CC BY-NC-ND
11
Jin Lixinf, Huo Wenwert
^ School of Humanities, Wenzhou University, Zhejiang; ytjlx@hotmail.com i School of Humanities, Wenzhou University, Zhejiang; hww13736970100@163.com
The Old Chinese origin of Middle Chinese voice sibilants z/%
This paper discusses the Old Chinese origin of voiced sibilants z- and in Middle Chinese. First, based on careful examination of Guangyun (Jf) and other texts, we argue that, although the distinction between voiced affricates and fricatives was largely kept in the Guangyun system, in some words the voiced affricates dz-/d%- had already merged into fricatives z-/%- due to copying from other texts and/or sound change. Second, we argue that z- and in Middle Chinese are either in complementary distribution or show free variation in some occasions. Therefore, they had one single origin (/z/) before the onset of the sound change z- > Based on these arguments, we have carried out a detailed analysis of the xiesheng series and found four different origins for /z/. They are *r-j-, *s-G-, *z-, and *s-d- respectively.
Keywords: Old Chinese phonology; historical reconstruction; sound change; coronal affricates.
I
Unlike stop consonants, the fricatives in Chinese often have comparatively complicated origins, with the voiced fricative z-/?- at the top of the list. First of all, a small number of syllables with affricate initials dz-/d?- merge with those with fricative initials z-/?-. Already in the Jing-dian shiwen compiled by Lu Deming ШШЭД, there are traces of their merging
(Wang 1984). The YUnjing (ШШ) is exceptional in this respect, as it misarranges the sequence for the affricate d?- and the fricative ?-. Second, in the rhyme dictionary Guangyun (ЛЙ), although the affricates and fricatives are distinct phonemes, there is occasional confusion of the two sets. This can be explained in part by assuming that the compilers were negligent in differentiating the data when copying from previous rhyme dictionaries and character dictionaries, and in part by the factor of sound change. On the other hand, there are cases of fricatives z-/?- merging with affricates dz-/d?-. Such mutual developments between fricatives and affricates are common in Chinese and even Sino-Tibetan languages; we shall not expound on this here with concrete examples.
Li Fanggui Щ^Ш (1980: 16) has proposed that the palatal fricative ?- is an allophone of the affricate d?-, with a shared origin in Old Chinese. This viewpoint is rarely supported by Chinese phonologists. Even though there are traces of confusion between ?- and d?- in Guangyun, they are distinctly different from each other. More importantly, each of them corresponds to different xiesheng series in Old Chinese. Their xiesheng sets are conspicuously different from each other. The initials of the xiesheng sets of the affricate d?- include t-, an alveolar stop, and t$-, a palatal affricate, whereas t- and t$- rarely occur in xiesheng sets of ?-. Their demarcation is clear. Thus, Old Chinese fricative ?- and affricate d?- should originate from different consonants in Old Chinese. We cannot jump to the conclusion that they are reflexes of the same initial consonant in Old Chinese based on sporadic cases of their confusion as reflected in Guangyun.
Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 17/1 (2019) • Pp. 7-17 • © The authors, 2019
II
The fricative z- in Middle Chinese, different from sounds like ts-/tsh-/dz-/s-, which share the same place of articulation with it, can co-occur only with finals that have the main vowel -i- or the medial -i-, that is, z- is an initial consonant occurring in a specific phonetic environment. This is explainable only in two ways: either z- changes into other consonants in certain environments, parallel with the velar stop g- in Old Chinese, or it has an origin different from ts-/tsh-/dz-/s- in Old Chinese. The alveolars ts-/tsh-/dz-/s- belong in the same xiesheng series with the retroflexes t§-/ t§h-/dz--/§-, forming a relatively exclusive xiesheng set. Except for sporadic xiesheng contacts with the alveolar fricative s-, initial z- forms no xiesheng series with alveolar affricates ts-/tsh-/dz-, and never occurs together with retroflex t§-/t§h-/dTL-/§-. The xiesheng behavior of z- parallels that of the semi-vowel j- in that it forms xiesheng series with alveolar stops th-/d- and the semi-vowel j-. Therefore, Li Fanggui (1980: 14) holds that z- results
from the same Old Chinese consonant group that also gave rise to j-, instead of ts-/tsh-/dz-.
The Middle Chinese consonant is distinct from t$-/t$h-/d%- (affricates of the same place of articulation), and they generally do not occur within the same xiesheng sets. The alveolars t-/th-/d-/n- in Old Chinese, when co-occurring with the palatal medial -i- (-j-), evolve into Middle Chinese palatals t^-/t^h-/d^-/^-. In the same vein, the alveolar fricatives s-/z- in Old Chinese, when co-occurring with -i- (-j-), ought to evolve into palatal fricatives and 3- in Middle Chinese, that is to say, the earlier forms of Middle Chinese and should be the alveolar fricatives s-/z-. The palatal fricative and the alveolar fricative z- are usually in complementary distribution, and even when they are in contrastive distribution, they are still but phonetic variations; moreover, they share the same xiesheng behavior. Hence, Jin Lixin (2002:
237-238) argues that the palatal fricative and the alveolar fricative z- are allophones of the same consonant initial. According to the chronological order of sound change, the palatal fricative in Middle Chinese should be a later form evolved from the alveolar fricative z-, viz. z- > ?-.
The two fricatives z- and are allophones of the exact same consonant initial. That is why they show identical xiesheng behavior and are in complementary distribution. The two variants are in contrastive distribution only in the case where one phonetic variant of she M ('shoot') and one of she M ('musk') are distinct from xie ii ('thank') and xie ftf ('pavillion'), all with the phonetic/phonological radical she M ('shoot'). In the Guangyun she Mhas four pronunciations, including qiek, jiek, %iaC and jiaC, and she M has two pronunciations, %iek and %iaC. According to the Jingdian shiwen as a verb, she M is pronounced as %iek, whereas as a noun, it is pronounced as %iaC. It is evident that %iaC is a later aberrant form, distinct from the most common, customary pronunciation because of the difference in meanings. Parallel to this, the two distinct pronunciations of she M (%iek and %iaC) have been developed to differentiate 'musk' from 'musk-producing animal'. Except for the two aberrant pronunciation variants, the alveolar fricative z- from the same origin does not occur in contrastive distribution with the palatal fricative ?-. Under the same phonetic conditions, z- never occurs where there is ?-, and vice versa.
In the xiesheng sets formed with above-mentioned phonetic radicals, we sporadically observe velar stops, but no traces of palatal affricates can be seen, neither can the alveolar stops be encountered (including the three initials zhi che % and cheng M). According to Dong Tonghe's (1948: 33) Old Chinese reconstruction system, in those cases where the semi-vowel j-forms part of a xiesheng series with velars, it should be reconstructed as *g-. However, the fricative z- within the same xiesheng sets is still reconstructed as *z- in Dong's system. Obviously, this reconstructed form fails to take into account the xiesheng connection between the
Table 1. Xiésheng behavior of the fricatives z- and
z- k- kh- g- t- th- d- t- th- 4- tç- tçh- ç-
№
£ £ £ £
m m m
&
H H №
& &
M № M
M M
fc fc
U U
* *
M » M M
¥ # ¥ m %
K K
m m m
m m m
£ £
a a
a a
s s
é é
^ ^
fricative z- and the semi-vowel j-. Li Fangui (1980: 60) reconstructs yang ^ and xiang # respectively as *raq and *rjaq. Similar to Dong's reconstruction, Li's reconstructed forms are also incapable of explaining the xiesheng connection between yang ^ *raq, xiang # *rjaq and jiang # *kjaq. Jin Lixin (2013: 283-294) discusses the pronunciations of the Old Chinese antecedents of the Middle Chinese fricative z-/?- and the semi-vowel j- in the above-mentioned xiesheng sets. He proposes that, as can be seen from those xiesheng sets, the Old Chinese origin of Middle Chinese j- is still a semi-vowel, reconstructed as *j-, while that of the Middle Chinese fricative z-/?- is a semi-vowel *j- with a prefix *r- (the velar stop k- which forms the same xiesheng series with it originates from Old Chinese *kj-, where *k- is a prefix). These reconstructed forms adequately settle the xiesheng relationship between all involved characters. Thus, yang xiang #and jiang # form xiesheng series only because the three share an identical root *jaq, which is explicit from their reconstructed forms *jaq, *r-jaq and *k-jaq. We shall not expound on this issue any further here; however, besides *rj-, there are other Old Chinese origins for Middle Chinese fricatives z-/?-.
Within the xiesheng series in Table 2, all of them representing a typical harmonic set of soft palate sounds, we only encounter those consonants which evolve into Middle Chinese velars k-/kh-/g-/x-/y-, and never those which develop into Middle Chinese alveolar stops t-/th-/d-, palatal affricates tQ-/t$h-/d?-, or palatal fricative $-. As to the finals, outside of those yunbWs (Old Chinese rhyme categories) which do not develop into Ancient Chinese she's (Middle Chi-
Table 2. Xiésheng behavior of the fricatives z- and
s- z- k- kh- g- x- Y- t- th- d- tç- tçh- ç-
K K
<à « m
§ § fô
m S m m m m
« « m «
m m m m
s s M M
m m № M № m
# # m m
m m
m m m s m
& s œ
m m H m № H m
m W m
S m S m w
F F ¥
% % m m m
^ ift » »
m s s M m M M
K K
nese rhyme categories) that contain both kaikôu JfP (open) and hékôu ^P (closed) rhymes, all the yùnbù's which can co-occur with the consonants are those which evolve into Middle Chinese she's with hékôu rhymes and can be encountered in characters outside of the 3rd division, such as « gu. Jin Lixin (2013: 473-483) provides a detailed discussion of the pronunciations of the Old Chinese ancestors for this groups of initials. The Middle Chinese fricatives z-/?- evolve from the Old Chinese voiced uvular stop *g- with a prefix *s-, and the vowels co-occurring with it are tense vowels.
III
Besides the two origins touched upon in the previous section, a third origin of the Middle Chinese fricatives z-/?- is the Old Chinese fricative *z-. This ancestor of z-/?- forms xiesheng series with those Old Chinese consonants which change into Middle Chinese alveolar stops th-/d-(the unaspirated stop t- and palatal affricates t$-/t$h-/d?- are not encountered in these xiesheng series). The xiesheng series for this variant of z-/?- are distinct from those of the previous two. The Middle Chinese reflexes of this xiesheng series include altogether seven consonants, namely, th-/d-, $-/?-/]- and s-/z-. For details, Jin Lixin (2013: 377-379) can be referred to. First of all, we shall examine the distribution of the three initials z-/?-/j-.
Table 3. The distribution of the initials z-/%-/]- across rhyme groups
2 m M
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
a »1
»
z n
№
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
ft m m tt S
z tt2
W m
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
ft m m m
3
z
m M «
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
û s « * M m
3
z
â #
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
?t m M
3 ft
z » ft m
£ «
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
« «3 M M
3
z
1 The character shèng ^ has two variant pronunciations in the Guangyùn: jiqC and both sharing the same meaning.
2 According to the pronunciations provided in Jïngdian shiwén, the characters ÉÉ, tfi (xiù) have two pronunciation variants, ziuC and jiuC.
3 The character yi ® is attested only in the Shuowén, without any attestation in any other document from the pre-Qin era to the two Han dynasties.
m M
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
№ m № № 4 rn
z m
m M
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ £
m6 m
z w
№ m £
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
M a M
3
z
m M
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
№ M 5
3
z
M
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
m (M)
3
z m
m m
¥ ± £ £ A ¥ ± £
M n7 M
3
z H #
4 The character ye ff has two pronunciations in the Guangyun: jieiC and jietD. The former pronunciation makes it a character variant of ye ^ (Q), whose pronunciation in the Guangyun and in the Jingdian shiwen is also jieiC.
5 The characters xian ^and yan ® have two pronunciation variants, zienC and jinC, in the Guangyun.
6 The character wei ^ is attested only in the Shuowen, without any attestation in any other document from the Pre-Qin era to the two Han dynasties.
7 The character dan ^ has two pronunciation variants, jimA and thomA, in the Guangyun; likewise, xin (or tan, or chan) and xunf§ also have two pronunciation variants, jimA and zimA.
The fricatives z- and ?- are contrastive only in one case; otherwise, they are in complementary distribution. Three characters with the fricative initial ?- (shu , shu W and zhu are in contrastive distribution with shu ^ that shows an initial z-; all four characters belong to the Old Chinese yufi rhyme category and to the Middle Chinese yu ip- rhyme group with shang-sheng (i^). The characters shu shu W and zhu # all have variant pronunciations. In the Guangyun, the two pronunciations of shu are ?ioB and $ioA. According to the Jingdian shiwen, shu should be pronounced $ioA 8. In the Guangyun, the two pronunciations of shu Ware zioB and ?ioB. According to the glossing of shu Win the Shuowen, the Jingdian shiwen, and the Guangyun, zioB and ?ioB are merely phonetic variants without any difference in meaning9. The character zhuffi has two pronunciations in the Guangyun: dioB and ?ioB. Except for these three characters with variant pronunciations, the two fricatives z- and ?- are generally complementary. It can be safely inferred that they represent variants of the same initial.
When the fricative z- is palatalized, it changes into the fricative ?-, which in turn is prone to more change, resulting in the semi-vowel j-. The reverse cycle of sound change between these three sounds is also quite common. The semi-vowel j- in Chinese is reflected in most dialects of the Hmong language as ?- (for example, ^ is pronounced ?oq2 in Yanhao language), whereas in Sino-Vietnamese the typial reflex is z-, e.g. ^ is pronounced za^4. In some Kam-Tai languages they even shift to alveolar plosives, e.g. ^ is pronounced t:aq4 in the Mulam language.
As we have mentioned many times in previous sections, the two fricatives z- and ?- are in complementary distribution. Apart from the two origins mentioned in section 2, that is, *rj-and *sg-, and several characters with initials z- and ?-, which evolve from the alveolar stops, z-/?- are in obvious complementary distribution with the semi-vowel j-. Syllabically, the fricatives z-/?- are in contrastive distribution with the semi-vowel j- only in a few cases. Among these exceptional cases, except for two characters yi ^ and song ii, which do not have variant pronunciations, all the others are characters with variant pronunciations, the majority of which are sheer variants without any difference in meaning. Aside from these characters with variant pronunciations, the fricatives z-/?- are complementary with the semi-vowel j-. Moreover, z-/?- and j- also form phonetic variants; such variant pronunciations are common in Ancient Chinese rhyme dictionaries such as the Guangyun (see Table 4).
As we have indicated, these variant pronunciations, most of which are not accompanied by any difference in meaning, only reflect sound variations in different dialects, or sound change in different historical periods. During the Later Han ^ Dynasty and the Three Kingdoms period, the semi-vowel is already used to transcribe y- in Sanskrit, and semi-vowels from two different origins have already merged (for detailed reference, see Yu Min#^ 1999: 59). Therefore, the variant pronunciations mentioned above can be explained as sound change from different historical periods. The fricatives z-/?- and the semi-vowel j- seem to be contras-tive only in rhyme yu fi from Old Chinese rhyme category yu fi (yu bu fi^): the character xu # has the fricative z- as the initial, while yu ^ has the semi-vowel j- as the initial. In light of the examination of the usage of the character xu # in historical documents and of the pronunciations given for this character by teachers of Confucian Classics from various dynasties, it can be ascertained that the initial of xu # in the Guangyun is the fricative z-, which is a retention from Old Chinese pronunciation; we shall not dwell on this here.
8 In the Zuozhuan : ^^^BQMM^f^M^ft "The chief sacrificed his home so as to ease the pain of the state of Chu". Jingdian shiwen '■ —
9 In the Zuozhuan '■ ftft^ft^- "The trouble must be relieved". Jingdian shiwen '■ ft'^SK'XWSfe
Table 4. Examples of variant pronunciations for z-/%- and j-
Character Pronunciation with j- Pronunciation with z-/%-
m yi mm 'wether' tmw 'wether'
« ydu mm ^Mtt'black-canthused oxen' mw ^M^'black-canthused oxen'
K yï 'adornments worn by officials in the Han dynasty to drive off evil spirits' #sw
E yï ftft, № 'stop; here / this; very much; come to an end; another pronunciation is si #sw
m xin ^J#'sharp tip of a sword' wrn á'J^'sharp tip of a sword'
M xún ft ^ 'name of fish' wrn ft^ 'name of fish'
a xiàng mm® Mfe 'endeavor' tmw Mfe 'endeavor'
m xié mmw WX^ffe 'place name; shu 'push, scoop' in the Shuowen' rnmw 'same as the above (xié)'
M yé mmw fSfe ear of a grain, spike, tassel' rnmw SS 'a kind of artemisia'
m yàn mmw ^fe 'light (n.)' m&w 'same as xún 'cook with fire, half-cooked meat''
s xiàn ^mw Mfe, 'invite to enter, let enter' wrnw X^fe'envy, admire; also 'have extra"
m yàn 'move' wrnw ^fe 'shelter, cover'
yi ^w ¡¡K 'move in a winding way' #mw poisonous insect'
№ yi 'sequence of repetition' WMW mmxw
m yê fflff, $£5^№'field; Shuowen says 'at the outskirts'' m^w 'field'
m y°ng mmw ft ^ 'name of fish' mmw ft^ 'name of fish'
m chán mmw 'small spear' m^w 'small spear'
m shëng maw i^, -B mfe, 'increase, or send; also also present gifts' ^ffiw
m ymg maw 'send a daughter to the in-laws (to get married)' ^ffiw
The three Middle Chinese initials z-/?-/j- come from the same Old Chinese consonant initial. For the sake of differentiating the fricatives z-|?- and the semi-vowel j-, Jin Lixin (2013: 377-385) reconstructs the Old Chinese origin of z-|?- as a voiced fricative *z- with a prefix *m-. It is obvious that if the Middle Chinese fricatives z-|?- have a different Old Chinese origin from the semi-vowel j-, they will not be in complementary distribution across syllables. As such, the reconstructed prefix *m- should be deleted. The common origin of the alveolar fricative z-, the palatal fricative ?- and the semi-vowel j- in Middle Chinese is the Old Chinese alveolar *z-which co-occurs with tense vowels:
M MC day < OC*zaq;
% MC thay < OC*saq;
M MC jiay < OC*zaq;
% MC çiay < OC*saq.
IV
Besides the three origins discussed in sections 2 and 3, the fricatives z-/?- had a fourth origin in Old Chinese.
Table 5. Xiésheng behavior of the fricatives z- and ?-.
s- z- k- kh- g- x- Y- t- th- d- tç- tçh- d?- ç-
1 m 1 ff ff m m
m m tt
# # ^ # n
m m m m » m »
£ te № £ S
^ #
jii m i ni i m
M « m m M M
s m m m » m. s
№ tt &
# # # m #
s m m m s m m s
& & m m m
# m m m m m w m
m i m
T±S H H
M m M m
S S m
The character yue ^ has two pronunciations in the Guangyun: iak and iauC. The relationship between the two pronunciations is such that the former is a verb while the latter is a noun. The Shuowen describes it as M^^yue, cong shao sheng "yue follows phonetic radical shao In the Guangyun, yue is listed under the initial ying ^ (zero initial), reflecting an irregular sound change. When rhymes of division III (H^f sandengyun) occur in conjunction with zero initial, if the medial -i- is pronounced with a stronger than normal friction, it changes into the semi-vowel j-. As a consequence, characters with initial ying ^ (zero initial) change into characters with initial yu ^ (j-). A case in point is yi S, pronounced as jit in the Guangyun. Yi is a later derivate of the character yi which is pronounced as iak in the Guangyun. Conversely, when the semi-vowel j- is reduced in strength of friction, it changes into initial ying. As a result, the initial which should be the semi-vowel j- changes to a zero initial, i.e. *jiak > iak.
As can be seen from Table 5, the xiesheng set formed with the phonetic radicals in the leftmost column is a typical set largely comprised of alveolar stops and palatal affricates. What is slightly different is that the xiesheng set also includes fricatives z-/?- and semi-vowel j-, which do not form xiesheng sets series with palatal affricates t$-/t$h-/d%- and the alveolar stop t-. It may thus be inferred that the fricatives z-/?- and the semi-vowel in the above xiesheng sets has an Old Chinese origin different from what we have talked about in the previous sections. Their root consonant in Old Chinese should be the alveolar stop *d-.
The fricative z- is in complementary distribution with ?-, but in contrastive distribution with the palatal affricate d?-, e.g. si ^vs. shi Old Chinese possessed a very flexible prefix *s-which could occur before velar and uvular stops, so, naturally, there is no reason why it could not occur before alveolar stops. Thus, this Old Chinese origin of the fricatives z-/?- is reconstructed as *sd- in Jin Lixin 2013: 352. In light of the xiesheng series of alveolar stops, the fricatives ?- and z- in Middle Chinese are valid developments of *sd- in Old Chinese. In addition to fricatives z-/?-, Jin Lixin (2013: 352) argues that *sd- is also the Old Chinese ancestral form of the Middle Chinese semi-vowel j- in the above xiesheng sets.
The character yi f has two pronunciations in the Guangyun, namely jip (yang ru qie ^A^) and yip (wei li qie^^ty). The latter is a gloss reading of the character yu S (MC yip). This character is attested in the Shijing ('The Book of Songs'): PJBSMS, ffSW^T ting tuan lu chang, yi yao xiao xing (from the Dongshan Ode). According to Jingdian shiwen, yi is pronounced as *jip (yizhi fan ^^H). In addition to the two pronunciations *jip and* yip, yi has a third reading zip in the Jiyun (Mf). Yi f derives its reading from the phonetic radical xiW; the semi-vowel initial j- is only a variant pronunciation of the fricative z-. This is not at all different from what we have previously observed about the variant pronunciations between the semi-vowel j- and the fricatives z-/?-. The variants reflect the different stages of sound change: z- > ?- > j-.
In the xiesheng sets mentioned above, the semi-vowel j- is contrastive relative to both the alveolar stop d- and the palatal affricate d?-. On the other hand, except for one character yi f with variant pronunciations, it is thoroughly complementary with the fricatives z-/?-. Consequently, the fricatives z-/?- and the semi-vowel j- should be evolved from the exact same Old Chinese initial. This particular aspect has been discussed in detail by Jin Lixin (2013: 349-354), so it is not necessary to repeat the argumentation here.
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In: Yinyunxue yanjiu Vol. I. Beijing: Zhonghua shuju (^^^M).
Цзинь Лисинь, Хо Вэньвэнь. Древнекитайские истоки среднекитайских звонких сибилянтов 2- и Тт
В статье анализируются древнекитайские истоки звонких сибилянтов 2- и т- в средне-китайском языке. Сперва, исходя из тщательного анализа словаря рифм Гуанъюнь (^й) и других текстов, авторы утверждают, что несмотря на то, что различие между звонкими аффрикатами и фрикативными в целом сохранялось в системе Гуанъюнь, в отдельных словах звонкие аффрикаты й2-/й%- уже совпали с фрикативными 2-/т- из-за диалектного влияния других текстов и/или в результате фонетических изменений. Далее утверждается, что инициали 2- и т- в среднекитайском языке находятся в отношении либо дополнительной дистрибуции, либо (в отдельных случаях) свободного варьирования; следовательно, для них можно предполагать единое развитие из исходной фонемы /2/. Основываясь на этих предположениях, авторы проводят детальный анализ фонетических серий китайской иероглифики и выявляют четыре различных источника происхождения фонемы а именно, древнекитайские инициали и начальные кластеры *г-]-, *в-с-, *2- и *в-й-.
Ключевые слова: древнекитайская фонология, историческая реконструкция, звуковые изменения, переднеязычные аффрикаты.
