CC BY
35Journal of Siberian Federal University. Humanities & Social Sciences 2 (2016 9) 294-309
УДК 8Г373.47
The Linguistic Appraisal of Foul Language in Selected Yorùba Video Films
Tèmitope Olumuyiwa*
Adekunle Ajasin University Akùngbâ-Akôkô, Nigeria
Received 27.12.2015, received in revised form 10.01.2016, accepted 30.01.2016
Language is so subtle and complicated human phenomenon that it is used in communication for informative, expressive and directives. The environment we live is largely verbal therefore; language serves expressive function when used in conversation to get individuals to be more effective, polite and in causing or easing social tensions. In order to create social tension, foul language is usually employed. Though, the structural patterns of foul language used in everyday interaction in Yorùbâ society are similar to the ones used in Yorùba video films. This assertion confirms the generally belief that movie is a reflection of the society. The use offoul language in Yorùba video films has become a common feature to be ignored. The foul language examined in them in this study is divided into two: insults (èébu) and curses (èpè). The main thrust of this paper therefore, is to give a linguistic appraisal of the two types offoul language used in Yorùba video films. The paper examines the socio-semantic implications offoul language as it is used in the video films and shows that insults are more frequently used than curses in the films. Also, the paper examines the grammatical analysis offoul language used in the selected video films and posits that while insults come in noun phrases and sentences, curses are delivered in verb phrases and sentences. The sentences used in both cases are one clause sentences which consist of NP subject and a predicate thereby making it easy to grasp.
Keywords: Yorùba, video films, Noun Phrase, Verb Phrase, Insults (èébu), curses (èpè).
DOI: 10.17516/1997-1370-2016-9-2-294-309.
Research area: sociology, politology.
Introduction
Language is a familiar feature of human life that we tend to regard it as natural and simple. The mechanism of language can best be seen at work in a simple speech-situation where it is used to link meaning to expression in a given context, Finegan (2004:7). Copi (1953:35) observes that language serves expressive function whenever it is used to vent or communicate feelings, emotions or attitudes. Expression may be analyzed into
two components. It is used either to evince the speaker's feelings or evoke certain feelings (positive or negative) on the part of the auditor. Of course it may do both. The choice of different expressions has to do with the speech context and the respective roles the interactants take on, McGregor (2009:157). In other words, to grasp the intended content of an expression, hearers must examine it in the light of its context, Finegan (2004:7). Fodor (1982:19) opines that language
© Siberian Federal University. All rights reserved
* Corresponding author E-mail address: [email protected], [email protected]
should be viewed not as an abstract calculus but as tool, the proper characterization of a linguistic expression must include an account of how it is used and what it is used for.
The environment we live in is largely verbal. We spend most of our waking hours speaking words or responding passively or actively to the words we heard, Kluckhohn (1949:41). We talk to ourselves, family members, and friends and associates, partly to communicate to them and partly to persuade them, or to express ourselves. In the conversation, we use words, phrases, sentences to comfort and cajole ourselves in fantasy and daydream, to let off steam, to promote our purposes in dealing with others. At times, we build up verbal pictures of ourselves and our motives. We coax, argue, command, protest, incite, swear, invite, threaten, insult, bless and even curse. From the foregoing, we observe that language is an instrument for action. Primarily the social value of speech lies in getting individuals to be more effective, polite and or in causing or easing social tensions. In order to create social tension, we tend to use foul words, phrases and sentences.
Movie is a reflection of the society. They are based on life-related stories which are crafted around happenings or conflicts, Mgbejume (2006:36). In expressing the various disagreements in the film dialogue, foul language is always employed. We observe that Yoruba scholars have paid little or no attention to the linguistic study of foul language. This inadequate attention informs the present study. Though the structural patterns of foul language examined in this study is similar to the ones used in everyday interaction in the Yoruba society. However, we decided to focus on Yoruba video films because the use of foul language has become a common feature to be ignored. Moreover, there is no known work on its grammatical analysis in Yoruba and hence, the need for this study. The aim of the paper,
therefore, is to examine the grammatical analysis of foul language in some selected Yorubá video films. In doing this, we delve briefly into the socio-semantic implications of foul language in the selected films.
The Data
Language is a form of social behaviour. It is a product of a particular culture and it reflects the culture of the people and their view of the world. Since there is no written law which controls the use of language in Yorubá society, people often do not understand the very concept of good language and bad language nowadays. In recent times, a Yorubá movie channel on DStv1, African Magic channel 157 uses bleep tone to censor words that are considered highly inappropriate and unsuitable for broadcast in the films it shows to the viewers. At times, the bleeping may be so frequent that it may nearly disrupt the dialogue in the films. To most people, the inappropriate language is part of our culture. The bleeping noticed on this African Magic's channel, also arouses our curiosity to investigate into the structure and use of foul language in some selected Yorubá video films. For this study, we selected randomly, more than thirty video films among the numerous produced between 1995 and 2015. These video films include Ti Olúwa Ni Ile (1995), Bánkarere (2012), Iyawó Elenu Razor (2006), Teacher Oko (2013), Étekéte (2011), Oko Mamá E (2012), Ibééré (2012), Osas (2012), Abúlé Mecho (2012), Alakada (2009), Suzzy Mama (2013), Abere (2013), Dókíta Ige (2011), Jejelóye
(2012), Oko Obinrin (2011), Ilé Aláyo (2012), Ináwó (2013), Eru Arúgbó (2013), Pélé Modína
(2013), Mamá Insurance (2012), Ainá Orósun (2010), Odídere (2006), Ibínú Orúnmila (2013), Ilá Alásépo (2014), Tenbelú (2014), Oré; Meta Wéré kan (2014), Wazo (2014)and Omo ElemoSo (2013). We collected the data by identifying foul language in the video films, transcribed them for
easy analysis. Space constraints would not allow us to attach the data collected as appendix to this write-up. However, we would make use of ample examples as necessary.
Foul Language in Yoruba Video Films
Almost everyone in Yoruba society from preteens, teenagers and the elderly are quite familiar with the use of foul language. Its use is so known and common in the speech of people that it is now becoming regular language in our daily conversations. Foul language is seen as indecent or obscene words and phrases. What is considered indecent or obscene varies from one culture to the other. Therefore, we want to add that foul language is a subclass of a language lexicon in a typical culture that is generally considered to be strongly impolite or offensive. In Yoruba culture, insults, curses and vulgarism are typical examples of foul language.
The use of foul language in the society today seems to be on the increase. Words once thought to be unspeakable in the society now make a regular appearance in Yoruba music (Adebowale & Olumuyiwa forthcoming), video films, television and even radio. The use of foul language in Yoruba video films nowadays has to be the most confounding. In the past, before any film production is presented to the National Film and Video Censors Board (NFVCB), each producer of the motion Pictures in Nigeria must make sure his production does not run foul of paragraphs 13-15 of the code of ethics and production for film makers which forbids the use of vulgarity, obscene and profanity. Excerpts
13.0 Vulgarity
13.1. The treatment of low, disgusting, unpleasant thought not necessary evil subjects should always be guided by the dictates of good taste and a proper regard for the audience.
14.0 Obscenity
14.1. Obscenity in word, gesture, reference, song, joke, or by suggestion (even when likely to be understood only by part of the audience) is forbidden.
15.0 Profanity
15.1. Pointed profanity and every other profane or vulgar expression however used are forbidden. No approval by NFVCB shall be given to the use of 'swear words', abusive, sexual expressions and phrases in motion pictures
(Source: Ekwuazi et al. (2001:312))
In contemporary society, Nigerian Filmmakers (Nollywood) however flooded the film market with all manners of expletives and profanities as most of their video films run foul of the code of ethics for their production. This is attributed to many factors. First, most of the video films in the market do not pass through NFVCB before they are released into the market. Second, most video film producers are not honest in their dealings with NFVCB. The version of their video films they package to the NFVCB for censorship is not what is eventually released into the market. Third, the rating system of the video films allows people to say whatever they want in the movies. Therefore, one rarely finds a Yoruba video film without the use of foul language in ordinary conversation. The foul language comes in the form of abusive words, phrases and in sentences. Foul language examined in this paper can be divided into two. They are insults (eebu) and curses (epe).
Insults
Insults have been defined variously. They are considered a violation of the principles of politeness, (Leech 1983). Also, insults are seen as linguistic, paralinguistic of symbolic communication forms which are meant to cause mental pain, embarrassment or disgrace, (Agyekun, 2004). In similar vein, insults have been described as utterances with which speakers intend to offend their interlocutors by saying
or doing something rude or insensitive that offends them, (Juker 2000, Fielder 2007). Babou (2014:112) opines that insult is a category of taboo which exists in many forms across cultures and languages used in downgrading, offensive and reprehensive manner to express the opposite of someone's value especially when it is intentional. Mateo and Yus (2013:92) believe that insulting is a social ritual learnt from childhood which is accompanies by a special kind of communicative exchange (verbal or nonverbal) usually involving a speaker who utters words with certain effects on addressee. We can deduce from the foregoing that insults are words, statements or actions that inflict or cause the emotional damage to someone.
The Yoruba word for insult is eebu. Eebu (henceforth) is a word or statement or an action used (with the intention to be rude or scornful) to express one's emotion: hatred, aggression and anger to the people. The use of insults is not new. Throughout the centuries, human beings have exercised their highest powers of invention and wit of speaking ill of one another, Mcphee (1978:10). In Yoruba society, the people are dynamic in expressing themselves. They don't hide their real thoughts, feelings and emotions behind fuzzy words and a mealy mouth. Yoruba have in their lexicon, audacious words and phrases that can hurt more than body blows. Maybe that is why Olutoye (1987:2) defines eebu among the Yoruba people as speech used to ridicule people.
There are very few scholarly works on eebu in Yoruba studies. Besides Olutoye (1987) there is no other known works on eebu. Olutoye's (1987) work describes different types of eebu, there after; it examines the place of eebu among Yoruba oral genres. The study posits that eebu is one of the Yoruba oral genres such as Ifa, Ijala, owe, oriki etc. We are at variance with this position because eebu does not conform to all the corpus criteria universally used in the recognition of genres in oral literature i.e. content, stylistics features,
mode of delivery, nature and training (if any), of the addresser, type of addressee, occasion... etc, (Yai (1975:601)). Besides, eebu is an act of invective which shows the speakers creative ability to easily invent insult. Apart from coming in words, which we shall examine later, it may also come in songs. As shown in the following song in the film: fya Obama. 1.
'Oko wo lo ko won de o 'by what means were they here,
Hee he, oko wo lo ko by what means were they won de here,
Ara oko wolu o, the villagers are now in
town,
Won n tele bi obo; they are walking like
(monkeys) fools, Oko wo lo ko won de' by what means were they here'
Innovation plays an important role in the creation of an insulting utterance, Fine (1981:94). Skilled insulters devise highly innovative expressions to launch their verbal missiles. Those who are witty in this act of verbal pyrotechnic are regarded as 'elereke eebu' 'foul mouthed person' in Yoruba society. Adewale Elesoo is a good example of such people in Yoruba films.
The Socio-Semantic implications
of Foul language in the selected Yoruba video films
Actions which are performed through the use of language are regarded as speech acts, Finegan (2004:296). The actions include greetings, giving complement, plead or flirt, to seek or supply information and insulting one another. Insults are culture-dependent speech acts. The principal components of speech acts include the utterance itself (locution), the intention of the speaker in making the utterance (illocution) and the effect of the act on the hearer (perlocution). In this section, we shall concern ourselves with the intentions of the speaker(s) to insult their interlocutors in Yoruba films.
The Illocutionary Acts of Eebu
In Yoruba culture, eebu are not regarded as taboo as it is an integral part of their life. The use of eebu in Yoruba video films could be seen as a carryover of the tradition of using eebu among the people. Most eebu used in Yoruba video films are used in interpersonal relationship. People insulted and were insulted in these video films because they were in interpersonal relationship that permitted and encouraged the use of insults in verbal interaction. It is generally common in these video films that the speaker makes his intention to insult explicitly taunts and the interlocutor recognizes the insult. The addressee may feel insulted and reacts or decided not to react. Jucker (2000) and Gabriel (1998) share a similar view that insults have to produce cognitive effects that lead to a reaction. On the contrary, Mateo and Yus (2013:90) believe that a lack of reaction does not necessarily invalidate the insulting act. In Yoruba video films, whenever a verbal attack is subtle and allusive especially between peers, it may not elicit any response from the addressee.
The Yoruba video films however show a variety of intentions in the use of eebu among the people beyond that of offending, hurting and arousing the anger of the addressee. Such intentions include the following. First, in verbal dueling among the people, eebu are used in order to prove a superior skill in the use of Yoruba language. Therefore, in Yoruba video films, when there is trading of insults between addresser and the addressee in the presence of bystanders, the one that did not take insults would reply, either by saying "Mi d ki i Se omo lo sile lo gba esi wa." "I am not someone that needs to get home to reply you" or "Won d gbe enu mi fun alagbafo" "I don't need to take my mouth to the launder to reply you." Second, eebu are used in some cases in the video films to correct misdeeds in the addressee especially when they are subordinate
to the addresser i.e. servants, younger ones. In this situation, the addressee may not react in most cases even when he feels insulted. Third, paradoxically, eebu are sometimes used in Yoruba video films with the intention of flattering and showing admiration towards the addressee. For example, a housewife addressing her sister in-law as "iya oko ti d ko" "a miserly sister in-law" or "iya oko ti d roookan" "a sister in-law that is not civilized" At this instance, the addresser usually uses the right intonation, gesture or paralinguistic mechanism to avoid unwanted interpretations (Fine 1981:54). Fourth, eebu are also used in Yoruba video films to describe the interlocutor. The description though in the negative, may describe either the physical features of the addressee or his behaviour in order to draw his attention or attention of others to his physical features or his infelicitous behaviour. It may even be used to show disapproval to such behaviour. Examples of such eebu are: 2.
i. Elese wogowogo 'Someone with
curved legs'
ii. Oponu 'A daft who do not Arigbininmahe utilize opportunities'
iii. Ode, o o renu e, 'Stupid person with ko likoli bad mouth'
iv. Eti e da duro bi SooSi 'His ear standing oko aloof like village
church'
Curses
Over the centuries and in every human culture, a curse is an expressed wish that some form of calamities or misfortune will befall some other person(s) or entity. The calamities or misfortune intended by the curser may range from illness, bad luck, retrogression, harm to even death. In Yoruba society, curse is known as epe. Epe (henceforth) is the opposite of Ire 'blessing'. Epe is variously used in Yoruba culture. It is used to seek justice, revenge, or protection of property such as home, farm, land
and other treasures. Just as we said concerning eebu there are few scholarly works on epe in Yoruba studies. The major scholarly work on it is Opefeyintimi (2010). At a glance, the work looks exhaustive; however, a critical appraisal of it shows that there are few things left out in the work. First, the data used is restricted to Oyo Yoruba. Oyo Yoruba can not be used as a yardstick for other Yoruba people. Epe that is peculiar to ijebu people is different from epe peculiar to ijesa people. Therefore, there are epe that are peculiar to different ethnic groups that constitute the Yoruba nation. Second, the work believes that epe is one of the Yoruba oral genres which has three patterns: ibere 'the beginning' (1st stanza); aarm 'middle' (2nd stanza) and ipari 'end' (3rd stanza). To the present writer, epe is not always poetic and static as the work appears to suggest. Besides, the different types of epe mentioned in the work confirms our view that epe is not poetic with stanzas as shown in the series of appendices containing copious data examined in the work.
Unlike eebu which is frequently used in everyday interaction among the Yoruba people and in the selected Yoruba video films, epe is seldom used. This may be due to the fact that the people see epe as objective reality with real power that is backed by magic, spell, supernatural or metaphysical forces. Depending on the curser, the use of epe in the selected Yoruba video films involves some level of ingenuity which depends on what make the curser lay a curse on another person or on himself. Linguistically, epe is used in the selected Yoruba video films as a vulgar epithet. In most of the Yoruba video films selected, especially the comedy ones, epe is used as a profane or obscene expression of anger, impatience, pride, disappointment, disgust, regret, or to prove a point or to show some level of honesty. Examples of such epe include:
i. Ti mo ba puro ki temi baje
ii. Mo daran, baba yii ba temi je poo.
iii. Mo gbe, ko ni daa fun o
iv. Aye mi baje, Dayo, o n toast
v. Ko ni ye o, ori e buru
vi. Olorun ni yoo ko o; yoo ko gbogbo idile yin
'Let me be unfortunate in life if I am lying.' 'I am in trouble; this man has completely destroyed my life.' 'I am in trouble; It shall not be well with you.'
'I am doomed; Dayo, you are wooing a girl.'
'It shall not be well with you; you are doomed. ' 'God will forsake you and your families.'
These epe, as used in the selected films are not backed with magic, spell or supernatural forces, as such, they may not be effective. At times, some of the epe used in the selected films are attached as appendage of eebu as italicized in the following examples: 4.
i. Alapamasise, oku ole, kd ni daa fun o
ii. Olosi odo ko, ko ni
ye o, o d ni jere
iii. Were, kd ni daa fun iyalayaa e
'Lazy fellow; it shall not be well with you.'
'Destitute adulterer, it shall not be well with you.'
'Mad fellow; it shall not be well with your great grand mother.'
However, there are few cases in the selected Yoruba films where epe is used as an expression of pain; therefore, a solemn utterance is used with the intention to invoke a supernatural power to inflict punishment on someone as shown in Apaadi and Eru Arugbo video films. In such cases, effigy was used to put such epe on the offender(s). Such epe may become effective immediately or may be dormant for some period depending on if the curser's vital energy goes into the epe. Examples of such epe is shown in (16) below.
i. Eyin ará Igbálá-ayé ! Awon gbogbo oore ti mo Se yín poo, ibi le fi sán fún mi. Ogun yóo já yín. Igbóná, ásásí kó máa bá gbogbo yín!
People of Igbálá-ayé! You pay me with evil for my good services to you all. Calamities will befall you.
At times, Épé of this type may not be effective if the presumed offender is innocent of the offence he was accused of. That is what prompted the Yorubá adage 'épé n ro kí ó tó já ni'- 'a curse reflects before it attacks'.
The Grammatical Analysis of Foul Language in Yorubá
In this section, we shall examine the language of éébú and épé as used in the selected Yorubá video films.
The Language of éébú
The daily socio-cultural evolutional phenomena in Yorubá society favour a rich linguistic creativity for éébú. Although the special effect(s) that éébú have on the interlocutors depends not only on the linguistic structure of the language used. The usual approach to linguistic analysis of any utterance must examine the total meaning of the utterance before beginning any analysis. There are at least two kinds of meaning in the total meaning of an utterance. There are for example the meanings of the separate words as dictionary would record them (lexical meaning) and structural meanings (function words perform in an utterance). In light of this, the total linguistic meanings of éébú consist of the lexical meanings of each word used plus the structural meanings. However, we must state here that the borderline between the lexical meanings and the structural meanings of éébú is not always sharp and clear. Based on the linguistic characterization of éébú, we would like to show that the following
constructions are prima facie evident: (a) phrases; (b) sentences.
(A) Phrases
The intermediate units between words and clauses are called phrases. Phrases do not normally constitute complete clauses. Phrases are named according to their clauses. These include verb phrase, noun phrase, adverbial phrase and preposition phrase. The most common phrase used in eebu is noun phrase. This may be due to the fact that eebu have to do with name-calling.
The Noun Phrase (NP)
The NP in Yoruba language is a group of words that is headed by a Noun (N) or Pronoun (P). The phrase got it name by virtue of the headedness. Yoruba NP can be found in different constituents in the sentence; in the subject position, in the object position or as object of a preposition. Also, Yoruba NP may vary in complexity. It may be simple to have contained an N or P only. It may contain a noun and it qualifier(s) as shown in (6) below:
6.
i. mo "I"
ii. awa "we"
iii. omo "child"
iv. ole "thief "
v. awa Yoruba "we Yorubas"
vi. omo okunrin "male child"
oko ayokele funfun " three white car"
vii. meta
As shown in (6) v-vii above, the qualifier(s) (as italicized) follows the noun it qualifies (Awobuluyi 1978:31). The noun it qualifies is usually referred to as the 'head' or 'head noun', (BamgboSe 1967:12; Yusuf 1997:8). Example (6vii) shows that a noun can have more than one qualifiers in the language. The complex NPs could be one with sentential qualifier(s) as in
7.
omo ti Olu na "the child that Olu flogged"
Now, we shall examine eebu that are NPs in the selected Yoruba video films
Simple NPs
The eebu used as simple NPs in the selected Yoruba video films are in names which were either used with or without qualifiers. These
include: that bel
8. Adàgbàmâdanû 'daft person' Afojû 'blind
person'
Afokungbému 'fool' Agùnmâniyè 'silly/
stupid'
Àje 'witch' Ajegborodàgbà
'wanderer'
Alâimlàâkàyé 'moron' Alailôjûti 'shameless
Alâwôkù 'daft' Apodà 'fool'
Arègomu 'drunkard' ASewô 'prostitute'
Dindinrin 'dense' Ehànnà 'wild
person'
Elede 'pig' (dirty Eranko 'animal'
person)
Erinmi 'hippopotamus' Obùn 'dirty
(obese) person'
Ofon-on 'thief' Ôkôbô 'impotent
man'
Olè 'thief' Ole 'lazy person'
Oledàrùn 'sluggard' Olôjûkôkôrô 'greedy/
covetous'
Olôôrùn 'dirty person' Olôriburûkû 'unfortunate
person'
Onigbèsè 'a debtor' Ôpônû 'idiot'
Sobodiyesà 'imbecile' Wèrè 'mad person'
With the exception of olè, ofon-on dindinrin and wèrè, all other words above are formed in the language. In order to explain the formation process of these words, we shall employ the weak lexicalist hypothesis. The weak lexicalist hypothesis (WLH) states that some words are syntactically derived while others are not (Adeniyi 2007:36). The morphology and syntax constitute semi-independent, where the principle of the
morphology govern categories of level x1. No ordering is imposed between the components, hence, apart from the standard situation whereby the morphology provides inputs for the syntax, it is also possible for the syntax to derive a word category levels. The implication of the foregoing is that in the formation of words, both syntax and morphology interact as opposed to what Chomsky (1970) and others :d that morphology and syntax are on different autonomies tiers. Syntax is not relevant to word formation processes while morphology is not also relevant to syntax. However, following Pulleyblank and Akinlabi(1988), the model below establishes the fact that morphology and syntax interact. A.
Morphology (1 and 2) i
Syntax
The model above suggests two morphological components, namely, morphology 1 and morphology 2. This can be exemplified as follows:
The word ade 'personal name/ crown' is derived by combining an agentive nominal prefix a to the verb de as given below:
9.
a + d e agent cover Morphology 1
Other words formed in similar way in (8) above include
10.
a + [di agba ma da inu] ^ 'daft
,, , person'
adagbamadanu
adé
personal name/ crown
a + [fo ikun gbé mu] ^ 'fool'
afokungbému
a + [Se owô] ^ aSewô 'prostitute'
a + [je igboro da àgbà] ^ 'silly/
ajegborodàgbà stupid'
à + [je] ^ àje 'witch'
0 + [le] ^ 0 le 'lazy
person'
0 + [ponu] ^ ôpônû 'idiot'
agent + VP ^ NP
verb phrase noun phrase
The derived word ade in (9) can functions as the subject of the sentence in (x). 11.
(x) ade wa si ile 'ade came to the house.'
In (x), morphology is the input to the syntax as in (y)
(y) Morphology 1 ^ Syntax (where words are put together to form a sentence). Similarly, we can also derive a word from the words/ lexical items in (x) through the process called desententialization thus: 12.
i. Adewale ^ Ade wa si ile 'Ade came home.'
ii. Oledarun ^ Ole di arun 'laziness
becomes disease' 'sluggard'
The above examples show that a sentence serves as the input to the word giving rise to morphology 2 as given in (z) (B)
(z) Syntax ^ Morphology In the same vein, each of the following nouns extracted from (8) above
13.
i. eranko 'animal'
ii. erinmi hippopotamus
is derived from a noun phrase thus:
14.
i. eranko ^ [ NP [N eran] + [N oko]]
ii. erinmi ^ [ NP [N erin] + [N omi]]
Where the noun phrases is the input of each of the word.
All of these examples, confirms the fact that a non-lexical category can derive a lexical one. Pulleyblank and Akinlabi (1988:158-160) say that the model in (A) above suggests that all morphological processes derivation (including phrasal derivation) and inflections are located within a single morphological component in which the syntactic input is needed in the formation of some words, the model is possibly modified to allow recursion from syntax into morphology.
We must add at this juncture that most of the words in (8) above are used metaphorically to give the addressee in the selected video films offensive names.
The nouns in example (8) above are used independently without qualifiers. However, there are other simple nouns with qualifier(s) used as èébu in the selected Yorùba video films. These include the following:
15.
i. Olôri gbooro 'long headed person'
ii. Olori burûkû talakanians 'a wretched person'
iii. Eyin eranko yii 'these animals'
iv. Omo ôfô 'good for nothing child'
v. Omo lasan èkeji aja 'useless child'
vi. Àgbà iyà 'ignoble elder'
vii. Wèrè dàginnidooro 'a tall mad man'
viii. Gbàdigbagidi apa 'bulky and massive arm'
ix. Omo àlè 'bastard'
x. Olowo ike 'a sluggard'
xi. Omoge adôdômâwe 'a dirty lady'
xii. Omo ehannà 'hooligan'
xiii. Omo radaràda 'a ruffian'
xiv. Elenu irù 'stench-mouthed person'
xv. Epo pupa gààri Isôbô 'a bad skinned person'
The NPs used as eebu in example (15) above are used to describe the addressee in offensive manner. As in example (8) above, the NPs used in
(15) above are also used metaphorically to either describe or name the addressee.
The complex NPs
The eebu that have complex NPs in the selected Yoruba video films are of two types: (a) relatival NPs and (b) Simile NPs.
(a) Relatival NPs
This type of NPs contains a noun with relative clause qualifiers. The clause qualifier which typically begins with the relative particle tf marks sentences that are used as relative clause qualifiers, Awobuluyi (1978:94). The particle always appears at the beginning of sentences. For example:
(16)
i. Omo osan ti n ko 'A troublesome child ponpo bd iyd re that brings problems
to his parents'
ii. Eranko ti o daSo 'An animal in human eniyan bora skin'
iii. Alainironu to n bo 'A fool that offers a aja lowo dog handshake'
iv. Obun ajimaboju to n 'A dirty-mannered foju and woran person that lacks
daily personal hygiene'
The utterances in (16) above are used metaphorically to describe referents' attitude in the selected Yoruba video films.
Noun Phrase (Simile)
Simile is a linguistic expression used in overt comparison. It describes one object as being similar to another, Olatunji (1984:53). Simile is a form of meaning extension in which the sense of an expression is extended to another on the basis of resemblance. Simile is always marked by bf 'like' in Yoruba language and bf in the language is a noun (Awobuluyi 1978:17;
BámgbóSé 1990:100). All éébú that are used as simile in the selected video films are noun phrases in the language. The NP structure is however complex if it is derived from a sentence as shown in (17a) below. 17a.
A B
NP (SIMILE) SENTENCE
i. Iwo kan bí odó ibíle iwo kan tí o rí bí yií odó ibíle yií
'You that look like local mortal (for pounding yam)'
ii. Eyin e gánnákú bí ^ eyin re rí gánnákú ijapá bí ijápá
'His back looks like that of tortoise'
iii. Elenu bí enu ágé ^ enu re rí bí ti ágé 'His mouth looks like that of rubber kettle'
iv. ÁSán orí bí Ó Se kiki orí bí ti tágbigbo agbigbo
'A big headed person'
v. Okúnrin bánge bí ^ Okúnrin tí ó rí ewédú bánge bí ewédú
'A light-weight man'
vi. Aláilójúti bí eja ^ Aláilójúti ni bí eja konté konté
'A shameless person'
The complexity in each of the NP structure under A in (17a) above occurs because all words in each example are nouns in the language. However, the head noun of the NPs in (17a) is bí, without which the NPs becomes meaningless as shown in (17b) below. 17b.
i. *iwo kan odó ibíle yií
ii. *eyin e gánákú ijápá
iii. *áSán orí tágbigbo
iv. *okúnrin bánge ewédú
v. * aláilójúti eja konté
However, if the NP structure is as shown in (18) below where the noun phrase (simile) occurs in the object position of a simple sentence, the complexity is removed.
(18)
i. Eyín e foká bí iná 'His teeth scattered we da like welder's light'
ii. Ô ri gbooro bi okùn Sàkàtà
iii. Opolo yin yôrô bi âlomù
iv. Ô n rin bi àgàtû
'He is tall like rope used to tie local trouser'
'Your brain dissolves like alum'
19.
'He walks like agatu (a farm labourer)'
v. Enu e nipon bi ilekun 'His lips are tick like danfo danfo (mini-bus) side
door'
The head noun of the object noun phrase simile in (18) above is bi. The noun is followed by its qualifier(s) as italicized above.
Sentences
Having looked at eebu at the phrasal level, our focus here will be on the structure of eebu in sentence form in the selected Yoruba video films. Sentence is the largest unit that shows grammatical patterning in a language. There are three types: simple sentence, the compound sentence and the complex sentence. Out of these types, simple sentence is used often in hurling insults in the selected Yoruba video films. The reason for this may not be far fetched. The use of simple sentence by the insulter to hurl insults on the addressee, we assume, will allow the insulter to hit the nail on the head in order for the insults to have a great effect on the perlocutor.
The simple sentence is a one clause sentence which consists of NP subject and a predicate thereby making it easy to grasp. Simple sentences which come up in diverse structures are common in our day to day conversations, Yusuf (1997:59). It may come in form of declarative or imperative statements. Sometimes, they are employed as questions. Similarly, eebu in sentence form in the selected Yoruba video films contains one verb and specify a single event. It however comes in the following different forms:
i. O go
ii. Inù yin bu
iii. Kokoro ori e sonù
iv. Ô n ranjù fôô
v. Ô ri bi igi iSana
'You are stupid'
'You are daft'
'You have lost your senses'
'He is mopping' 'He is too skinny'
(b) Interrogative
These are èébù that are employed as questions. For example
20.
i. Ojù e fo ni?
ii. Sé o ô yonu?
iii. Ki lô Se olôôôrùn yii na?
iv. E ô nirônù ni?
'Are you blind?'
'Are you mentally balanced?
'What is wrong with this stench?
'Are you daft?'
In most cases where eebu in interrogative sentences are used, they are not used to seek information; rather, they are used rhetorically to express anger, impatience or disgust. However, in some cases in the selected Yoruba video films, we observed that the addressee may answer such questions in order to be rude especially, if he is not a subordinate to the insulter as in the dialogue below. 21.
Ki ni were e n wa nibi?
Asinwin e naa ni mo n wa!
A.
B.
'What is this idiot searching for here? 'It's you fool I am searching for!'
(c) Negative
This type of sentences contains at least one negative word. The common negative word in eebu is ko, which also occurs as o, e in the following examples:
22.
(a) Declarative
This type is used in the expression of statements. For example
i. kô gbadùn ni
ii. Omo ti ô nibi-niran
'He is sick'
'A child without good family background'
iii. Ori e o pe
iv. E o ni laakaye
v. E e Seniyan
'You are stupid' 'A dullard' 'You lack manners'
(d) Code-mixing
Code-mixing is a phenomenon common in bilingual speech communities in which the speakers of the two languages in question transfer linguistic elements from one language into another. The speaker combines lexical items and features of both languages in a single discourse. Such mixed forms are found in eebu in the selected Yoruba video films as shown in (23) below.
23.
i. Opolo e ti ko virus
'Your brain is malfunctioning' 'You are a compound illiterate' 'A dirty lady that uses black bra'
ii. Compound illiterate ni e
iii. Olöörün to n lo black bra
iv. First class lo wa ninu 'Your deafness is awon aditi first class'
v. Opakan, o stupid 'Opakan, you are
stupid'
The Language of epe
Unlike eebu which comes up in noun phrase and sentences, epe comes in verb phrase and sentences.
The Yoruba Verb Phrase
the verb in the verb phrase. Two types of adverbs occur in a verb phrase: those that occur before verbs and are therefore referred to as preverbal adverbs, and those that occur after verbs which are consequently referred to as post-verbal adverbs, Awobuluyi (2013:142-143). In epe, only preverbal adverbs ko nff occurs mainly in the verb phrase as shown in example (24) below.
24.
i. ko nff ye o 'It shall not be well
with you'
ii. ko nff daa fun iya e 'It shall not be well
with your mother' 'You shall not make it in life'
'It shall not be well with you'
iii. ko nil ri batiSe
iv. ko nil dara fun o
The adverbs ko nff in the verb phrase above marks the future tense in the negative.
Sentences
Like eebu, simple sentences are used in epe. The simple sentences however come in the following forms:
(a) Declarative
This type expresses a fact in the affirmative, negative or futuristic.
Affirmative
Traditionally, the verb phrase is a group of words that has the sentence predicator, namely, the verb, Yusuf (1997:21). The main verb is the head of the verb phrase, Lamidi (2000:80). As the head of the verb phrase, the verb is obligatorily present in Yoruba with or without its satellites (complements), Awobuluyi (2013:98-99). The verb phrase complements in Yoruba could have NP complements or sentential complements, Yusuf (1997:31). Adverbs may occur in Yoruba verb phrase. Whenever they occur, they modify
25.
i. Mo gbe. 'I am in trouble'
ii Aye mi baje. 'I am doomed'
iii. Ina jö mi. 'I am doomed'
iv. Mo daran. 'I am in soup'
v. Ori e ti buru. 'Your life is ruined'
Negative
26. i.
E o le Soriire
O o le ralaanu
'It shall not be well with you'
'Helpers shall be far from you'
iii. Ori e ô pé
'You are insane'
Àbi ayé yin fe run ni?
'Are your lives ruined?'
The negation marker is o 'not' in example (26) above.
Futuristic
This type of sentences is signified by the presence of any one of yoo/oo, o maa 'will/shall' as shown in the following examples. 27.
i. Emi e lô maa bo
ii. Ogun lo maa pa e
iii. Olorun ni yôô ko o
iv. Ayé e maa bàje
v. E ôô parun
vi. E ôô kù sonà bi èéfin
'You shall die'
'You shall be struck by Ogun (god of iron in Yoruba land) 'God shall forsake you'
'Your life shall be
ruined'
'You shall be
destroyed'
'You shall faint on
the way like smoke.'
Ayé iyalayàa e ô nil daa
E o niljèrè
O ô nil Soriire
'You shall not get to your destination'
'Your grandmother shall be unfortunate
'You shall not make it'
'You shall be unfortunate in life'
Interrogative
These types of epe are employed as questions. For example
Ayé yin fe bàje ni? Sé ori yin ô burù? E gbèpè ni?
'Are your lives
destroyed?'
'Do you want to be
doomed?'
'Are you cursed?'
Depending on the status of the curser to the addressee, such question may not necessarily require an answer.
Conditional
This type of sentences is complex and is introduced by ti 'that'or bi 'if'' in the language. The èpè that comes in this form are always in two parts. One part is the sentence itself (condition for the curse to be effective) and the other is the actual curse. For example
30.
Likewise, in negative sentences containing (k)o, future action is signified by nii 'shall'. For example: 28.
i. E o nii dele
i. 'Ojokojo ti o ba fi omo mi Bimpe sile, o o Sofo emi, o o Sofo ohun gbogbo'.
'Any day you divorce my daughter Bimpe, you shall lose your life and all you have.'
ii. Awon to n soro mi laida leyin, bi won ba foju owo SiSe, won oo fe^in owo daa nu'
'Those that back bite me shall not be profitable in their doings.'
iii. 'Bi mo ba puro mo e, ki iya mi Sofo mi' 'Let my mother lose me if I lied against you'
iv. 'Bi o ba fun mi lowo, ki n ma jere'
'Let me not be profitable if he gave me money.'
Conclusion
So far in this study, we have been able to show that eebu and epe are not Yoruba oral genres but rather, they are forms of expression used to express one's emotion: hatred, aggression and anger to the people. This use of eebu and epe is known and common in the speech of the people that it is now becoming regular language in a simple daily conversation in the society and in the selected Yoruba video films. Unlike eebu which is frequently used epe is seldom used because it is believed that it may be backed by supernatural forces. Also, in this study, we have appraised the structural components of eebu and epe. We observed that most word used as eebu are formed in the language and are used metaphorically with - 306 -
iii.
or without qualifiers. Also the sentences used for allow the addressee grasp the meaning in such eebu and epe often come in simple sentences to that its impact will be greatly felt.
1 DStv is a pay digital satellite TV service in Africa. It is founded by Multichoice in 1995. Its headquarters is located at Fernadale Randburg, South Africa.
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Videography
Abere. Tokunbo Olaofe, 2013, Zentury Pictures.
Abulé Mecho. Bolaji Amùsan, 2012, Mr. Latin film productions.
Ainâ Orosùn. Afonja Olaniyi, 2010, Almaroof Standard Investment Ltd.
Alâkadâ. Toyin Aimakhu, 2009, Epsalum Movie productions.
Apâàdi. Fùnke Akindélé, 2012, Olasco Films Productions.
Bânkàrere. T.A.A Ladélé, 2012, Glamour Films & Records Nig. Ltd.
Dokità Ige. Tajudeen Ola Abdulah, 2011 Jim-Tworld of Entertainment.
Ètekéte. Wilson Olusegun Bismak, 2011, Corporate Pictures.
Erù Arugbo. Adéola Shoremi, 2013, Sir White Media Network.
Ibéèrè. Sunny Ali, 2012, Afeezco Films International Ltd.
Ibinu Orunmilà. Peter Fatomilola, 2013, Prime Pictures Ltd.
IlâAlâsèpo. Iniolùwa Odebodé, 2014, Corporate Pictures.
Ilé Alâyo. Femi Adébayo, 2012, ZAinab Ventures International Limited.
Inâwo. Saheed Akangbé 2013, Jim-Tworld of Entertainment.
Iya obâmà. Teniola Bello, 2013, Ewénla Films & Records International.
Iyàwo Elenu Razor. Mustapha Bakry, 2006, Adé -Mike films Productions
Jejeloye. Toyin Aimakhu, 2012, Tenten Pictures Ltd.
Màmâ Insurance, 2012. Liz Da-Silva, Epsalum production
Odidere. Femi Fadèyi, 2006, Remdel Optimum Communications.
Oko Obinrin. Mosunmola Filàni, 2011, Gemini Films & Marketing Ltd.
Oko Mama e. Odùnladé Adékola, 2012, Gemini Films & Marketing Ltd.
Omo Elemeso. Yéwandé Adésànyà, 2013, Olasco Films Productions.
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Osas. Mercy Aigbè, 2012, Lawlar His Grace Nig. Ltd.
Pele Modina. Olaniyi Afonja, 2013, Adekaz Productions Ltd.
Suzzy Mama. Yewande Wùmi, 2013, Corporate Pictures.
Teacher Oko. Olaniyi Afonja, 2013, Small world Productions Nig. Ltd.
Tenbelú. íyábo Ojó, 2014, Corporate Pictures
Ti Olúwa ló nile. Tunde Kilani, 1995, MainFrame Film & Television Productions.
Wazo. Funke Akindele, 2014, Olasco Films Nig. Ltd.
Лингвистическая оценка ненормативной лексики в избранных телевизионных фильмах Йорубы
Темитопе Олумийива
Университет Адакунле Аджасин Акунгба-Акоко, Нигерия
Представляя собой сложный человеческий феномен, язык используется для неформального, экспрессивного общения и указаний. Окружающий мир, в котором мы живем, является в значительной степени вербальным, в этой связи язык выполняет экспрессивную функцию, когда используется в общении для того, чтобы добиться большей эффективности и вежливости от людей, а также провоцирует или нивелирует социальные проблемы. Для создания социального напряжения обычно используется ненормативная лексика. Структуры ненормативной лексики, встречающиеся в повседневной жизни народа Йоруба, отражены в телевизионных фильмах. Это еще раз подтверждает общепризнанное мнение, что фильмы являются отражением того, что происходит в обществе. Использование ненормативной лексики в телевизионных фильмах Йорубы стало обычным явлением, которому не придается особого значения. В данной статье исследованы два вида ненормативной лексики: оскорбления (eébú) и проклятия (epe). Таким образом, основной задачей данной работы является лингвистическая оценка двух видов ненормативной лексики, используемой в телевизионных фильмах народа Йоруба. В статье рассматривается социально-семантический подтекст ненормативной лексики, используемой в телевизионных фильмах, и показано, что оскорбления встречаются в фильмах чаще, чем проклятия. Кроме того, проведен грамматический анализ ненормативной лексики, отмеченной в избранных телевизионных фильмах. Выявлено, что оскорбления чаще всего встречаются в виде именных словосочетаний и предложений, в то время как проклятия представляют собой глагольные словосочетания и предложения. Предложения, используемые в обоих случаях, являются простыми, состоящими из подлежащего, представленного именным словосочетанием, и сказуемого, что позволяет легко понять смысл предложения.
Ключевые слова: Йоруба, телевизионный фильм, именное словосочетание, глагольное словосочетание, оскорбления (eébú), проклятия (epe).
Научная специальность: 22.00.00 - социологические науки, 23.00.00 - политология.
