинга.
Ключевые слова:
электронная демократия, информационнокоммуникационные технологии, Западная и Восточная Европа, дефицит демократии
E. Lazaricheva
THE PROBLEM OF TECHNOLOGIES AND ATTITUDES TOWARDS E-DEMOCRACY IN EASTERN AND WESTERN EUROPE
Abstract
The question of e-Democracy is being widely discussed nowadays and it is estimated as a significant and necessary step towards wider representation, inclusion and more effective decision-making. However in many cases it is left without even partial implementation. This paper in an attempt to understand what influences e-Democracy development to a greater extent - technological aspects or understanding and attitudes. There is no doubt that West and East European countries have different democracy and political praxis experiences. The time of EU accession, Soviet influence or/and heritage, political culture, society and public authorities' motivation, traditions imprint on the current state of things with the level of e-Democracy implementation. So this paper gives a brief comparative overview of the e-Democracy tools and ideas in West and East European perspective with the aim to create a panoramic view on the problem and study possible opportunities for further investigation and benchmarking.
Key words:
e-Democracy, e-Participation, ICTs, Western and Eastern Europe, democratic deficit.
Introduction
The brief literature overview gives a very wide spectrum of e-Democracy definitions. Most of the traditional definitions and explanations of E-Democracy given by S. Coleman [5], C. Riley [26], M. Castells [2],
S. Clift [4] and others are analyzed by A. Williamson [32] from the gov-
ernment-centric to citizen-centric positions and correlated with the existing definitions of democracy, ICTs and civil society engagement.
The Council of Europe website gives the definition of e-Democracy as the use of the opportunities that ICT offer in order to strengthen democracy, democratic institutions and the democratic process and enabling people to become more involved in the democratic process and democratic institutions and to restore the declining interest in politics requires a conscious effort by all stakeholders, and determined leadership.
Along with the expected positive effect of introducing and development of e-Democracy on the active political participation and decisionmaking, a great number of researchers points out the gaps, drawbacks and misunderstanding in the processes of e-Democracy tools and ideas implementation and insufficient informational support.
All the possibilities of using ICTs in the democracy promotion can be divided into three groups: 1) governmental activity, 2) civil society activity, and 3) available technologies. I do not mention here individuals as an influential group because according to the some research [3] till now their effectiveness in the field of public decision-making processes is much lower than by the organized groups. All the components are necessary, interrelated and their combination creates the unique scenario of e-Democracy development in this or that country. And all three components include both technological and attitude aspects.
Before viewing West and East European specific features in developing and promoting e-Democracy it is necessary to mention some common European obstacles fixed and analyzed by the researchers and officials.
Speaking about the technological aspect, it is undoubtedly, the digital divide. The main reasons for it are the insufficient development or use of technologies and lack of the skills and resources needed for active civic participation.
Technological issues of e-Democracy include various components: presence and development of infrastructure, access to computers and Internet, number of constant and consistent users and their qualifications, condition of the software and hardware sphere, storage and availability of information, security, applicability, evaluation technologies and so on. Presence and combination of technically conditioned problems create a specific background blocking the effective participation, connection and cooperation between the citizens and government.
However, as it is stated in the e-Democracy report "Bringing Together and Accelerating e-Government Research in the EU" [17, p.9] in accordance with the position of the access2democracy non-profit nongovernmental organization, e-Democracy is more about democracy than technology and implementation of ICTs is not enough.
Some of the problems of e-Democracy are closely knit with or even originate from the problems and challenges that face European democracy in general. Among these problems are an increasing democratic deficit in old and new EU member states, political mistrust, political inequality, absence of effective civic infrastructures and the active participation of NGOs in political and democratic life.
The mentioned problems affect all components of e-Democracy: e-Voting, e-Participation and e-Government. According to the level of democracy development, cooperation between the governments and citizens, desire and good will from both sides to change to sustainability, inclusion and active political and social participation, historical experience and patterns as well as the current state of things in politics and economics, East and West European countries demonstrate different results in solving democratic problems and development and implementation of e-Democracy. As this paper is going to show, East and West European countries concentrate their attention, scientific and financial forces on development and analysis of different components of the e-Democracy triad.
So this paper is going to concentrate on the technological and perception difficulties of e-Democracy development in East and West European perspective.
Technological aspects
There is a very interesting opinion [3, p.90] explaining the democratic deficit in terms of ICTs: the time gap which exists in the adoption of new digital technologies shows that businesses and citizens are more advanced in ICTs than public authorities, and the bureaucratic machine can not react adequately and timely satisfy the needs and interests of this "advanced audience". Also it is possible to mention another aspect of digital divide - so called "generation gap". It is obvious that in mass the elder generation is less skilled and in general has less access to ICTs, but there is the other side if the coin. Young people possess all necessary skills, knowledge and devices to be involved in political and social sphere through the technologies but the public structures are made by the previous generations and reflect their reality and way of thinking.
These gaps are not a specific feature solely of West European countries - they reflect the situation in whole Europe. However the digital divide is wider in Eastern Europe and it serves as an additional obstacle for E-Democracy implementation. The numbers show that the highest shares of internet access in 2010 were recorded in the Netherlands (91%), Luxembourg (90%), Sweden (88%) and Denmark (86%), and the lowest in Bulgaria (33%), Romania (42%) and Greece (46%) [12].
An Internet access on its own account is only a precondition for further e-Participation and e-Government. As shows the Table 1 there are other indicators and variables influencing the development of e-Democracy.
Table 1. Information Society Indicators in some West and East European
Countries
Information Society Indicators Poland Germany Hungary Den- mark Czech Republic
Percentage of households with Internet access: 63% (2010) 89% (2009) 60% (2010) 86% (2010) 54% (2009)
Percentage of households with broadband connection: 57% (2010) 79% (2009) 52% (2010) 80% (2010) 49% (2009)
Percentage of individuals regularly using the Internet: 55% (2010) 71% (2009) 61% (2010) 86% (2010) 54% (2009)
Percentage of individuals using the Internet for uploading self-created content: 7% (2008) 14% (2008) 17% (2008) 14% (2008) 2% (2008)
Percentage of individuals using the Internet for reading online newspapers/magazines: 17% (2010) 27% (2009) 41% (2010) 63% (2010) 43% (2009)
Percentage of individuals using the Internet for finding information about goods and services: 39% (2010) 69% (2009) 55% (2010) 78% (2010) 50% (2009)
Percentage of individuals using the Internet for interaction with public authorities: - obtaining information - downloading forms - returning filled forms 18%, 13.2%, 6.6% (2010) 35.3%, 19.3%, 12.4% (2009) 26.3%, 19.9%, 14.3% (2010) 68.2%, 38.8%, 49.6% (2010) 22.8%, 9.1%, 4.8% (2009)
Of course, these numbers must be evaluated in dynamics nevertheless it is possible to make some general conclusions:
- There is still a gap about 10-20% in ICTs infrastructure and skills between east and west, old and new EU member states;
- There are great differences in the kinds of activities through and in Internet;
- The relationship and interaction with public authorities can indicate the lack of knowledge, skills and/or motivation in the sphere.
Simon and Matej Delakorda [8] analyzed a number of Slovenian on-line projects aimed at strengthening civil dialogue and using Internet to support participatory democracy, and found out that though these projects were well done they did not achieve their target audience because of their.
- bad promotion;
- focus on technical expert issues irrelevant to the general public;
- absence or little evidence of their practical usage and impact on public opinion or decision-making process.
It is a specific feature of all East European countries due to the gap between those who elaborates e-Democracy ideas and software and the end users, and little information support of the projects and general awareness of the issue. The researchers also pointed out that top-down e-Participation projects have a higher degree of public visibility which gives an opportunity to impact policy and legislation directly.
If we would further develop the idea of technological obstacles, it is necessary to mention such processes and tools as e-Identity and e-Security related to e-Voting and e-Government. Not sufficient privacy policy is a serious barrier for e-Democracy. Mundy and Tolley [30] took a random sample of 54 websites from the 389 in the "direct.gov.uk" domain that showed the general lack of privacy on the websites of British public authorities. One of the major reasons for such a situation they consider the lack of knowledge of those running the e-government websites concerning legislation in general, the Data Protection Act, and European Union directives and the absence of a standard in the field. The problem is also important because it influences attitudes towards the capacities and value of e-Democracy. The question of privacy policy is even more vital for East European countries for the reasons of:
- generally less developed ICTs infrastructure;
- less developed and elaborated legislation in the field of electronic communication;
- lack of the motivation as well as required knowledge and skills among the officials and citizens;
- low transparency;
- insufficient budgeting.
The last technological issue I would like to mention is an evaluation framework for e-Democracy implementation. Even now a lot of e-Democracy initiatives in Europe are still pilot-projects and it is especially true for Eastern Europe. Speaking about the research landscape in the field, a lot of authors and practitioners consider it being in its infancy. Analysis of the tools and methods, estimation of the results and their further implementation needs elaborating evaluation standards. As Macintosh and Whyte [18, p. 18] write evaluation allows understanding "what has and has not been achieved" taking into account the necessity.
- to move from experimentation to large-scale usage of e-Participation applications;
- to understand how to design tools to facilitate online deliberation and support collaborative working environments;
- to represent reliably the information and contributions made by civil society;
- to insert the technologies into political process.
The first item corresponds with the number and origin of e-Participation initiatives with a national, regional and local scope: on 2009 these initiatives originate from 18 different European countries (16 EU member states, Switzerland and Iceland) among which the greatest number comes from UK and Germany. There are only 2 countries from the list that represent Eastern Europe with 5 projects (out of more than 150 projects) -Estonia and Slovenia [23, p. 22].
Speaking about the second item it is necessary to point out the difficulties concerning support to collaborative environments - hierarchical official structures in their present condition cannot equally empower all interested in collaboration. Bureaucracy in its negative sense exists everywhere throughout Europe but the vertical system has stronger affected the institutions of the former Soviet sphere of influence.
The evaluation problem is related to the presence and functioning of the relevant research centers and institutions. In 2006 DEMO-net conducted a survey among research facilities around the world and provided a map of expertise in e-Participation (research in deliberation and consultation) worldwide. Across Europe 76 research centres covering 20 countries contributed data. Of this sample 53 are based in northern Europe, 17 in southern Europe and 6 from Eastern Europe [17, p. 30]. The third and the forth items are also closely knit with the research, think tanks and NGO activity.
The numbers and conclusions are obvious: Eastern Europe possesses fewer capacities for quality analytical work on the question.
So in technological aspect the differences in West and East European countries are not so huge, and digital divide in some cases seems to be not technological problem but more psychological and structural problem, but still there are some divergences:
- Western Europe possesses more developed IT infrastructure that influences the general spread of e-Democracy ideas and technologies;
- In Western Europe there are much more different research centers that study and promote e-Participation initiatives. It means: the higher number of qualified specialists, wider awareness of the e-Democracy issues and more attention from the side of official structures;
- Speaking about the evaluation framework - it is in its infancy in both parts of Europe, but as soon as Western Europe offers a greater number of e-Democracy projects, it is more relevant to speak about "not very developed evaluation framework" in the West vs. "not developed evaluation framework" in the East;
- It is necessary also to mention underdeveloped e-legislation in Eastern Europe vs. lacunas in e-Legislation in western part. It is connected with
the general level of political culture, democratic traditions and experience and lobbying and citizen initiatives.
So technological issues and obstacles have stronger influence over the development and implementation of e-Democracy in Eastern Europe. Nevertheless Eastern Europe is to some extent in an advantageous position - it can embed and implement new technologies and ideas at once with building but not re-building some democratic structures and institutions. Another positive moment is that Eastern Europe as an overtaking region can use the already made results and achievements, adopt and apply them spending less time, forces and funds.
Attitude aspects
Starting with the common attitudes it is necessary to mention democratic deficit, and as a part of it - unwillingness to share power that is more common for Eastern Europe. According to Wikipedia, the phrase "democratic deficit" is cited as first being used in 1977 by the Young European Federalists. Since that time the term is used to describe low voter turnout in the EU elections, the gap between the decision-makers and citizens, the complicated decision-making process at the EU level and so on. It affects the attitudes to democratic institutes and procedures, the understanding and acceptance of the distribution of political, economical and societal roles, and as a result, development and implementation of e-Democracy issues.
In the third edition of Transformational Democracy [31], on the basis of the interviews conducted in 15 local authorities with senior officers and members in the UK, there were distinguished four main types of barriers existing in the field of Democracy:
1) Democratic understanding;
2) Organizational constraints;
3) Structural limitations;
4) Citizen restraints.
All kinds of barriers are highly interrelated and should be viewed and estimated in a system. These barriers concern the supply and demand for e-Democracy and reflect general and specific attitudes to democratic values, structures and procedures existing within the European democracy. Being applied to particular environments these common democratic problems transform into specific problems of e-Democracy.
Speaking about the first barrier, some authors argue that the notion and understanding of democracy is universal and its basic ideas are valued around the world [15; 21; 28; 29]. However some practical democratic issues such as participation, voting, decision-making are highly dependant upon the socio-economical factors, political culture, national and international conditions. All
this influences citizens' and officials' real understanding of politics and expectations, as well as their social and political behavior and actions.
There is a comparative research devoted to the popular conceptions of the meaning of democracy done by Dalton, Shin and Jou [7] that revealed some interesting facts and figures about citizens' understanding and attitudes towards democracy in established and establishing democracies. One of the conclusions made is the fact that the definition and understanding of democracy is related to the democratic experience of the nation. For example, Dieter Fuchs [13] found that the citizens of East and West Germany demonstrated equal support of democracy-in-principle, but West Germans were much higher in their support for democracy-in-practice.
So speaking about the mentioned above common democratic barriers, modern European social reality still shows the difference and sometimes even divide in relations towards politics in Eastern and Western Europe, and constraints, restrains and limitations existing within the West European democracy seem to be sharper in the East of Europe. These democratic problems are even more visible when we deal with the e-Democracy issues.
The participants of the Policy Dialogue Meeting "E-Democracy and e-Participation" held in 2010 in Tallinn - both representatives of public authorities, NGOs and an academic society - among other conclusions and results underlined the good will and readiness of the executive authorities to share power as a necessary precondition for e-Democracy development [25]. There is still a great difference between East and West European countries in readiness of the officials for e-Democracy implementation and power share. There is no aim to idealize the West European political practices and achievements
- there are still some problems - but according to the facts that.
- the processes of e-Democracy development and implementation in western Europe started earlier (late 1990s) than in East European countries (middle 2000s);
- western Europe has more developed IT-infrastructure;
- western Europe possesses longer, deeper and wider democratic experience;
- legal liability and civil responsibility in western Europe in average are higher - it is possible to suppose that the west European officials would demonstrate more readiness and preparedness for e-Democracy.
As for example, it is stated in the description of the German case [20, p. 48], the Germans demonstrate high interest in politics in general, and getting information from the political websites is of high significance for them.
Speaking about the implementation and use of e-Democracy tools by public authorities, it varies depending on the regional or federal level. As it is mentioned in the reports of the German Federal Ministry of Interior, on the local level, e-Participation is developed by perceived individual will and influ-
ence over the policy decision. On the national level (federal government), e-Participation is the result of individual interest in a policy area. According to the study on e-Participation and Web 2.0 applications of Germany's 50 largest cities and 16 federal states [27], Germany seems to be in the beta phase of implementation having e-Participation in agenda at all levels, though a lot still have to be improved in the field.
In case of Eastern Europe one of the problems is namely the unwillingness of the authorities to share their power with civil society. Chuck Hirt, Director of the Central and Eastern European Citizens Network, pointed out that the elected representatives in Eastern Europe are not interested in having citizens participate [16]. Another point concerns unwillingness of people to become active members of civil society organizations. Both are connected with the Soviet heritage of vertical political system and obligatory belonging to some societal structures beginning with the communist party and finishing with some initial social groups.
There are also some vivid examples of insufficient understanding of the core ideas, mechanisms and prospects of e-Democracy amongst even the top officials. In 2009, "The global e-Readiness of States Report" underlined that nearly 90 percent of Poles do not use even simple administrative information services available via the Internet every day because of the lack of the clear, modern vision of ICT applications demonstrated by the Polish authorities that serve as the greatest barrier to Poland's development through ICT [14, p. 1].
The attempt to apply new technologies to old schemes and structures is a very characteristic feature of the Post-Soviet world. As it is stated in "Comparative Project on Local e-Democracy Initiatives in Europe and North America" [24], there are still some specific obstacles for more efficient implementation of ICTs in the public sphere. Many of the obstacles come form the communist times and related types of governance and interaction, and include such aspects as fragility of civil society structures, the low reputation of political parties, the poor distribution of wealth, corrupt management of public funds, weak sense of institutionalization of democratic practices, the lack of money at the local level, etc. It affects the understanding of e-Democracy both by the public authorities, developing civil society structures and by ordinary citizens.
In the Russian case the researchers are witnessing the unconventional understanding of the role and purpose of ICTs among the Russian and some other East European politicians. As writes Nikita Belykh, the governor of Kirov region of the Russian Federation, about the opportunities of LiveJournal: "A lot of things I tell my constituents at different kinds of round tables, I copy in a full version into my LiveJournal page. (...) "Edinaya Rossiya" or some of the representatives of the upper echelon of power do not have problems with voicing their thoughts, they do not have problems with the com-
munication of information, and there is no risk of this information to be somehow modified, garbled or something of the kind" [34, p. 81].
So it seems that Internet becomes a political tool that opposes official censorship.
Some researchers notice that ICTs in Russia are used less dynamically and professionally. For example, while analyzing the president Medvedev's video blog N. Yukhanov [36, p.39] noticed that technologically all Medeve-dev's messages are made in a traditional manner: the top-down principle of communication without any feedback, little opportunities for social mobilization and support. Another example that explains the situation to some kind, comes form D. Medvedev himself - he told about the beginning of his work within the president administration when it was possible to have an Internet access only in one special room. Now, unfortunately, - he complains, - state of things is the same [35].
One of the main problems of promoting Russian politicians in Internet is the dominance of "officialism" in the work of press service. It seems that the only aim of communication is to inform, not to attract attention and dominate in various informational environments [36, p.39]. The essence of e-Government in its Russian version is the use of ICTs in the process of improvement of administration activity and popularization of the decisions taken. In comparison with the similar West European programs aimed at the citizens, the client of "Electronic Russia" is the government itself [33, p.43]. So there is a bias towards traditional tools usage "wrapped" into an innovative coverage.
The examples from the Russian political reality are also relevant to all Post-Soviet space. Additionally it is necessary to underline relatively low civil society activity in the field of development of new forms of collaboration with the public authorities along with the top-down principle of the orders and funds distribution in the field of e-Democracy development and promotion. Taking into account all mentioned above, Chuck Hirt suggests European Union and Council of Europe official bodies to realize the necessity of financing more bottom-up projects, citizen projects, as soon as the representatives are not that interested in listening to the citizens [16].
So, summarizing all mentioned above it is worth saying that one of the very important reasons hindering relevant development of e-Democracy in theory and practice in Western and Eastern Europe is democratic deficit. However the reasons for it are different. In the West it is disappointment and disillusion, in the East it is lack of experience and knowledge.
The officials in both regions often demonstrate misunderstanding of the e-Democracy goals, and as a result often misuse the tools.
The next point concerns the research and project activity in the field of e-Democracy. Western Europe needs more correspondence between the the-
ory and praxis whereas research and projecting in Eastern Europe first of all require adequate promotion and informational support of new ideas.
Taking into account some time of vertical system tradition in Eastern Europe and current distribution of power, it would be easier and more effective to use top-down principles of e-Democracy implementation. Western Europe needs now more bottom-up initiatives.
Differences in understanding and implementation of e-Democracy at the federal and regional level as a problem are of a greater importance for Western Europe. Eastern Europe faces other structural limitations such as resistance of the old structures and as a result - attempts to change and modify old system instead of creating new one. The latest combines with unwillingness of the authorities to share power.
Conclusion
Today, a lot of West and East European countries consider ICTs being a powerful instrument for enhancing citizen engagement in public policymaking. However, in some reports [22] it is pointed out that new technologies in the field of e-Democracy development serve mostly as simplifiers and enablers but not as the solution of the problem of democratic deficit. So the level of ICTs development in a particular country is not a key point in citizen engagement in policy-making - attitudes are of a greater importance.
Among the most significant barriers on the way to active citizen participation there are 1) insufficient guidance and information support; 2) insufficient work with public opinion in sense of its articulation, accumulation and implementation; 3) lack of feedback both from the parts of the citizens and policy-makers; 4) lack of transparency during the process of e-Democracy tools implementation and functioning.
Underlining some country or region specific problems it should be mentioned that Western Europe needs more bottom-up initiatives whereas Eastern Europe needs more top-down work; it also concerns research. Also there is a lack of qualitative and quantitative research projects, especially in Eastern Europe, measuring specific ICT based strategies that are designed to achieve specific democratic goals.
Nevertheless, due to the limited experience, Eastern Europe has greater opportunities for benchmarking - both in the field of technologies and ideas.
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