The name of the Slavs: etymology and meaning Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

Славянская идентичность в Средние века

УДК 94(367) Славяне; ББК 63.3(2)41; DOI 10.21638/11701/spbu19.2017.101

A. Mesiarkin

THE NAME OF THE SLAVS: ETYMOLOGY AND MEANING

A name is the first identification attribute of a barbarian group. This does not apply only to a term the group is referred to in written sources and which distinguishes the group cognitively from other groups. When taking into consideration an anthropological premise that ascribes a significant role within the group identity (or the group as such) to the complex of myths and symbols1, the actual name represents an essential point of the self-identification. Together with the second essential feature (psychologically interconnected with the first one) — a historical (theogonic, cosmogonic) myth, it shall be considered a basic element of the identity construction.

1 Smith D. A. Myths and Memories of the Nation. Oxford, 1999. P. 13.

© A. Mesiarkin, 2017

2017. № 1 (21). Январь—Июнь

3

Once a new name is discovered on a map of the ancient and medieval knowledge, it might ipso facto represent ethnogenesis of the group and thus the very existence of that particular society. Its further occurrence and transformation in literature subsequently reflects motives of ancient and medieval ethnography and historiography. We believe that the name SK^aPnvoi, Sclavini was originally a name of a single group and later on, thanks to various intellectual and ideological determinants, spread and referred to more groups — until it reached a semantical form we recognise even nowadays2. Traditionally, a chronological milestone distinguishing the «pre-historic» Slavs from those «historic» captured by historians3 had emerged once Procopius and Jordanes started reflecting a name of one of the groups of the Lower Danube barbaricum — SK^aP^vot4.

Naturally, an ethnographic brand «Veneti» holds the most significant position among the «older Slavic names» within the relevant literature5. We know that Venedi / Venethi / Vinidi are to be found across a wide European geographical context (from Bretagne to Paphlagonia in Asia Minor), thus they are not to be interconnected with the Slavs

2 As Franc Miklosic wrote as early as in 1874: «Ich möchte ferner auf den namen der spräche der Slovaken: slovensky jazyk hinweisen, was wieder als grund für die angeführte ansicht nur jene gelten zu lassen geneigt sein werden, die mit mir der Überzeugung sind, dass der name: slovene ursprünglich der name einzelnes slavischen stammes, nicht der ganzen slavischen volkes war» (Miklosich F. Altslovenische Formenlehre in Paradigmen mit Texten aus Glagolitischen Quellen. Wien, 1874. P. IV). Relevant criticism to be found for instance in: Otrqbski J. Slowianie. Rozwi^zanie odwiecznej zagadki ich nazw. Poznan, 1947. P. 25-27; Schramm G. Ein Damm bricht. Die römische Donaugrenze und die Invasionen des 5.-7. Jahrhunderts im Lichte von Namen und Wörter. München, 1997. P. 171-173.

3 Safärik P. J. Slowanske starozitnosti. Oddjl degepisny. Praha, 1837. P. 39; Niederle L. Slovan-ske starozitnosti. D. 2. Sv. 1: Püvod a pocatky Slovanü jiznich. Praha, 1906, P. 469; Pritsak O. The Slavs and the Avars // Gli Slavi occidentali e meridionali nell'alto medioevo. International conference in Spoleto 15.4.-21.4.1982. Spoleto, 1983. P. 366.

4 In the same Greek form as in Procopius in an work of author commonly known as Caesarii sapientissimi viri: Dialogi Quatuor. Interrogatio CX // Sancti patris nostri Gregorii Theologi, vulgo Nazianzeni, archiepiscopi Constantinopolitani. Operae quae extant omnia (Patrologiae Grecae. T. 38). Turnholti, 1969. P. 985-986; Benedicty R. Prokopios' Berichte über die slavische Vorzeit. Beiträge zur historiographischen Methode des Prokopios von Kaisareia // Jahrbuch der Österreichischen Byzantinischen Gesselschaft. 1965. Vol. 14. P. 61; Баришик Ф. Када и где су написали Псеудо-Цезарщеви Дщалози // ЗРВИ. 1952. Vol. 1. P. 45; Riedinger R. Pseudo-Kaisarios: Überlieferungsgeschichte und Verfasserfrage. München, 1969. P. 272-273, 302-303.

5 Venedi appear for the first time in Pliny the Elder, the Greek form OueveSai is known from Ptolemy's Geography from the 2nd century, the Latin version comes from Tacitus — Wenethi. Pliny's Naturalis Historiae. Book 2. Ch. 170; Book 4. Ch. 13 and 96-97, and Geography. Book 3. Ch. 5. Part 1, 5, 7 and 8. — Claudius Ptolemy quoted from: Panzer B. Quellen zur slavischen Ethnogenese. Fakten, Mythen und Legenden. Heidelberg Publikationen zur Slavistik: A) Linguistische Reihe. Vol. 14. Frankfurt am Main, 2002. P. 15-19; P. Cornelius Tacitus. Germania / Ed. A. Lund. Heidelberg, 1988, the introductory study on P. 48; chapter 46 on P. 107. — Zbigniew Babik points to a reality of two existing names with th and d as a possibility of gradual alternation of a German linguistic term via a Latin medium: Babik Z. Wspolnota j^zykowa praslowianska // Przeszlosc spoleczna. Proba konceptualizacji / Ed. by S. Tabaczynski, A. Marciniak, D. Cyngot, A. Zalewska. Poznan, 2012. P. 843. — For Jordanes' motivation see, e. g.: Pritsak O. The Slavs and the Avars. P. 382-383.

automatically6. We also have to take into consideration a mere historical fact that the Slavs never called themselves by this name7. A synonymic equation (Veneti - Slavs) which had given the ancient roots to the Slavs was authored by Jordanes8 . However, under Jordanes' (or Cassiodorus') influence, we cannot project «Slavicism» (Slavic identity, «Slavicity» or «Slavinity») of the Veneti onto a situation in the Early Antiquity9. A similar method of a «geographically conditioned likening», emanation of a chronologically older unit, was

6 Curta F. The Making of the Slavs. History and archaeology of the Lower Danube Region, c. 500-700. Cambridge, 2001. P. 41. — For an opposite stance, see: Goiqb Z. Veneti / Venedi. The oldest name of the Slavs // Journal of Indo-European Studies. 1975. Vol. 3. P. 321-326; Schramm G. Venedi, Antes, Sclaveni, Sclavi. Frühe Sammelbezeichnungen für slawische Stämme und ihre geschichtlicher Hintergrund // Jahrbücher für Geschichte Osteuropas. 1995. Vol. 43. Nr 2. P. 161; Kolendo J. Wenetowie a Slowianie // Z Otchlani Wiekow: Pismo poswi^cone pradziejom Polski. 1985. Vol. 51. No. 3-4. P. 128.

7 Wenskus R. Stammesbildung und Verfassung. Die Werden der frühmittelalterlichen gentes. Köln, 1961. P. 233; LysyM. Moravania, Mojmirovci a Franska risa. Studie k etnogeneze, politick-ym instituciam a ustavnemu zriadeniu na uzemi Slovenska vo vcasnom stredoveku. Bratislava, 2014. P. 45, note 107; Steinacher R. Wenden, Slawen, Vandalen. Eine frühmittelalterische pseudologische Gleichzetung und Ihre achwirkungen bis ins 18. Jahrhundert // Die Suche nach den Ursprüngen. Von der Bedeutung des frühen Mittelalters. Wien, 2004. P. 329-353.

8 Iordanis. Getica. V.34-35; XXIII.119 // MGH: Auctores antiquissimi 5, 1 / Ed. Th. Mommsen. Berolini, 1882. P. 62-63, 88-89. — In addition, the treatise Romana does not mention the Veneti along the Antes and Sclaveni (here as Sclavini, not Sclaveni as in Getica) in the last catastrophic report: Iordanis. Romana, 388. P. 52; Jordanes. Gotske dejiny / Rimske dejiny / Ed. S. Dolezal. Praha, 2012. P. 35; Labuda G. Fragmenty dziejow Slowianszczyzny zachodniej, 1. Poznan, 1960. P. 37. — A connection Sclaveni—Venethi—Antes is to be understood as Jordanes' geographical-genealogical tool. Jordanes' interpolation on numerous Veneti in a wide area on the Eastern Wisla pays tribute to the ancient geography. We know next to nothing concerning the Veneti at the times of Jordanes or Procopius. Procopius mentions Venetia meaning the actual area around Venice when talking about stationed Gothic units: Procopius. De bello gothico, I.11 // Corpus Scripto-riae Historiae Byzantinae. Bonnae, 1833. P. 2. Vol. 2. P. 59. — As Jordanes had known from his sources, a group called Venethi had been placed somewhere in Scythia by the ancient geography. A well-known, easily pronounceable name made the information transfer within remote barbarian groups easier. As a Goth, he might have known it was a Germanic-linguistic term used for all those «unfamiliar in the East»; this is an analogy to Walchi / Velchi for all those «unfamiliar in the West» of Germanic-linguistic groups: Schramm G. 1) Ein Damm bricht... P. 168; 2) Venedi, Antes, Sclaveni, Sclavi. P. 162; Pohl W. Die Germanen. München, 2000. P. 50.

9 This is a similar moment as with a name Allemani, originally labelling only one of the Germanic-linguistic tribes, which has endured until nowadays and in French serves as a name for the present-day Germans, or in an extensive interpretation, for all the German-speaking people. However, as a gens, the Alamanni had never lived to experience the «Germanism» thus «Ger-manism» cannot be projected retrospectively onto them: Pohl W. Die Germanen. P. 10; Pus-chner U. Germanenideologie und völkische Weltanschauung // Zur Geschichte der Gleichung «germanisch-deutsch». Berlin; New York, 2004. P. 103-129. — A question of locating the Veneti (and of course, the issue of Veneti's Slavism) was particularly important for the dynamics of the topic of Slavic ethnogenesis in the Polish milieu: Labuda G. Udzial Wenetow w etnogenezie Slowian // Etnogeneza i topogeneza Slowian. Warszawa; Poznan, 1980. P. 29-41; Kolendo J. Wenetowie a Slowianie. P. 23; Nalepa J. O pierwotnych siedzibach Slowian w swietle nowszych badan archeologicznych, lingwistycznych i historycznych I // SA. 2007. Vol. 48. P. 17; Pritsak O.

applied by Theophylact Simocatta when he connected the Slavs with ancient Getae10. Due to a later «non-tradition» or rather a «non-naming» the Slavs as Getae, this identification did not raise many emotions or interpretations11. Another «naïve» etymology mentioned by Procopius, namely the etymology of the name Sporoi which should have been applied for both Antes and Sclaveni represents the weakest of all of these theories12.

As far as this topic is concerned, firstly we would like to draw the attention to a terminological and epistemological discrepancy that has been accompanying the whole issue of the Slavic ethnogenesis and identity. The name of one of the Jordanes' groups Sclaveni is in both translation and semantic meaning identical with the present term — the Slavs. Thus the thing is that although Jordanes mentions three and Procopius two barbarian groups (Antes, Sclaveni and Venethi), one of these groups covers terminologically remaining groups as well — therefore in literature, we can encounter «the Slavic Antes and Venethi». Thus the Sclaveni are the Slavs as well as the Antes and Venethi falls into the same category13. The term Slavs serves for both «narrower» and «broader» semantic application14. When talking about the events of the 6th century, we understand and use the term «Slav» as an equivalent to a (Latin) Sclaven.

The Slavs and the Avars. P. 367; Niederle L. Slovanske starozitnosti. P. 472; Curta F. Four questions for those who still believe in prehistoric Slavs and other fairytales // SHP. Ser. III. 2015. Vol. 42. P. 286-303.

10 Theophylacti Simocattae. Historiae, VI. 6 / Ed. C. de Boor. Stuttgart, 1972. P. 232. — His identification with the Getae also influences the interpretation of an older report on «Getic riders» from 517 as one of the oldest reports on the Slavs: Curta F. The Making of the Slavs. P. 75.

11 Ossolinski J. M. Wiadomosci historyczno-krytyczne do dziejow literatuy polskiey: O pisarzach pol-skich, takze postronnych, ktorzy w Polscze albo o Polscze pisali, oraz o ich dzielach; z rozstrz^snieniem wzrostu i rozney kolei ogolnego oswiecenia, jako tez szczegolnych nauk w Narodzie Polskim. T. 1. Krakow, 1819. P. 120; BielowskiA. Wst^p krytyczny do dziejow Polski. Lwow, 1850. P. 435.

12 Procopius. De bello gothico, III.14. P. 366. — Barford justifies Procopius' etymology by a Polish adjective of spory in the meaning of sizeable, of a significant number: Barford P. The Early Slavs. London, 2001. P. 36. — Margetic assesses similar attempts as explicitly counterproductive: MargeticL. Etnogeneza Slavena // Rad HAZU. 2005. Vol. 492. P. 128. — Sasinek wrote that Sclavini or Sclaveni had been a name of the Slavs as early as in mid-6th century. Earlier, they had been Sporoi which means sowers — peasants, which is subsequently confirmed by Theophylact and Patriarch Fotius who call them Getes according to Sasinek also meaning the peasants. See: Marsina R. F. V. Sasinek: Dejepis Slovakov (Ruzomberok 1895) // Co pisal o nasich dejinach Franko Sasinek / Ed. P. Mulik. Martin, 2015. P. 16.

13 The area of all three groups is thus usually called «Slavic settlement area». See: Fusek G., Zabojnik J. Prispevok do diskusie o pociatkoch slovanskeho osidlenia Slovenska // Slovenska archeologia. 2003. Vol. 51. No. 2. P. 328; Trestik D. Pfichod prvnich Slovanu do ceskych zemi v letech 510-535 // CCH. 1996. Vol. 94. No. 2. P. 253. — Of course, we are aware of Procopius' link between the Antes and Slavs, his motivation is similar to Jordanes'.

14 Such a chain of ideas created a base for Neoslavists and Panslavists as it speaks about this three-kinds group of the Slavs of the 6th century as an archetype of all the modern Slavic nations, see: Tera M. Slovanska identita v ranem stfedoveku // Slovanstvi ve stfedoevropskem prostoru. Iluze, deziluze a realita. Praha, 2004. P. 53. — Respectively, in different variations as for instance present-day Russians — historical Antes, present-day Polish — historical Veneti, etc. See: Schramm G. Venedi, Antes, Sclaveni, Sclavi. P. 163. — The most extreme form of this concept is to be found in a reflection of Jordanes' three groups divided into three Slavic language groups or into three Slavic archaeological cultures and shall be handled rather soberly.

Those pieces of information that enable the construction of the pillars of a barbarian group ethnic identity after many centuries are of an internal origin — especially from stories of origo gentis, or come from external sources — Roman, or post-Roman intellectuals. The Goths or Lombards do not concentrate their belongingness to the group around «own language» in their origo gentis. It is Tacitus, Isidor of Sevilla, Hrabanus Maurus or Regino of Prüm who emphasise the language as an identification symbol of gentes15. The barbarian elite, the militarized Traditionskern with an opposite approach to education, certainly did not ascribe the language such a significant position16. The role of a single «exclusively barbarian language» at a creation of the Slavic identity of the Sclaveni and Antes is mostly a projection of the modern linguists and historians.

A role of the language as far as a group identity is concerned becomes more prominent at the reconstruction of the ethnic name of the Slavs. A proposition about Slovenin, a Slavic ethnic group (gens, tribe, nation) representative whose auto-definition links him with other Slavs via the language and speech as early as in the 6th century, or even a centuries earlier, has its unshakable place in the scholar discourse17. Thanks to a parallel to a more-than-a-thousand-year existence of the Slavic language, the ethnonym has been perceived as a symbol of the ancient times which had proved and confirmed its durability18.

Once the name issue is being approached, it is actually an attractive, «language-motivated» etymology which attempts to reconstruct an auto-ethnonym of the Slavs directly from the base and an individual word — *slovo19. Such a name thus emerges as a result of, as Simon Ondrus called it, «natural law of the opposition», where «mute Germans» symbolised the rivaling party. In literature, this reconstruction appears regularly, as the Slovak linguist put it: «Because for the Proto-Slavs, the Germanic people were babbling, inarticulate and that

15 Pohl W. Telling the difference. Sings of Ethnic Identity // Strategies of distinction. The Construction of ethnic identities, 300-800. Leiden; Boston; Köln, 1998. P. 22-27.

16 Procopius. De bello gothico I.2. P. 14. — Procopius mentions that Theodoric had banned Gothic children from attending the school.

17 Schachmatov A.A. Zu den ältesten slavisch-keltisch Beziehungen (Herrn Akademiker Th. Korsch gewidmet) // Archiv für slavische Philologie. 1911. Vol. 33. No. 1/2. P. 83. — Schachmatov rejects the Veneti having been the Slavs which is an important feature of his work. He considers them Celtic which is to be explained by a proximity of the Celtic and Slavic language. He also claims the name of the Veneti was transferred to the Slavs because they had originally been «neighbours» of the Germanic tribes — who in exchange, had used this name for all their neighbours in the east: Schramm G. Venedi, Antes, Sclaveni, Sclavi. P. 165; Homza M. Stredna Europa I. Na zaciatku stredoveku. Bratislava, 2014. P. 32; Popowska-Taborska H. Utrwalone w j^zyku slady etnicznej wspolnoty Slowian // Z j^zykowych dziejow Slowianszczyny. Warszawa, 2004. P. 161; Tyszkie-wicz L. Slowianie w historiografii antycznej do polowy VI wieku. Wroclaw, 1990. P. 129; Pohl W. Ein Jahrtausend der Wanderungen, 500-1500 // Kontinuitäten und Brüche: Lebensformen — Alteingesessene — Zuwanderer von 500 bis 1500. Klagenfurt, 2010. P. 156. — Quite a contrary position in: Brückner A. Dzieje kultury polskiej. T. I. Od czasow przedhistorycznych do r. 1506. Krakow, 1930. P. 8, who states the Slavs are actually the mute one doe to Gothic slavan.

18 Otrqbski J. Slowianie. P. 6.

19 SafärikP. J. Dejiny slovanskeho jazyka a literatury vsetkych nareci. Bratislava, 1953. P. 49, 59; Otrqbski J. Slowianie. P. 36.

20 Ondrus S. Povod etnonyma Slovak, Slovan, Sloven a etnonyma Cech // Studia Academica Slo-vaca. Prednasky XI. letneho seminara slovenskeho jazyka a kultury. 1975. Vol. 4. P. 241: «Preto vyuzili na pomenovanie seba samych z indoeuropciny zdedene slova, resp. slovny zaklad klew-: klow-, po samizacii slew-: slow- v zmysle pocujuci, rozumejuci, pouzivajuci slova, oproti ger-manskemu brblaniu, nemote».

is why they perceived themselves being a counterpart to the Germanic people as they were speaking clearly, using the words»20. Then Ondrus continues: «With a huge probability, we may assume that a primal collective name for the Slavs was Slovi, meaning those who listen, speak in an articulate manner and use words».

The second part of the ethnonym is (generally accepted) suffix *-eninb/ *-janinb (plural *-jane) which represents some sort of the «affinity», «close relationship»21. Sloven / Slovan (in a so-called non-productive form) would have been an appellative similar to braten / bratan which de facto confirms a thesis of the Slavs as those «linguistically» related22. Among the Slavists, it was by no means less popular searching for a word base in a word slava (glory) as an Adam Czarnocki's quotation attests23. In an attempt to come to a satisfactory etymology, attention has been focused on more «romantic» interpretations. There were some attempts to reconstruct the name as a derivation from the natural environment where the Slavs had been believed to have lived in literature. Slovene are those who should have lived in the area of mysterious Slova, a further unidentified location of Jan Peisker, or placed close to some island — Lithuanian salava of Leszek Moszynski24. The base of names as Slavo, Slova, Slavje is supposed to indicate an Indo-European denominator *kleu- in a meaning of to flow25. However, a suitable geographical object has not been satisfyingly identified yet26 . The most

21 Schramm G. Venedi, Antes, Sclaveni, Sclavi. P. 183; Pritsak O. The Slavs and the Avars. P. 407; Popowska-Taborska H. Utrwalone w j^zyku slady etnicznej wspolnoty Slowian. P. 161; Siawski F. Slowianie // SSS. Vol. 5: S-S. Wroclaw; Warszawa; Krakow; Gdansk, 1975. P. 274.

22 Moszynski L. Czy Slowianie to rzeczywiscie nomen originis? // Z polskich studiow slawistyc-znych. Ser. 5. J^zykoznawstwo. Prace na VIII. mi^dzynarodowy kongres slawistow w Zagrebiu 1978. Warszawa, 1978. P. 499, 507.

23 «In common law and customs — there was their bond and unity. That was the root of honour, I mean, from there they could be covered with a crown and name of Glory (slawy)» (Surow-iecki W. Z. D. Chodakowskiego O Slowiansczyznie przed chrzescianstwem i W. Surowieckiego zdanie o pismie temze z dodaniem krotkiej wiadomosci o Chodakowskim i korrespondencyi jego. Krakow, 1835. P. 9). Or in case of Slovak Jan Kollar, see: Podolan P. Slawa Bohyne a puvod gmena Slauw cili Slawjanuw... Jana Kollara // Historia nova. 2013. Vol. 6. P. 82-93.

24 Peisker J. The expansion of the Slavs // The Cambridge Medieval History. Vol. 2. Cambridge, 1914. P. 421. — He also searches for a support of a proposition of the Slav (the one who speaks and understands) — Nemec/German (nemy/mute, thus the one who does not understand) in so-called Nestor's account on a tribe of Jugrii which is «foreign» — therefore not able to speak in: Peisker J. Die älteren Beziehungen der Slawen zu Turkotataren und Germanen und ihre sozialgeschichtliche Bedeutung. Stuttgart, 1905. P. 98; Moszynski L. Czy Slowianie to rzeczywiscie nomen originis? P. 499. For an overview of the locations relevant at the times of World War Two see: Otrqbski J. Slowianie. P. 40-42; RospondS. Struktura pierwotnych etnonimow slowianskich // Rocznik slawistyczny. 1966. Vol. 26. No. 1. P. 29-31.

25 As *cleu in: KuceraM. Slovenske dejiny I. Od prichodu Slovanov do roku 1526. Presov, 2008. P. 49; Siawski F. Slowianie // SSS. Vol. 5. P. 274. — A dictionary also states less appealing connotations as for instance English slow, Gothic slavan (probably coming from Aleksander Brückner) for being silent, for similar reference see: Moszynski L. Czy Slowianie to rzeczywiscie nomen originis? P. 499.

26 See: Otrqbski J. Slowianie. P. 40-42. — However, there is a thesis concerning the river Zala in the present-day Hungary. An interesting reflection, presented in this text as a historical argument is that «neighbouring» regions of the Zala region are Slavonia and Slovenia, thus the linguistic groups in its proximity have called themselves Slavs and later on, Slovaks and Slovenians: Bacic J. The Slav: Origin and the meaning of the ethnonym // Slovene Studies. 1987. Vol. 9. No. 1/2. P. 38.

attractive of these theories is deriving from one of the names for the Dnieper (though preserved as an epitheton ornans not earlier than in the 17th century!) Slavuta, *Slov^ta, or *Slaventa27. A base word *slov- is labelled by Jan Otr^bski a stem of a reflexive pronoun (originally *slob-, documented in Gothic silba, or as a similar base for Celtic *selv-), which would mean the Slavs were «their own people / their people themselves»28. Linguists or historians working with linguistic facts built the auto-ethnonym of the Slavs a priori on a linguistic base — on *slovo (a word), which logically confirmed that a personal substrate that had created the ethnonym had done so on the basis of the Slavic linguistic equipment29. We do not presume that a group that had already established its representative «brand» — a name; placed in its identity a rational and conscious realization that they were using their own special «Slavic language». Such a motive would be quite unique as far as the ancient and early medieval barbaricum is concerned!30 Thus currently, we tend to reject a language as an identifying factor which helps creating the very base of the identity, represented by the auto-ethnonym of a group in case of the Slavs. From a merely technical point of view: such an «attribute» would not have delimited the Slavs — or Sclaveni even from their closest neighbours, the Antes — as Procopius writes they used the same barbarian language.

Therefore from August Schlozer onwards, it has been accepted that the Greek form Sklavenoi (XKXaPnvoi) is derived from an originally Slavic form of Slovene (or Sloviene, alternatively Sloviane)31. The authors generally agree in this respect32. Wawrzyniec Surowiecki wrote that the Greeks (Greek-speaking) were inserting a consonant k between s and l in order to keep a diphthong Sl (thus a typical consonant cluster Skl) — otherwise they would not have

27 Schramm G. Venedi, Antes, Sclaveni, Sclavi. P. 184. — The reasoning goes as follows: centuries later, groups or tribes were called according to the rivers. Even before Schramm, it had been Kazimierz Moszynski writing about a connection with the river Dnieper. He pointed out that a couple of Dnieper's Pripjat's or Don's tributaries wield the same base word *Slova, ale-bo *Slava, here explained as a «clear», «limpid» river (Moszynski K. Pierwotny zasi^g j^zyka praslowianskiego. Wroclaw; Krakow, 1957. P. 142).

28 Havlik claims that Ptolemy had already incorrectly recorded Slavenoi / Sklavenoi under the term of Souobenoi (Havlik L. Osidleni Balkanu Slovany a byzantska historiografie // Studia Balkanica Bohemoslovaca. Brno, 1970. P. 50). This faulty transcription would have had, according to Otr^bski, a philological base (Otrqbski J. Slowianie... P. 54-56, 59).

29 To be more precise, from a language which was labelled Slavic only centuries later. See: Otrqbski J. Slowianie. P. 26; Schramm G. Venedi, Antes, Sclaveni, Sclavi. P. 165; Havlik L. Pocatky slovanskeho vedomi // Slovanstvi v narodnim zivote Cechu a Slovaku. Praha, 1968. P. 19. The Slavic language appears for the first time at the liturgy in St. Peter's temple after the arrival to Rome, recorded in the Life of Saint Constantine (Zitije Konstantina), chapter XVII (MMFH. Vol. II. 1967. P. 111). Slavic scripture is being admired by Kocel' (chapter XV), the same applies for Pope Hadrian (chapter XVII) (MMFH. Vol. II. P. 105, 110).

30 Critically and curtly: Wenskus R. Stammesbildung und Verfassung. P. 97; Otrqbski J. Slowianie. P. 38.

31 Schlozer A. L. Nestor Kiovensis 1056-1114: Russische Annalen in ihrer slavonischen GrundSprache. Gottingen, 1802. P. 75.

32 Among them for instance: Moszynski L. Czy Slowianie to rzeczywiscie nomen originis? P. 502; Popowska-Taborska H. Utrwalone w j^zyku slady etnicznej wspolnoty Slowian. P. 161; Babik Z. Wspolnota j^zykowa praslowianska. P. 842; Moszynski K. Pierwotny zasi^g j^zyka praslowianskiego. P. 141; Barford P. The Early Slavs. P. 29; Rospond S. Struktura pierwotnych etnonimow slowianskich. P. 23.

been able to pronounce it33. Concepts of originally non-Slavic stem of the ethnonym of the Slavs appear in the scholar discourse rather marginally. Omeljan Pritsak, later followed by Lujo Margetic suggested deriving the name of the Slavs from Turkic saqla-, a verb which can be translated as «to guard» or «to supervise»34. Pritsak derived a name of the Saqlabi, Sqlawi from (proto?) Turkic *saqla-gu, which he subsequently developed in a proto-Bulgarian forms of *saqla-w and then *sqlaw-35.

A theory authored by Cracowian linguist Zbigniew Babik reconstructs an ethnonym which could have reflected an identity of the barbarian retinue. Babik considers a singular form ended with *-janmL as well as a plural form ended with *-jane secondarily derived (from the original *Sloveni a *SlovenL); on the other hand, he rejects the theory of deriving the ethnonym from *slovo as unconvincing, or rather inconsistent which is a proposition difficult to argue with36. In addition, Babik is quite right to emphasise that *slovo did not possess in the oldest preserved version of the Slavic language the same meaning as it has now (slovo, meaning a word; rec, meaning speech)37, which undermines original logics behind a supposed construction of this auto-ethnonym. As the most probable option, Babik suggests the derivation of the name of the Slavs from a verb *sluti slov^, which means «to be famous», «to enjoy the glory»38. Such a derivation should originally have labelled those who «enjoy the glory», that means a group of warriors — then it would have served as a very apt name. Subsequently, this name was

33 Surowiecki W. Sledzenie pocz^tku narodow slowianskich. Wroclaw; Warszawa; Krakow, 1964. P. 392; Otr^bski J. Slowianie. P. 10. — Both hereby quoted authors present an example of the river Wisla mentioned by Jordanes, in a form of Viscla, Otr^bski also Visculus by Pliny.

34 Margetic L. Etnogeneza Slavena. P. 91, 137; Pritsak O. The Slavs and the Avars. P. 406. — Pritsak and Margetic add a characteristics of a special type of auxiliary military troops of nomadic tribes (referring to the oldest sources by Jordanes and Procopius — Proto-Bulgarians) to the eth-nonym based on a non-Slavic origin.

35 The linguistic term shall find its confirmation in the language of the Bulgarians from the Volga region and Kipchaks: Pritsak O. The Slavs and the Avars. P. 406-411. — For a polemics with conclusions of the ethnonym etymology see: Pohl W. Die Awaren: Ein Steppenvolk in Mitteleuropa 567-822 n. Chr. München, 1988. P. 88, 366, note 3; Profantovä N. Kultura s keramikou prazskeho typu a problem sireni slavinity do stredni Evropy. K clanku Florina Curty // Archeo-logicke rozhledy. 2009. Vol. 61. P. 303.

36 Actually, such a reconstruction (from a base word *slovo) does not appear in literature, only its natural confirmation as an attractive etymology occurs again and again, compare: Rospond S. Struktura pierwotnych etnonimow slowianskich. P. 23; Babik Z. Wspolnota j^zykowa praslowianska. P. 842. — An (surprisingly) opposite evolution (from Slovenin to Sloven) is promoted by Mulik P. Pouzivanie kl'ücovych terminov k pociatkom slovenskych dejin // Etnogeneza Slovakov. Kto sme a ake je nase meno. Martin, 2011. P. 41 (based on: Stanislav J. Slovienin — Slovan — Slovak — Tot // Nas narod. 1944. No. 1. P. 25). Schramm points to the same suffix in case of a form «Roman» — gradually derived from rimb, and further on rimljeninb / rimljaninb, although these forms appear only centuries later (Schramm G. Ein Damm bricht. P. 145).

37 See: Otr^bski J. Slowianie. P. 37, who points out that the oldest form looked different — *sloves-, which is confirmed by an Old Russian adjective form sloves-nyj (Babik Z. Wspolnota j^zykowa praslowianska. P. 842). Similarly, it emphasises that it is not possible to reconstruct the name on the basis of a verb *sloviti, which cannot be traced back in this chronological layer either.

38 This option is mentioned (together with a reconstruction) by Krälik E. Strucny etymologicky slovnik slovenciny. Bratislava, 2015. P. 540. Marginally also by Otrqbski J. Slowianie. P. 37; Babik Z. Wspolnota j^zykowa praslowianska. P. 842.

applied to a greater society and further on, via denominations in Greek and Latin, became an umbrella term for a conglomerate of groups — differing from other groups by designed ethnographic categories39.

Thus the name of originally a single group of the barbarians, which could be related to a language perceived by the Romans as a foreign — later on a means of communication applied in the Avar Khaganate as well as communities on its borders — spread slowly amongst those speaking that particular language40. Later etymology and semantics of the name of the Slavs was conditioned by a fact that the Slavs, originally a barbarian gens on the borders of the Roman Empire, had become a name for all the users of any form of relevant languages and dialects and a widespread ethnographic brand in the East Central Europe. In Frankish or Byzantine sources, there are accounts of people who had been given names ending with a suffix -slav41, there are geographical entities named as Sclavonia, Sklavinia which were understood as the «land of the Slavs»42. The name of the Slavs was permanently embedded in both consciousness and knowledge of medieval intellectuals to such an extent that the first concepts of the history of the Slavs emerged at that time43. The most successful historical,

39 Simultaneously with some metamorphoses of the very language form into a shorter Sclavi, Sklavoi in: Krahwinkler H. Augewählte Slaven-Ethnonyme und ihre historische Deutung // Slo-venija in sosednje dezele med antiko in karolinsko dobo. Zacetki slovenske etnogeneze / Ed. R. Bratoz. Ljubljana, 2000. P. 403-404; Otrqbski J. Slowianie... P. 11-13, 69-80; Schramm G. Venedi, Antes, Sclaveni, Sclavi. P. 188-194.

40 Dzino D. Becoming Slav, Becoming Croat. Identity transformations in post-Roman and early medieval Dalmatia. Leiden; Boston, 2010. P. 165, 216; Schramm G. Venedi, Antes, Sclaveni, Sclavi. P. 188; Curta F. The Making of the Slavs. P. 345; BarfordP. The Early Slavs. P. 17. — See a contradicting stance: BabikZ. Wspolnota j^zykowa praslowianska. P. 848-849.

41 The first known Slav with the sufix -slav is Viseslav, the first chronologically known Serbian ruler mentioned in Constantine Porphyrogenitus' treatise De administrando imperio in chapter XXXII: Constantine Porphyrogenitus. De administrando imperio / Greek text ed. by Gy. Moravc-sik; engl. transl. by R. J. H. Jenkins. Washington, 1967. P. 155. See: Dzino D. Becoming Slav, becoming Croat. P. 187; Zivkovic T. De conversione Croatorum et Serborum. A lost source. Belgrade, 2012. P. 55.

42 Theophylacti Simocattae. Historiae, VIII. 5. P. 293; Theophanis. Chronographia. Vol. 1. Lip-sae: B. G. Teubner, 1873. P. 486; Curta F. 1) Sclaviniai and ethnic adjectives: A clarification // Byzantion Nea Hellas. 2011. Vol. 30. P. 81; 2) Theophylact Simocatta revisited. A response to Andreas Gkoutzioukostas // Byzantion Nea Hellas. 2016. Vol. 35. P. 195-209. — In a large extent see: Malinovska N. 1) Geographical concepts of Sclavinia in historical Sources from the Sixth to the Fourteenth Century with an Emphasis on the Moravian-Pannonian and South Slavic Traditions // Slovakia and Croatia. Historical parallels and connections (until 1780) / Ed. by M. Homza, J. Lukacka, N. Budak, V. Kucharska, S. Kuzmova, A. Mesiarkin. Bratislava; Zagreb, 2013. P. 60-65; 2) Povest' vremennych let a jej koncepcia Slovienskoj zemli // Studie k jubileu Pavla Jozefa Safarika. Historia nova. Bratislava, 2011. Vol. 2. No. 1. P. 12-20; 3) Vyvoj chapania geografickeho terminu Sklavinia v historickych pramenoch 6.-14. storocia // HZ. 2008. No. 1. P. 124-143.

43 See the so-called Bavarian Geograph: Descriptio civitatum ad septentrionalem plagam Danubii (t. zv. Bavorsky geograf). Praha, 1956. For dating and more see: Lowmianski H. O pochodzeniu Geografa bawarskiego // Roczniki historyczne. 1955. Vol. 20. P. 10-15; Zakrzewski S. Opis grodow i terytoryow z polnocnej strony Dunaju czyli t. z. Geograf bawarski. Lwow, 1917. P. 9-11. Chronologically close is text of al-Masudi: Al-Masudi. Sprava o Slovanoch, o ich sidlach, o ich vladcoch a kmenoch // Arabske spravy o Slovanoch (9.-12. storocie). Bratislava, 1999.

ideological as well as spiritual concept was authored by Constantine the Philosopher. He interconnected the etymology «conditioned by the language» with the symbolic of the Christianity in an introduction to a Slavic translation of the Gospel Book (Aprakos), called Proglas. The name of this society, derived from a (Slavic linguistic) word base *slovo and the naming of the Slavs as «People of the Word» is an intellectual-religious axis of the concept of the second half of th 9th century. The same applies to later texts, celebrating Byzantine mission in Moravia and Pannonia44. The Slavists have kept trying to trace this etymology back to the 5th and 6th century. Thus codified (as well as sacred), the Slavic language represented an strong tool in an self-identification with a (much older) linguistic reality present on European area(s).

However, these are phenomena that only follow a historical fact of creation and existence of the name of the Slavs. The retinue that had planned and organized the raids to the right bank of the river Danube in the first decades of the 6th century did not «suffer» from similar intellectual delicacy. When accepting a widespread opinion of a Slavic linguistic base of the ethnonym, we must realize that this fact was no hindrance for «other» members of Slavic Traditionskern, for sure the Antes, Gepides or Lombards. Quite the contrary, the name celebrating the victors was very apt for a heterogeneous group.

Данные о статье

Автор: Месяркин, Адам — доктор истории, ассистент, Институт социальной медицины и медицинской этики, Медицинский факультет, Университет им. Я. А. Коменского, Братислава, Словакия, [email protected] Заголовок: Имя славян: этимология и значение

Резюме: Название является основным конституирующим элементом и важнейшим идентификационным признаком варварской общности. Фиксация в VI в. в трудах Прокопия Кесарийского и Иордана названия EKXap-qvoi в качестве обозначения одной из групп задунайского барбарикума является тем хронологическим рубежом, который отделяет славян доисторического времени от славян, зафиксированных историками. Долгое время в историографии считалось, что славяне как «народ» или «культурная общность» существовали задолго до VI в., скрываясь в источниках под другими именами. Из этих имен самым важным считалось название венетов / венедов. Однако славяне стали венетами, а венеты славянами лишь благодаря Иордану. Автор статьи склоняется к мнению, что название SKXaPnvoi первоначально было обозначением лишь одной варварской группы, а затем в силу различных интеллектуальных и идеологических факторов стало переноситься на другие общности, пока не обрело то значение, в котором оно понимается сегодня. Лингвистами, а также историками, опиравшимися на лингвистические факты, самоназвание славян было априорно интерпретировано как основывающееся на общности языка — на понятии «слово», из чего следовало, что данная этническая общность возникла на основе языковой общности. Тезис о словенах как «ясно говорящих», то есть о существовании этнической группы, представители которой уже в VI в. или даже еще раньше самоопределялись через общий язык, до сих пор занимает прочные позиции в научной литературе. Однако, на взгляд автора статьи, картина, согласно которой к появлению группового названия «славяне» привело рациональное осознание членами данной группы того, что они используют уникальный «славянский язык», не является убедительной. Выведение названия общности славян от (славянской языковой) основы *slovo и восприятие славян как «народа слова» возникли гораздо позже: языковое прочтение этнонима «славяне» является стержнем интеллектуально-религиозной концепции, которая

44 Konstantin Filozof. Proglas / Ed. by A. Fischerova; transl. by E. Pauliny. Bratislava, 2004. P. 17; Otrçbski J. Slowianie... P. 33; Havlik L. Pocatky slovanského vedomi. P. 18; Katicic R. Die Ethnogenesen in Avaria // Typen der Ethnogenese unter besonderer Berücksichtung der Bayern. Vol. 1 / Ed. H. Wolfram, W. Pohl. Wien, 1990. P. 126; Homza M. NiekoFko poznamok k basni Proglas // Symboly a myty narodov v stredoveku a vcasnom novoveku. Bratislava, 2014. P. 13-24.

оформилась во второй половине IX в. в связи с миссией свв. Кирилла и Мефодия в Моравии и Пан-нонии. По этой причине автор статьи считает первоначальной этимологией названия «славяне» ту этимологию, которую разработал польский лингвист Збигнев Бабик. На взгляд автора, этимология З. Бабика более адекватно отражает реальность варварского мира раннего Средневековья. Ключевые слова: этноним «славяне», славянская идентичность, славянский этногенез, Sclavi, Slovene

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Information about the article Author: Mesiarkin, Adam — Ph. D. in History, Assistant Professor, Institute of Social Medicine and Medical Ethics, Faculty of Medicine, Comenius University in Bratislava, Slovakia, [email protected] Title: The name of the Slavs: etymology and meaning

Summary: The name is the main constitutive element and the most important identification sign of a barbaric community. The fixation of the name SK^aß^voi in the 6th century by Procopius of Caesarea and Jordanes as a designation of one of the groups of the trans-Danubian Barbaricum is the chronological boundary that separates the Slavs of prehistoric times from the historic Slavs. For a long time it was believed in historiography that the Slavs as a «people» or «cultural community» existed long before the 6th century, thus hiding in sources under other names. Of these names, the most important was the name Venethi / Venedi. However, the Slavs became Venethi, as well as the Venethi became Slavs, only thanks to Jordanes. The author of the article tends to the opinion that the name SK^aß^voi was originally a designation of only one barbaric group, and then, due to various intellectual and ideological factors, it was transferred to other communities until it acquired the meaning in which it is understood today. Linguists, as well as historians, based on linguistic facts, a priori interpreted the self-name of the Slavs as based on the common language — on the word *slovo. It followed from this that this ethnic community arose on the basis of the language community. The thesis about the Slavs as «clearly speaking», that is, about the existence of an ethnic group, whose members determined themeselves through a common language already in the 6th century or even earlier, still occupies a strong position in Slavic studies. However, according to the author of the article, the picture according to which the formation of the group name «Slavs» was a result of the members of this group rational awareness that they use the unique «Slavic language» is not convincing. The connection between the name of the Slavonic community and the (Slavonic language) basis *slovo as well as the perception of the Slavs as the «people of the word» emerged much later: the linguistic interpretation of the ethnonym Slavs is the core of the intellectual and religious concept that took shape in the second half of the 9th century, being connected with the mission of Saints Cyril and Methodius in Moravia and Pannonia. For this reason, the author of the article prefers the etymology of the name «Slavs» proposed by the Polish linguist Zbigniew Babik because, in the author's opinion, it is Babik's etymology, and not the traditional linguistic view that reflects the reality of the Barbaric world of the early Middle Ages in more adequate way.

Keywords: ethnonym of Slavs, Slavic identity, Slavic ethnogenesis, Sclavi, slovene

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