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52THE JAPANESE ARTIFACTS DISPLAY AT THE 1862 GREAT LONDON EXPOSITION: AN OVERVIEW
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MPHTM 18.17.65
J. TSOUMAS1
'University of West Attica, Department of Applied Arts and Civilization (Athens, Greece)
THE JAPANESE ARTIFACTS DISPLAY AT THE 1862 GREAT LONDON EXPOSITION: AN OVERVIEW
Abstract
The International of 1862, or Great London Exposition, South Kensington was the second - after the first controversial ever Exhibition attempt in 1851 - considerable effort of the powerful politically, militarily and economically Great Britain to project, through its rapid industrial production system, its arrogant superiority in the fields of science, invention and trade over any other country in the world. Although the social, commercial and political elite of the country seemed to be particularly disappointed by the failure of the first Schools of Design to staff with new and capable designers the productive, but poor - in terms of good design - British industry, they felt superiority over any other country that could not reach the British high-caliber industrial productivity. However, the unofficial first appearance of the traditional Japanese products in Europe in this Exhibition, which was a private collection belonged to the eccentric collector Sir Rutherford Alcock, seemed to reverse the British arrogance, as data seemed to be soon changing with regard to the way of viewing and managing British design.
In this paper we will examine in what ways the newly term of Japonisme celebrated exoticism, sensuality and novelty as it not only represented the original and pure handicraft of the Far East tradition, but also constituted a matter of fundamental significance for the birth of a new aesthetic and cultural trend which shaped the European arts and design of the rest of the nineteenth century.
Keywords: Japanese culture, Japonisme, 19th century British design, Rutherford Alcock, Great London Exposition.
*Paper developed from presentation at the 2017 'Japonisme in Global and Local Context' Conference, Budapest.
Introduction
'No single &yle or medium defines Japonisme, the fashion for all things Japanese that swept Britain, Europe and North America between the 1860s and the firtf decade of the twentieth century. Its varied expressions were rooted in a desire to recuperate the handcrafted values lotf in the indu&rial revolution. Japonisme celebrated exoticism, sensuality, novelty. The consumption of Japanese or Japanese-^yle furniture, ceramics, textiles and metalwork played a key role in the aetfheticization of the British home and its inhabitants. The belief that the Japanese lived a life in harmony with nature, with art and beauty overriding material considerations, was fundamental to its appeal. The flood of imports from Japan following the London International Exhibition of 1862 Simulated among arti&s and designers a heightened appreciation of materials, techniques, forms and colours' [1, p. 111, 112].
One of the objectives of the Great Exhibition in Hyde Park, London in 1851 was to highlight and promote the British technology, know-how and design. The plethora of exhibits from all over the world was then divided into different categories between works of art such as sculptures, paintings, ceramics, metalwork, furniture [2, p. 24] and also a vast amount of technological inventions from the time, totaling over 100.000 exhibits. Given that Britain was the centre of the great developments in steam power and engineering that took place in that period, a big part of the technology exhibits were either steam based or made as a result of the steam process1. There were plenty of countries that took part to this universal event, but France the eternal opponent of Britain was probably the largest foreign contributor. With meticulous examples of high technology machinery, that country
exhibited a vast collection of tasteful, first class products mainly in the area of the decorative arts especially in the fields of porcelain, textiles, tapestry and furniture. So, in comparison to the British exhibits of the area of decorative arts which suffered much in terms of 'good' design, France was proved to be clearly superior. One of the most important reasons for the British lack of competitiveness in that field was the fact that the newly-founded Schools of Design in London and elsewhere in the country had not managed to produce well-educated designers that would be able to reform the meaning of the then almost 'non-existent' British design producing a new, genuine style in mass produced goods [3, p. 130]. The rapid industrialization as well as the luck of design principles led the British exhibits to a total disaster in terms of aesthetics and quality. Despite all these, the International Exhibition of 1851 established London as the most important city in the world, which was keen to host such events many more times. The exhibition that followed, took place in Paris in 1855. The official name of this exhibition, which was rather the answer of France to the 1851 Great Exhibition, was Exposition Universelle des Produits de l' Agriculture, de l' Industrie et de Beaux-Arts de Paris and took place in the vast area of Champs-Elysees, that is an ample space just as Hyde Park. Among the thirty four countries that took part in this France's major event, there were twenty nine that were represented by high caliber artists among which were the PreRaphaelite painters John Everett Millais and William Holman Hunt, representing England [4, p. 23].
It was, however, a common acceptance the fact that although the Great Exhibition was distinguished for its high-quality machine achievements, the corresponding
French excelled in the fields of Fine and Applied Arts.
But seven years later, in 1862, London was the city to host another international exhibition which was a bigger, better and more triumphant event. The general scope of this 'World Fair' was to offer opportunities to visitors, buyers and traders, to gaze at enormously varied manifestations of life, work, culture and progress from many countries, especially Great Britain, and it certainly achieved this [5, p. 1]. Its organizers, succeeded in assembling and displaying more exhibits from more participating countries than had ever been attempted before. Nevertheless, we have to mention that the one third of the participating exhibitors, that is over 9.000 of the 29.000, came from Britain alone, together with a further 2.600 from the British Colonies. Heavy machinery, massive new technological devices, as well as plenty of subversive inventions were on display, in contrast to 1851, when none of the machines on display had weighed more than nine tons. The steel industry, in particular, had undergone enormous innovative progress, as the production of high quality boilers, bridge parts and heavy artillery weapons, but also mass production machines such as print, water-pumping, weaving and carpet power-loom machines had been taken to new heights [6, p. 125-130]. But, British decorative arts exhibits seemed to have been again caught in the same trap: most of their sections had presented a slight improvement in terms of aesthetics value and form (Figure 1).
THE AXT.hniA^I, CATAbXJE-K at
Figure 1. The Art Journal: Engravings of British exhibits at the International Exhibition of 1862. © The Art Journal Illustrated Catalogue, 1862.
One of the most important and reliable sources for understanding the design quality of the 1862 International Exhibition decorative and applied arts exhibits, except The Illu&rated London News Journal, was the Art Journal which provided detailed descriptions and illustrations of not only the British but also other national courts [7]. According to this, the heavy decoration, elaborate but exaggerated patterns and old-fashioned forms in combination with the complexity of their mass production procedure, made British products probably less competitive than before. The much desired balance between art and industry seemed not to have been achieved, which made the old and powerful opponent of Great Britain in the field of design, France,
1 For instance, one of the most impressive exhibits for their size was the massive hydraulic press which was operated by just one man that had lifted the metal tubes of a bridge invented by Stevenson, the man who had invented the steam train 'The Rocket'.
prevail again. However, there were a few bright exceptions which will be discussed further in the text.
Methods
As the topic of this research is purely historical, the methodological approach to be followed will be based on the systematic use of selected and, in some cases, rare, bibliographic sources of particular importance. In particular, in addition to extracting information from modern special historical reference books focusing on the period of our interest, there will also be extensive use of information from rare original books of the late 19th century. Of great importance is the use of authentic publications of the time, notably journals that provide important information for the 1862 Great London Exposition, but also for the significant role of the Japanese exhibits both aesthetically and ideologically. Museum and auction houses' catalogues constitute one more valuable source of information, mainly for the visual material used as evidence. Selected sites with rich information constitute yet another
useful source in our pool of data whose evaluation, selection and use is the next step in this research.
Discussion
The first display of Japanese products in an International Fair in Europe did not take place in 1862. As Japan was a country isolated from the Western civilization until the middle of the 19th century, its inhabitants were forbidden to travel abroad, while respectively the entry to foreigners in the country was also forbidden. After the partial abrogation of these prohibitions, a small number of Japanese products was exhibited at the Great Exhibition of 1851, though not autonomously, as they were included in the sector with products from China. After the end of its isolation in 1853, artifacts and information seemed to start flowing out of Japan towards the European Continent and America. The very next year, a small but effective exhibition of Japanese applied arts objects took place at the building of the Old Water-Colour Society at Pall Mall East, central London [8]. (Figure 2)
Figure 2. The building in which London 1862 International Exhibition was held. © Grace's Guide to British Industrial History.
This event would probably inaugurate a short, but effective period during which and until 1867 the Western appreciation for the Japanese art and culture would be completely crystallized. The same year, 1853, was crucial for the Japanese art and culture in West for one more reason: it was then that Commodore Matthew Calbraith Perry, in a military and diplomatic expedition the goal of which was to give an end to Japan's long-term isolation and to open Japanese ports to American trade, arrived in the country along with his American forces, opening up new prospects for the relations between Japan and the West [9, p. 667].
Nonetheless, the independent Japanese section of the International Exhibition in London in 1862 was considered to be the first particularly influential attempt in introducing the Japanese aesthetic and material culture to the British general public. The Japanese Pavilion became a hub of cultural renewal and encompassed a wide range of traditional, excellently handcrafted objects whose number reached 623. Arranged in a rather clumsy and particularly unprofessional way the first extended display of Japanese artifacts was nothing but a large part of the personal collection of the famous British Minister to Japan, Sir Rutheford Alcock (1809-1897), who, at the time, had made the necessary arrangements for its dispatch to Europe's most celebrated event.
Alcock was a keen collector of not only Japanese art itself but of almost every Japanese item concerning the material culture of the country. During his long journeys into cities like the distant Nagasaki and the mysterious Edo - the current Tokyo, - in villages and remote areas of the country, he had managed to collect a wide range of different in
value, quality, and historical significance, objects. His meticulous curiosity made him courageous enough to disappear into weird shops in small cities and villages where he would pick up anything that caught his fancy - from the most dear and rare to the most common, traditional, utilitarian objects. In his book titled, The Capital of the Tycoon: A Narrative of a Three Years' Residence in Japan, he praised the Japanese claiming 'I have no hesitation in saying they are not only rival the betf products of Europe, but can produce in each of these departments works we can imitate' [10, p. 89]. Additionally, through his adventurous tour he had also managed to get to know in depth and to appreciate the high, traditional values of Japanese society itself [11, p. 96]. Despite all this though, he thoroughly believed that the Japanese did not have 'fine arts' but only decorative arts as he thought that even the supreme form of Japanese arts could only be classified as such 'within the narrower limits, on a lower plane' in the art world order. That is, it was the West which could actually define 'Japanese decorative arts', a concept much reinforced within the framework of the International exhibitions. This is why collectors strove to the acquisition of mainly decorative arts objects, such as ukiyoe prints, masks, fabrics and ceramics rather than real paintings or sculpture.
Alcock's vast collection was a medley of objects from almost every social and economic class of Japan, but also from many historical periods. This meant that among them there were quite a few heterogeneous artifacts, creating an unusual but outstanding range of goods in terms of technical and aesthetic value, totally new to the conservative, capitalist Britain. Their uniqueness was actually detected in their originality as they constituted daily objects of a purely
traditional and unspoilt civilization. Their value for the deeply moral and religious Japanese society started and finished to the point that the purpose, for which they were made, was fulfilled. The collection included art products such as wonderful woodblock prints by famous and unknown artists, beautiful silk kimonos, ceremonial masks and valuable porcelain objects which were mixed harmonically with the vernacular straw raincoats and hats of Japanese peasants, rural work clothes, straw shoes, lanterns and other objects of daily use 2.
Praising much the Japanese goods without having fully understood that many of them were quite modern and knowing the superiority of Western methods of manufacture, Alcock tried to point out the significance of Japanese handicrafts and show how they could influence the British industrial status quo. In his influential book Art and Indu&ry in Japan he passionately claimed that 'Art in Japan and the Indu&rial Arts more especially, which have been brought to their present tfate of perfection by the application of principles mainly derived from their loving and patient tfudy of Nature, may serve as an example full of encouragement to our manufacturers and artisans. They may see in the unequalled success of the Japanese, artitf and workman combined in one how originality and the impress of individual genius may betf be secured for the conception of the brain and the skilled work of the hand. The lesson to be derived from all we see and know of Japanese Art, is one, indeed, of universal application...' [12, p. 291, 292].
The matter of fact is though that few British designers had already found out the basic principles of Japanese traditional design. One of them, Thomas Jeckyll (1827-1881), took part in this exhibition with an innovative ironwork design, the famous 'Norwich Gates', a range of ceremonial pillars, rails, foliage and scroll work, which bore the essential characteristics of both the typical British and traditional Japanese design. Christopher Dresser (1834-1904) was also another pioneer in design who dared to take part in that exhibition with objects which reflected his profound interest in Japanese art. Both of them became soon keen collectors of the Japanese art and craft objects and thus their later works were since then strongly influenced by it (Figure 3).
Figure 3. Sir Rutherford Alcock's Japanese Court. © London Stereoscopic and Photographic Company, 1862.
2 Sir Augustus Wollaston Franks, a famous antiquary and, at the time, the British Museum's administrator contributed a catalogue of the Japanese section. His strong personal active interest in Japanese art dates from this time. This is why a
restricted number of the exhibits were accessioned by the British Museum in 1862.
Dresser, the designer who would reshape the British design ideal of the following decades, started buying pieces Dresser, the designer who would reshape the British design ideal of the following decades, started buying pieces from the exhibits of Alcock's collection confessing to him: '...I became the possessor of a fair selection of the objects which formed your intere&ing collection; and to the treasures which I thus became possessed of I have almotf con&antly been adding, till now my house is rather a museum than a comfortable abode for civilized beings, at leatf, so says my wife.' [13, p. 45].
The British press of the time played an important role in the interpretation of the significance of the Japanese objects display as it was particularly impressed by the purity and novelty of Alcock's collection. The much effective The Illu&rated London News in an extensive article which included a di&inctive illu&ration of the Japanese Court, not only exalted the qualities of that peculiar collection but also seemed to urge visitors to pay attention to it for their own delight. However, this unofficial collection, although was warmly welcomed by the British public, was received in a rather negative way by the Japanese Embassy Mission members who were invited, as official guests, at the opening ceremony of the Exhibition on May 1, 1862 [14].
The thirty-member Japanese Mission had a huge hi&orical importance as it was literally the firtf Japanese Embassy to the Wetf and was mainly sent to Europe to learn about We&ern civilization and to make trade agreements, before their return home in early 1863 [15, p. 79]. Their comments on Alcock's collection were rather discouraging and disappointing as most of them believed that the artifacts shown were not representative of the true
Japanese civilization and most of them were badly made, shabby and inauthentic, showing to Europe and the world a rather distorted image of modern Japan. Apparently disturbed, claimed Alcock's exhibits were 'inferior to those of all the other countries' and considered that the Japanese Court constituted a national advertisement with negative messages, as it did not project the meanings of development and modernization that Japan wanted to show to the West.
This highly-celebrated Exhibition highlighted many important issues relating to the British, but also international design of the era, as the Japanese Court had already begun to be the 'informal' occasion for the rise of the term Japonisme in Europe and America. The new aesthetic, cultural and technical qualities of the Japanese artifacts proclaimed, inter alia, the meanings of truthfulness, exoticism, novelty and sensuality for many reasons. Western scholars, having analyzed the significance of these meanings, have also considered that all three were based on the non-negotiable myth of 'authenticity'. This myth seemed to have helped the arts of Japan's dead past emerge again showing to the world the country's non- mechanic, traditional, craft-based production. At the same time, it brought into conflict the qualities of simplicity and genuineness of Japanese crafted goods, which were produced under human working conditions, with the dominant capitalist mass production practice of the West, intensifying even more the aesthetic and moral degradation of the European Industrial Establishment 3. For instance, during the Edo period, when agriculture and commerce grew, pre-modern manufacturing which included handicrafts began to develop. Products such as wax, indigo, knives, swords, pottery, lacquer
ware, silk, cotton, paper, stone cutting and many others were highly produced, however in a pleasant and democratic manner, as happened in almost all pre-industrial societies of the time. In spite of the fact that no steam engines or electricity was available at the time, a fair division of labor was underway which promoted the successful model of local industries [16, p. 201].
According to the 'authenticity' myth, the meaning of exoticism may also derive from qualities such as the truth to, many times new to the West, materials, as almost all of the artifacts were made of good quality, genuine raw materials, no matter how cheap or expensive the final outcome would be. Having studied Nature and the Seasons and having known how to respect and be inspired by them, the Japanese knew how to use raw materials according to not only their own intrinsic qualities, but also the scope, function and utility of the final product. This, in combination with many religious, ritual, social and moral symbolisms that derived from their tradition and were associated with the frequent use of many objects, made Europeans believe that, the - until recently - feudal Japan's goods surpassed in quality the conventional European way of production. Thus, traditional Japanese crafts were inextricably woven with the meaning of novelty, a word which immediately provoked doubts and clarifications of the primacy of the established values of Western art [17, p. 4].
A totally new perspective of making, seeing, conceiving and using things
was then revealed to the western artists, designers, but also thinkers and philosophers which made them reconsider their certain and until then undisputable aesthetic, practical or even ideological achievements.
Sensuality was not a hidden or misunderstood issue as it prevailed in almost any artifact. The large golden calligraphy screens, the textile patterns and effeminate motifs, the fan cartouches along with the classic blue and white ceramics graceful, almost floating, patterns or even the curvy, playful black outlines of the ukiyoe woodblock print and painting figures and landscapes constituted a treasure of a new aesthetic ideology on sensuality [18, p. 236].
However, the richly colored kimonos with the exquisite embroidered patterns constituted some complex private artifacts as they were not associated only with the virtuousness and the simple way of living of their female possessors, but also with their good taste, eroticism and sensuality (Figure 4). Their exclusive female nature rendered them unique means for expressing new and highly advanced ideas about sexuality and gender [19, p. 24].
Above all though, the explicitly sexual depictions of naked human bodies in everyday scenes such as steam bathing or even more intimate activities in Utamaro's and Hokusai's works, constituted the culmination of the sinless and erroneous eroticism that characterized Japanese societies. This oriental storm of sensual messages of high aesthetics was an innovative, anti-conformist and challenging way of thinking for the conservative
3 The working and living conditions of the industrial workers in the first half of the 19th century were miserable, resulting in great social dissatisfaction and reaction. At that time there has been a significant increase in female and child labor, mainly in the textile and mining sectors, mainly because they were considered to be more obedient and productive employees. Women and especially children were paid at lower wages and in many cases not at all (when they were taken on under the guise of apprenticeship).
Victorian society which though initially seemed to be shaken to its foundations, soon started to welcome it. On the other hand, the symmetrical geometry 4 , the shiny surfaces of the forms and the unrivalled use of plain colors especially in lacquered furniture, gave Japanese goods the air of both functionality and elegance, economy of space and also an air of unrivalled lightness. Concepts such as uniqueness, clearness in designs, patterns, motifs and symbolisms were also much associated with traditional Japanese objects as they reflected a new way of dealing with everyday life chores and social activities. However, the very concept of cleanliness seemed to prevail in almost any of the exhibits both as a literal meaning and as a profound symbolism, especially in what was associated with rituals and religion practices. The general term for the influencing rituals of soul purification was that of harai or [20, p. 135-147] and according to the Japanese tradition the rituals of this kind invoked the purification of human sins and uncleanness, as these concepts were associated with illness, misfortune and guilt. These rituals usually involved symbolic washing with water, possibly the most important purifying medium in Japanese culture, and this is why specific utensils such as porcelain or wooden bowls and vessels were often used while they were being practiced 5.
We have to mention that the myth of 'authenticity' or else originality which was meant to include all the above, does not constitute a novelty as it arose with the 19th century's most influential theorist and
design reformer John Ruskin and it was merely an extensive part in his vast theory on Japanese culture which was embraced by many designers of Victorian Britain [21, p. 11].
Results
Soon thereafter, many more designers, most of which were also architects and theorists would find in Japanese design the perfect antidotes to the scourge of British industrialism and bad design, as they would try to infiltrate all the above qualities and apply them into their own way of thinking and creating, defining in this way the British taste and consumption for the rest of the 19tn century and beyond. Among them there were names who later became the 'ambassadors' of this new aesthetic and later ideological line in decorative arts in Britain under the name of the Anglo-Japanese Style, a branch of the widely known Aesthetic Movement 6. Edward William Godwin (1833-1886), James Lamb (1816-1903), Owen Jones (1809-1874), Philip Webb (1831-1915) and also designers and companies such as Kimbel and Cabus in the U. S., are only a few of them [22].
With both their original, innovative design ideas, and broad perception on aesthetics, deeply philosophical, religious and social connotations, they managed to convince the strict English consumer society and thus many more quirky western markets which had been significantly 'eroded' in terms of taste and consumption by the voracious multi-productive instincts of the Industrial Revolution for the refreshing breeze that started blowing in the fields
4 Sciences and the general concept of geometry were particularly important in Japanese culture. The well-known Japanese geometrical problems or theorems on specific wooden surfaces offered, along with worship, as oblations to Buddhist temples, the so-called Sangaku (P^), i.e. calculation tablets, constituted forms of thought, logic, solution, but also symmetry and simplicity.
of art and design from the country of the Samurais. British consuming public was ready both in terms of culture and taste to accept and encourage this new 'phenomenal uprising' in design which would challenge their undebatable, until then, way of choosing, buying and displaying at home objects which would not only enhance their social class, but also their moral and high taste issues. However, not only designers, but also manufacturers and craftsmen themselves often seemed to be captivated by the high quality of Japanese objects, assisting thus in shaping the new world order in the western mass-produced products arena by undertaking initiatives for the production of 'hybrid' Anglo-Japanese objects (Figure 5), i.e. products that bore an aesthetic combination of culture of both peoples [23, p.119].
So the British public of the following years with no distrust on the concept of orientalism and with striking boldness, accepted the strange and mysterious beauty of Japanese exoticism in a period in which art was regarded as ditfillation of all that was good or bad about a society. Moreover, they had already been impressed by the simplistic and at the same time profound Japanese ideology which was important to them at many levels as it defined new ways of thinking and acting in the hitherto anhydrous and barren Victorian philosophy, while redefining the concept of taste and aesthetics.
The 1862 International Exhibition in London triggered the inauguration of the 1867 Paris Exhibition. This world-wide event, which had clearly competitive features compared to the English equivalents, combined the elements of all the riches of the globe. Along with the latest achievements in technology and art there were displayed products of remote times, so that at the same time the genius of all countries and of all periods was represented [24, p. 15].
Figure 5. William Godwin: cabinet ebonized wood with gilt decoration in Japanese style, 1870s. © Sotheby's auction catalogue 2008.
5Purity was a very important issue for the Japanese as they believed it was equal to godliness for the humans. This concept found mainly in the Japanese Zen is attributed to the Chinese culture, where it was adopted from, and more precisely to master Baizhang, in the Kamakura period (1185 - 1333).
6 A popular Movement associated with art and literature in the late 19th century Britain (1868-1901). Aestheticists had adopted the doctrine of 'Art for Art's Sake', stressing that art must be appreciated for its aesthetic enjoyment, without regard for its moral meaning.
This is where Japanese objects were first officially exhibited and this finally constituted the 'basic aesthetic and ideological platform' upon which the European art and design would step on in order to be thoroughly transformed by the fin de siècle.
Conclusion
Concluding, this in-depth analysis of the first non-official Japanese exhibits at the 1862 Great London Exposition highlighted the importance of certain parameters that led to their effective recognition as agents of innovation and progress in the fine and applied arts of Great Britain and the rest of Europe. However, nothing would have been more effective than Sir Rutheford Alcock's brave idea of introducing, in an purely International Exhibition of industrial and crafted objects, his own passionate collection of the most outstanding oriental objects hitherto unknown to most Europeans. Through his bold initiative, the Japanese proved to be vibrant artists influenced by the social, historical,
and cultural context in which they lived and worked, creating daily objects / artworks that had, at the same time, the potential to shape the local communities by suggesting ways of thinking and by cultivating aesthetic, moral and social values [25, p. 199]. This distinctive model with genuine creativity philosophy shook deeply the artistic / productive stereotypes of the West, raising new and excruciating questions about art and thus opening up new avenues of experimentation. In addition, the law of randomness may have played a considerable role here: the emergence of these objects to an undoubtedly high caliber exhibition environment in that particular period, was a special factor which led to the diffusion and thus acceptance not only of Japanese traditional art but of Japanese culture itself by a wide world audience. Since then, the artistic and cultural map of Western world has changed drastically as new roads were carved out on it that would lead Western art to the wonder of Modernism.
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Джоанис Цумас
Университет Западной Аттики (Афины, Гоеция)
ЯПОНСКИЕ ЭКСПОНАТЫ НА ВСЕМИРНОЙ ВЫСТАВКЕ В ЛОНДОНЕ 1862 ГОДА: КРАТКИЙ ОБЗОР Аннотация
Всемирная выставка 1862 г, проходившая в Лондоне, Южный Кенсингтон, была второй после противоречивой первой Всемирной выставки 1851 г. и являлась значительной попыткой влиятельной в политическом, военном и экономическом плане Великобритании продемонстрировать всем странам мира свое надменное превосходство в сфере науки, изобретений и торговли благодаря своей быстроразвивающейся промышленности. Хотя социальная, коммерческая и политическая элита страны, казалось, была особенно разочарована неспособностью первых школ дизайна предоставить новых и способных инженеров продуктивной, но бедной - с точки зрения хорошего дизайна -британской промышленности, они чувствовали превосходство над любой другой страной, которая не могла достичь британской первоклассной промышленной производительности. Тем не менее, неофициальное первое появление традиционных японских продуктов в Европе на этой выставке, из частной коллекции, принадлежавшей эксцентричному коллекционеру сэру Резерфорду Алкоку, казалось, перевернуло британское высокомерие, так как критерии, по-видимому, вскоре изменились в отношении рассмотрения и управления британским дизайном.
В этой статье мы рассмотрим, каким образом новый термин японизм стал ассоциироваться с экзотикой, чувственностью и новизной, поскольку он не только представлял собой оригинальное и чистое ремесло традиции Дальнего Востока, но также представлял собой вопрос фундаментальной важности для рождения нового эстетического и культурного направления, которое сформировало европейское искусство и дизайн остальной части девятнадцатого века.
Ключевые слова: Японская культура, японизм, британский дизайн XIX века, Резерфорд Алкок, Всемирная Выставка в Лондоне.
*Статья написана на основе презентации на конференции «Японизм в глобальном и местном контексте» 2017 года в Будапеште.
Джоанис Цумас
Батыс Аттика Университетi (Афины, Грекия)
1862 ЖЫЛЫ ЛОНДОНДА ОТКЕН ДУНИЕЖУЗ1Л1К КОРМЕДЕ ЖАПОН ЭКСПОНАТТАРЫ: КЫСКАША ШОЛУ
Аннотация
Лондонда еткен 1862 жылгы ДYниежYзiлiк керме Офтустж Кенсингтон 1851 жылгы Бiрiншi дYниежYзiлiк кермеден кешн екiншi болды жэне Улыбританияньщ саяси, эскери жэне экономикалык жагынан ыкпалды эрекет болып табылады. Елдщ элеуметпк, коммерциялык жэне саяси элитасы бiрiншi дизайн мектептершщ енiмдi жаца жэне кабшетп инженерлердi усыну кабшетаздИмен, бiрак жупыны болганмен - жаксы дизайн - Британ енеркэсiбi тургысынан, олар Британдык бiрiншi класты енеркэст^к ешмдЫкке кол жетюзе алмаган кез келген баска елдщ артыкшылыгын сезшдк Дегенмен, осы кермеде Еуропадагы дэстYPлi жапон ешмдершщ ресми емес алгашкы пайда болуы эксцентристiк коллекционер сэр Резерфорд Алкокка тиесiлi жеке коллекциядан Британдык жогары елшемге айналды, себебi елшемдер кеп узамай Британдык дизайнды карау жэне баскаруга катысты езгердк
Бул макалада бiз жапонизмнщ жаца термит экзотикамен, сезiмдiлiкпен жэне жацалыкпен байланыстырыла бастаганын карастырамыз,вйткен ол К,иыр Шыгыс дэстуршщ взiндiк жэне таза колвнерш гана емес, сонымен катар Еуропа внерi мен он тогызыншы гасырдьщ калган бвлИнщ дизайнын калыптастырган жаца эстетикалык жэне мэдени багытты туудыц iргелi мацызды мэселесi болып табылады.
ТYЙiндi свздер: Жапон мэдениетi, жапонизм, XIX гасырдыц Британ дизайны, Резерфорд Алкок, Лондондагы ДYниежYзiлiк кврме.
* Макала Будапештте 2017 жылгы "жа11андык жэне жерг1л1кт1 контекстег1 Жапонизм" конференциясында презентация нег1з1нде жазылган .
Author's bio:
Johannis Tsoumas — Ph. D. History of Art, a History of Art and Design lecturer
at Hellenic Open University
(Athens, Greece)
e-mail: iannis33@hotmail.com
Автор туралы мэл1мет:
Джоанис Цумас — PhD (внертану), Грек Ашык, университетшде онер жэне
дизайн тарихыныц окытушысы
(Афина, Греция)
e-mail: iannis33@hotmail.com
Сведения об авторе:
Джоанис Цумас — PhD (Искусствоведение), Преподаватель истории искусства и дизайна в Греческом открытом университете (Афины, Греция) e-mail: iannis33@hotmail.com
