CC BY
7
DOI: 10.24234/wisdom. v15i2.333 Vitaly GONCHAROV, Jacek ZALESNY,
Sergey BALASHENKO, Grigory VASILEVICH,
Artem PUKHOV
THE PLACE OF A PERSON IN THE ONTOLOGICAL PRINCIPLES OF GLOBAL CONSTITUTIONALISM: SOCIAL AND PHILOSOPHICAL
ANALYSIS
Abstract
This article is devoted to the conceptual social and philosophical analysis of the place a person in the ontological principles of global constitutionalism.
The purpose of the research: to investigate the problems of determining the place of a person in the system of ontological principles of global constitutionalism.
The object of research: the phenomenon of the globalization of the socio-political, state-legal and financial-economic development of national societies and states as a phenomenon of social reality, highlighted in the social concept of global constitutionalism.
The subject of research: the theoretical content of the social concept of global constitutionalism in terms of determining the place of a person in the system of ontological principles underlying it, concerning its social essence.
Keywords: global constitutionalism, social concept, human models, ontological principles, "global man", "consuming man", "anti-moral man", "anti-religious person", the logic of development, society.
Introduction
er a person's place in the system of ontological principles of global constitutionalism as the predominant interpretation of the definition of social reality on a global scale is exclusively small. In this regard, the main purpose of this study is to analyze the problems of determining a person's place in the system of ontological principles of global constitutionalism, and the subject of the study is the theoretical content of the social concept of global constitutionalism in terms of determining the person's place in the ontological principles underlying it, in correlation with its
Research questions that concern a person's place within the system of ontological principles of the frameworks of various modern social concepts are considered in the works of Attali J. (1991), Berdyaev N. A. (1951), Baudrillard J. (2019), Fukuyama F. (2004, p. 1), Gobozov I. A. (2015, pp. 41-53), Kara-Murza S. G. (2009), J. de Maistre (2010), Mises L. (2005), Subetto A. I. (2014), Foucault M. (1977), Junger E. (2019), etc. However, the number of studies that consid-
social essence.
The purpose of the research: based on the position of social-philosophical methods of cognition of social reality and ideas reflecting it, is to carry out an analysis of the problems of determining the place of a person in the system of on-tological principles of global constitutionalism.
The social concept of global constitutionalism, like most modern social doctrines, is constructed with the widespread use of political technology and contains a certain ontological contradiction. So, on the one hand, it was developed and put into practice on a global scale in order to preserve the interests of the power and property of the global governing class. On the other hand, the social nature and use of the concept of global constitutionalism suggest that it should appeal to the broad masses of the population, or to a significant section of society (for example, to the notorious "middle class", which in practice - quickly withered away both in the West and on the periphery of the world capitalist system), whose interests are trampled on by the global governing class since as capitalism develops into its final imperialist stage, all the contradictions that arise and costs are transferred "onto the shoulders" of the exploited sections of socie-
In this regard, it seems necessary to analyze the place of a person in the system of ontological principles of the social concept of global constitutionalism.
Based on the logic of the development of various neoliberal and neoconservative concepts, the resultant commonality in the primary goal of their implementation, at the modern historical stage of the world capitalist system, which has become the concept of global constitutionalism, is that formally a person occupies a special place in the system of ontological principles. However,
according to the philosopher M. Foucault, the problem of the place of a person in modern philosophy in the West is somewhat contrived. Western culture (if you do not take art into account) is terrible and monstrous, it has a "punishment cell", it is "disciplinary", and "inquisitorial", which denies a person in reality, and humanity as a whole, character (Foucault, 1977).
A person has particular needs, due to the current stage of historical development and his worldview, which allows him to exist, develop, and actively socialize with others: home, work leisure, and sports, etc. Moreover, as was noted by O. L. Tsvetkova (2015): "Consumption is evolving as an internally conditioned process of passively absorbing the energy of the outside world into an active type of activity, determined by social and cultural factors, turning, as a result, into a total system of manipulating signs" (pp. 398-402).
However, the satisfaction of human needs in a state-organized society is possible only through the use of socio-political and state-legal institutions of rights, freedoms and duties, since:
Firstly, the satisfaction of any human need, as a rule, requires the provision for society as a whole, or for specific people, in particular, the appropriate opportunities to meet these needs, a kind of freedom of action (or inaction). In this regard, people interact, enter into social relations, the most significant of which are subject to legal regulation by the state, clothed in the form of legal relations. Once involved in legal relations, people are endowed with certain rights, duties and responsibilities. At the same time, as a rule, a correlating obligation to another person corresponds to any human right, through the exercise of which this right is realized under the threat of responsibility, which consists in undergoing the adverse consequences of evading these duties.
Secondly, several rights and freedoms in the course of the development of human civilization are now universally recognized as inviolable and inalienable for a person (for example, the right to life, freedom, etc.).
However, in the social concept of global constitutionalism, there is a contradiction between a person's formally declared place in the system of its ontological principles and real practice, according to which a person is turned into a weak-willed object of manipulation by the global governing elites, authorities, the media, etc. (Go-bozov, 2015, pp. 41-53).
Within the framework of the social concept of global constitutionalism, a person is proclaimed a core value. So, according to S. P. Shorokho-va (2013): "Globalization confronts the past, present and future in the consciousness of one person. Before our eyes, the formation of new world order is unfolding. Moreover, this is not just another economic system or a system of international relations. We are faced with an attempt to form a new, holistic world order, for which it is necessary to find common grounds, including moral ones" (p. 228).
This is enshrined in the system of international and national legal acts, customs, traditions:
Firstly, international legal acts, in particular, the Universal Declaration of Human Rights1, consolidate the system of human rights and freedoms and note that the will of the people should be the basis of government power.
Secondly, the constitutions (basic laws) of national states, as a rule, recognize precisely the people (as a set of people connected by a particular state with a civil connection or citizenship) as the bearer of supreme sovereignty and the only
1 See: Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Adopted by UN General Assembly Resolution 217 A (Ш) of December 10, 1948. (2020). Retrieved April 15, 2020 from: https://undocs.org.
source of power. Thus, the Constitution of the Russian Federation2 in article 3 just declares the people of the Russian Federation as the bearer of sovereignty and the only source of power.
Thirdly, the central part of constitutional articles is devoted to consolidating the system of rights, freedoms and legitimate interests of man and citizen. Most constitutions (fundamental laws) of national States are preceded by chapters on human and civil rights and freedoms (Green-berg, 1997, pp. 423-450).
Within the framework of the social concept of global constitutionalism, a number of anthro-pocentric, egalitarian, humanistic philosophical constructs and institutions have been developed, or have been received from other concepts, many of which act as original philosophical cults that in practice undermine the very development of human civilization.
For example, consumerism is elevated to the rank of a kind of cult in modern Western society. In particular, D. V. Tombu (2015) notes: "A typical image of a person consuming is associated with a kind of zombie, detached from reality, hypnotized by advertising and various shows, identifying himself with artificially grown heroes and idols, experiencing an emotional upsurge only during the act of buying... however, from the point of view of controllability, this is an ideal citizen whose sensations of belonging to society last as much as they last: the release of news, shows... selfies, etc." (p. 68).
Consumerism as a lifestyle was not previously inherent in human civilization at almost all stages of its existence. However, starting from the middle of the 20th century, it was caused by the harsh vital necessity in maintaining and developing the world capitalist system. Due to the fact that imperialism was faced with the spatial
2 See the Constitution of the Russian Federation, 1993.
boundaries of its spread and was not accessible to the Council for Mutual Economic Assistance (CMEA) markets, global elites were forced to artificially inflate domestic demand for goods, work and services, which was impossible without the construction of the cult of consumption.
According to M. L. Hazin (2019), it was the psychology of the consumer society that allowed the world capitalist system to "survive" to the collapse of the USSR, allowing the world capitalist system to postpone its economic collapse. Stimulating the cult of consumption supported the demand for consumer goods. This promotion of the cult of consumption was carried out by the governments of the countries. At present, it is the cult of consumption that maintains the world market-the economic basis of the processes of globalization.
Thus, the actualization of consumption is an integral companion of society, which implements the socio-philosophical concept of global constitutionalism.
The cult of individualism also plays an essential role in the concept of global constitutionalism. While, in the Age of Enlightenment, the cult of "autonomous man" was an element of a humanistic concept and implied the desire of people for harmony, equality, and coinciding of interests of individuals and society, in the era of globalization, the situation has radically changed. The individualism of the era of developed imperialism has become antisocial growing into the basis for the destruction of the morality and ethics of a Western person. As is noted by J. Huxley (cited in Polikanova, 2016): "The crisis of personality in modern society is its egoism, devaluation of traditional values, destructiveness, increasing alienation... The development of modern biotechnology has led to the emergence of a new direction in humanism-transhumanism, ... a
new ideology... faith for humanity" (p. 164-165). Moreover, F. Fukuyama (2004) defines transhu-manism as, "the most dangerous idea in the world" (p. 42).
Thus, the actualization of egoism, the internal 'I', which forms the basis for understanding individualism in the modern Western world, acts as anti-humanism, destroying the social nature of man, atomizing society. However, this concept is extremely beneficial for the global governing class, as it reduces the chances of society self-organizing in terms of confronting the liberal totalitarianism" approach on a planetary scale.
Within the framework of the social concept of global constitutionalism, the Institute of Human Rights has also been given the character of a peculiar cult. At the same time, it began to be actively used by global governing elites as an instrument of pressure on national societies and states in order to undermine, and in the future, destroy the state and national sovereignty. A striking example of this process is the current problem of refugees from Asia and Africa travelling to the European Union. Hiding behind mythical human rights, the authorities of the European Union impose an obligation to accept migrants to European countries against the will of the majority of the population. This ignores the fact that the reception of migrants infringes on the rights of the local population, which, due to the degradation of community ties, the atomization of social relations, the cult of individualism, is unable to withstand an aggressive but a close-knit minority.
According to some philosophers, the institution of human rights has become detached from the person's personality, becoming an instrument for the manipulation of public consciousness (Kara-Murza, 2009).
Thus, the institution of human rights is used
in the context of global constitutionalism, which on the one hand, is a means of popularizing globalization processes, and on the other hand, is a method and way of managing and manipulating society. Within the framework of the social concept of global constitutionalism, a person is gradually eliminated from real influence on his fate and determining further direction for the development of humanity.
So, in the system of international and national legal acts, customs, traditions as well as the practice of international legal cooperation, several provisions are fixed, according to which the following are established as a framework for international legal relations:
Firstly, the primacy of international law over national legal systems. When the UN Charter3 and the Universal Declaration of Human Rights4 were being discussed, it was emphasized that national states should see compliance with international law as a voluntary commitment. However, by the end of the 20th century, as the concept of global constitutionalism was put into practice, the trend began to prevail, that on the one hand, provisions on the priority of international law5 were included into the fundamental laws (constitutions) of national states. Furthermore, on the other hand, the international community actively intervened into the internal affairs of nation states, which, according to the global ruling elites ignored the general planetary rules established and formalized by international legal instruments (Subetto, 2014).
Secondly, the primacy of the need to pre-
3 Charter of the United Nations. (2020). Website of the United Nations. Retrieved April 15, 2020 from: http:-//www. un. org/ru/ charter-united-nations/index. html.
4 See: Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Adopted by UN General Assembly Resolution 217 A (III) of December 10, 1948. (2020). Retrieved April 15, 2020 from: https://undocs.org.
5 See the Constitution of the Russian Federation, 1993.
serve and develop the world capitalist system over the interests and needs to preserve and develop national states and societies.
Also, the process of developing the principles of the organization and activities of state authorities and local self-government in national states is a developing trend: 1) The cancellation, restriction or transformation of direct democratic procedures for the formation (creation) of state authorities, local self-government and the appointment of their officials.
In particular, such principles of the organization of state power as democracy, people's participation in government and election are actively transformed in modern states through:
a) Exemptions from national legal systems of norms fixing institutions and the procedures for the direct expression of the will of the people through referenda, opinion polls, or a reduction in the number of issues that can be resolved through referendum procedures.
b) The replacement of the direct elections of state authorities and senior state officials (in particular, in Russia) by indirect, multi-stage procedures, or their complication in order to eliminate 'non-systemic' candidates.
c) Exemptions from national legislation of legal norms enshrining the right of the people to revolt (or other forms of radical protest) as a form of protest against despotism and the usurpation of power in an undemocratic way or for undemocratic purposes. While the Universal Declaration of Human Rights6, in its
6 See: Universal Declaration of Human Rights. Adopted by UN General Assembly Resolution 217 A (III) of
preamble, provides: "...bearing in mind that it is necessary that human rights are protected by the rule of law in order to ensure that a person is not forced to resort, as a last resort, to rebellion against tyranny and oppression", constitutions (basic laws) of no state on the basis of the former USSR even contain mention of such a possibility of the people to resist tyranny and oppression. d) The consolidation in national legal systems of the possibility of withdrawing, by the will of the authorities, of individual rights and freedoms of a person and a citizen (for example, the right to citizenship, freedom of movement). In particular, US legislation provides for the possibility of creating 'blacklists' of passengers who are suspected of certain crimes or are unreliable, and who will be denied freedom of movement by any transport companies (Pervushin, 2019).
2) Limitations of the principle of the transparency of the functioning of state and local government, and public authorities.
In particular, US legislation provides several hundred cases in which information about the work of authorities and their officials can be hidden from the public ostensibly to protect the country's security, state sovereignty, its prestige, etc. (Rosenfeld & Chaillot, 2007, pp. 102-110).
3) Providing state officials with the opportunity to evade responsibility for activities that have caused harm and damage to the material and non-material interests of the state, society (in violation of such principles of the organization and operation of the state
December 10, 1948 (2020), p. 39. Retrieved April 15, 2020 from: https://undocs.org.
mechanism as legality, responsibility and transparency).
In particular, this opportunity is provided through an expanded interpretation of the concept of the power of immunity. So, in several countries, for example, the Russian Federation, immunity from criminal prosecution (in disregard of the provisions of the Constitution of the country) is granted not only to the current but also to the former heads of state. Also, the fundamental laws of a number of countries officials (in particular, state leaders) who violate their constitutional legal responsibilities. In Russia, according to some researchers, constitutional legal responsibility is provided for by the norms of constitutional law itself and is primarily political (Tokareva, 2012, pp. 448), "and only in certain cases does it require the presence of the guilt of a particular official" (Baglay & Tumanov, 1998, pp. 295-297).
4) Providing the possibility for the 'legal usurpation' of power by a narrow group of officials (in violation of such principles of organization and activity of state authorities as collegiality and unity of command, centralism and decentralization, federalism). So, for example, the electoral system in Western countries is a fiction, a kind of theatre, in which two or three ruling parties have been replacing each other for centuries, but are actually represented by immigrants from families belonging to the Western world elite.
5) The creation of the conditions for the professional and moral-ethical degradation of power elites (contrary to the principle of ethics and professionalism in their activities). So, in particular, according to V. P.
Mokhov (2014): "The modern degradation of the West's elites consists in its loss of the quality of national power, which can organize and mobilize society, the state to achieve national goals" (pp. 134-138). Within the framework of the social concept of global constitutionalism, a number of antinational and anti-humanistic philosophical constructs and institutions have been developed, or have been adopted from other concepts, many of which act as peculiar worldview cults.
Firstly, the anthropocentric and humanistic foundations of modern Western society are being destroyed:
1) Democratic values are transformed into a brand, under which the interests of the global governing elites are camouflaged. Thus, Jean Baudrillard (2019) notes: "Democracy, democratic values through globalization are transformed into a standardized depersonalized product, a kind of product that is sold to other cultures in the packaging of absolute good as a universal means of solving all problems, which causes those who are forcibly imposed on this product, various forms rejection" (p. 1).
2) Double standards are imposed on society, under which the elites are in a privileged position concerning the masses of the population, and the core of the world capitalist system personified by the West concerning the periphery of capitalism.
3) At the level of the state policy of the nation-states of the world capitalist system, an appeal is made to base feelings and perversions. So, sodomy is officially permitted in more than half of the developed countries of the world.
4) The act of destructive meanings and desires is carried out: 'to have', 'to possess', 'to
consume', 'to rule', which are opposed to the processes of creation, development, solidarity, etc. Western society, according to some researchers, is being transformed into a system that cultivates vices (Prokopishina, 2015, pp. 65-68).
5) Hedonism as the highest goal and the good of life of representatives of global elites is presented to society as an ideal. A number of researchers note that modern society is tempted by the most sophisticated forms of apocalyptic hedonism that destroy its spiritual and moral principles (Gusakova, 2009, p. 224).
Secondly, gradual elimination of the broad masses from managing their future has been carried out using various forms for the manipulation of society: electronic technologies; the artificial construction of social reality in the media; the destruction of the education system. The ultimate goal of these processes, according to V. P. Shala-ev (2015), is the Westernization and colonization of the world (pp. 50-59).
Thus, a person's place in the social concept of global constitutionalism is distinguished by an ontological contradiction between the declared anthropocentricity and the humanistic nature of the social concept of global constitutionalism, and the real practice of its implementation in the modern world. The silencing of this ontological contradiction in the social concept of global constitutionalism is carried out with the aim of camouflaging the real goals of the global governing class - preserving the position of global governing elites as the sole owner of power and property on a global scale (Zalesny & Goncharov, 2019, pp. 129-142; Zalesny, Goncharov, & Sav-chenko, 2019, pp. 51-61).
It seems that as the main models in the definition of a person within the framework of the
social concept of global constitutionalism, the following can be distinguished: 'a consuming person'; 'a global person'; 'an anti-religious per-
The formation of the 'human consumption' model in the framework of the concept of global constitutionalism was due to several reasons: firstly, the stimulation of consumption is the basis of the modern world capitalist economy, a kind of 'lifebuoy' that allows for the destruction of capitalism, as a whole, to be delayed, the collapse of GDP and the decline in living standards; secondly, the economy, based on the constant growth of consumption, needs an appropriate personality type - an ideal consumer, in connection with which the entire system of education, culture, morality, and the media in recent decades has been 'tailored' to prepare the ideal consumer; thirdly, the ideal consumer is entirely consistent with the aspirations of the global governing elites, as he has a low level of socialization, his knowledge is narrow and specialized,
The origins of the 'consumer person' model lie in the liberal and neoliberal models of the
which in turn are an evolutionary development of the framework for the further globalization of the socio-political, state-legal and financial-economic structure of nation-states (Burchikova, 2015, pp. 374-376; Nisanov & Tyshkevich, 2015, pp. 63-69).
However, if the model of the 'praxiological person', on whom Ludwig von Mises (2005) based the model of the person who acts, chooses, creates and is not informed, and can act as a methodological tool for both the economic and so-
ciological studies of capitalism, then the 'consumer person' appears already in the role of an manipulated subject whose behaviour is determined by a society controlled by a global governing class.
As several authors note: "In the modern industrial-consumer society, the words 'a person' and 'consumer' have long become synonyms... in the second half of the 20th century, the centuries-old process of forming a new variety... of a consuming person... thoughtlessly using everything to satisfy his exorbitant needs what Nature created... actively supplanting Homo sapiens, which is rapidly losing (if not already lost) the right to be called 'rational', that is, understanding its inextricable connection with nature, giving birth to him, capable of comprehending and controlling his behavior... that is, taking care of the continuation of the human race" (Lukyanenko, Khabarov, & Lukyanenko, 2009, pp. 156-157). Thus, a 'consuming person' no longer acts as a creator of nature equal to God (as in the model of a person co-creator of God proposed by N. A. Berdyaev (1951)), not as a creator who develops reality, not as a human worker (E. Junger, A. Moeller van den Brook) (Junger, 2019), but as a thoughtless and uninitiated consumer of goods that has no future.
The formation of the 'global person' model in the framework of the concept of global constitutionalism was due to several reasons.
Firstly, with the development of the globalization processes of the socio-political, state-legal and financial-economic structure of national states, the contradictions between the unified global control centres and the part played by the national elite of individual states become more acute. At the same time, they both appeal to the masses to strengthen their influence and to counter each other. In order to strengthen the social
son'; 'a person of the new morality (anti-moral)'.
his consciousness is atomized, he is not capable of social cooperation with other 'ideal consumers' in order to defend his interests, especially beyond litigation.
'economic person' and 'praxiological person',
nature of the processes of globalization and confrontation with the concept of a national state, a need arises for a model of a person who would not be connected with national states, society, any people or nation.
Secondly, the 'global person' is not bound in his life by territorial boundaries, can freely move around the world, providing a free flow of labour to those places where there is a need, which significantly saves the costs of capitalists.
Thirdly, the 'global person' absolutely does not socialize with his kind, the concept of patriotism is alien to him, therefore, national states, societies and elites cannot rely on him in the fight against globalization trends.
Fourthly, the 'global person' is not politically active; rather, he or she is more likely to be affected by politics, both global and national.
The origins of the 'global person' model lie in neoliberal and neoconservative models, which describe him as a global nomad (Fukuyama,
fact, is capitalism in its final imperialist stage. However, it has a pronounced oligarchic and globalized form, in which capitalist contradictions and costs acquire global significance, and man is the object of manipulation by global elites in the person of world oligarchy. The 'global nomad' of F. Fukuyama acts as a kind of "cog" in world society, which is entirely devoid of, on the one hand, a creative function, and, on the other hand, of the opportunity and the right to influence his fate. Z. Brzezinski's rationalism of a new type is no more than human egoism, cynical consumerism, elevated to a virtue.
According to N. N. Milchakova (2014): "Today, global society demonstrates the prevailing trend - the inability of existing economic mo-
dels to solve pressing socio-economic problems. Analysts and practitioners all over the world are in search of a model of optimal development that takes into account the interests and morality of all business entities. The era of globalization has turned the idea of morality in determining the ways and means of achieving goals. From here the imperative requirement is put forward to rethink the ideas about the ethical component in each social community in order to correlate it with the requirement to search for the value foundations of joint global management" (pp. 714). Thus, the 'global man' acts as the primary human model for the era of globalization, social support that allows for the destruction of national, ethnic, cultural, moral, religious, racial and other borders, prohibitions, and taboos, etc.
The formation of the 'anti-religious person' model within the framework of the concept of global constitutionalism was due to a number of reasons.
Firstly, religion, which has played the role of a whip at all stages of a state-organized society, by forcing the exploited majority to accept the inevitability and correctness of the power of the exploiting minority on the principle of, 'any power from God', but with the globalization of the socio-political, public legal and financial-economic structure of national states, the need arose to destroy any pillars that support the concept of a national state. Among these supports is religion, which is a differentiating feature of society, which means that it becomes a priori competitor to the processes of globalization.
Secondly, any religion is built on a specific system of moral, spiritual, ethical guidelines, principles, norms, prohibitions, preferences, etc. Consequently, a religious person will always resist the processes of the demoralization of society, artificially created norms and principles of
1992), a member of the 'nomad society' (Attali, 1991), and "rational new person" (Brzezinski, 1998). Thus, the 'nomad society' of J. Attali, in
law, morality and morality.
Thirdly, any religion also acts as a principle that unites people, which allows them to jointly confront the processes of globalization, as well as the global and national governing classes that implement them.
Fourthly, world religions have a rich experience of power and armed resistance to power, the oligarchy, and have significant financial resources. In this regard, the global governing elites need to undermine the social base of world religions in the face of a large mass of believers. This problem is solved by the practical imple-
and when a person is not only outside of religion, but also actively opposes it, they successfully destroy all its manifestations in society.
The origins of the 'anti-religious person' model lie in the liberal and neoliberal models of the 'non-religious person', and these oppose the models of the 'religious person' postulated by conservative philosophical concepts (J. de Mes-tra, K. P. Pobedonostsev, K. N. Leontiev, I. Vos-torgov, F. Witberg and several others) (Leontiev, 1912). A 'person is non-religious' - this is the idea of a person as a sovereign individual within society. A person has personal, legally fixed rights since he was a creature not burdened by sin and not in need of the spiritual guidance of the church.
An 'anti-religious person', in turn, actively opposes religious norms. This allows the acceleration of the destruction of the cultural, moral, spiritual, ethical foundations of society, to plant a cult of hedonism, debauchery, perversions, and, therefore, deprive society of the opportunity to resist the process of globalization.
The formation of the model of 'a person of a new morality (anti-moral)' within the framework of the concept of global constitutionalism
was due to several reasons: firstly, the successful implementation of the globalization processes of the socio-political and state-legal structure of national states involves the erasure of any moral boundaries to the spread of democratic Western values; secondly, the export of the costs and contradictions of the development of the world capitalist system from the core of capitalism to the countries of the periphery implies an unfair distribution of economic (material) goods, which from the moral system standpoint is immoral and unfair, therefore, undermining morality in national states will help reduce resistance; thirdly, a society that is not bound by moral standards at any level (up to the family) is not able to withstand injustice, exploitation, despotism and other manifestations of 'liberal totalitarianism'.
The origins of the 'person of a new moral (anti-moral)' model lie in the liberal, neoliberal and neoconservative models that either deny morality based on religious principles, contrasting it with rationality (Brzezinski, 1998), or morality based on certain socio-philosophical ideas about proper behaviour (for example, secular morality within the framework of Marxist-Leninism) (At-tali, 2019). Some models presented by R. Dwor-kin, F. Hayek, J. Rawls, and R. Nozik offer unique alternatives to complex systems of moral guidelines, for example, in the form of justice raised to the absolute (Dworkin, 1986; Hayek, 1990; Rawls, 2011; Nozik, 2013).
As noted by a number of researchers, within the framework of neoliberal concepts, an attempt is made to simplify the system of moral principles, followed by replacing the mythical category of justice, which each author of the concept sees in his own way (Khmelinin, 2014, pp. 151-164). Some researchers see the increase in the role of the national intelligentsia as the chief bearer of cultural values as a primary mechanism for coun-
mentation of the "anti-religious person" model,
tering these processes (Osinsky & Dobrynina, 2008, pp. 149-150).
The processes of globalization, in turn, necessitate a reassessment of the moral guidelines of social development in order to subordinate them to the logic of the development of the world capitalist system and to prevent the global governing elites from losing power and property on a global scale. Thus, 'a man of a new morality (anti-moral)' acts as a guarantor to prevent opposition to the processes of globalization as an immoral phenomenon of the imperialist era.
A comprehensive socio-philosophical analysis of the problems of determining the place of a person in the system of ontological principles of global constitutionalism makes it possible to perform academic research into the main directions of development this social concept, its influence on the socio-political, state-legal and financial-economic development societies and states, as well as to determine the optimal balance of global (international) and national (state interests) during the formation of the state's foreign and domestic policy.
Conclusions
1. The place of a person in the system of the ontological principles of global constitutionalism, like most modern bourgeois social concepts, uses large-scale political techniques, which have certain ontological contradictions between the objective, which is to serve the interests and needs of the global ruling elite to preserve their power and property, and the social nature and character of the use of this social concept, which appeals to the masses of the population, or to a significant part of society, whose interests are just trampled on by the global governing class, as
since capitalism is in its final imperialist stage, all the contradictions and costs that arise are transferred "onto the shoulders" of the exploited sections of society.
2. An important role in understanding the place of a person in the social concept of global constitutionalism is assumed by the socio-philosophical analysis of these ontological contradictions between the declared anthro-pocentricity and the humanistic nature of the social concept of global constitutionalism, and the real practice of its carefully camouflaged implementation through the use of pseudo-democratic rhetoric in the modern world.
3. The main models in the definition of a person in the social concept of global constitutionalism can be distinguished: 'a consuming person'; 'global person'; 'anti-religious person'; and 'a person of new morality (anti-moral)'.
4. It seems that the models of human life, which are formed within the framework of the so-cio-philosophical concept of global constitutionalism, are generally anti-humanistic, partly hateful in nature, and aimed at suppressing the human self, as well as any initiatives that seek to improve human life in particular, and society as a whole, which raises concerns about the chances of maintaining and developing human civilization.
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