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UDC35 : 316.752.4
Kotovska Olha Petrivna,
Doctor of Philosophy, Associated Professor, Postdoctoral researcher, Department of Public Policy and Political Analytics, National Academy for Public Administration under the President of Ukraine, 03057, Kyiv, Str. Sofii Perovoi, 5, 1000, tel.: +38 (067) 786 03 39, e-mail: [email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0002-8479-915X
Котовська Ольга nempieHa,
кандидат фшософських наук, доцент, докторантка кафедри публгчног полти-ки та полтичног аналтики, Нащональна академiя державного управлтня при Пре-зидентoвi Украгни, 03057, м. Кигв, вул. Софи Перовог, 5,1000, тел.: +38 (067) 786 03 39 e-mail: [email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0002-8479-915X
Котовская Ольга Петровна,
кандидат философских наук, доцент, докторант кафедры политической аналитики и прогнозирования, Национальная академия государственного управления при Президенте Украины, 03057, г. Киев, ул. Софии Перовой, 5, 1000, тел.: +38 (067) 786 03 39, e-mail: [email protected]
ORCID: 0000-0002-8479-915X DOI https://doi.org/10.31618/vadnd.v1i14.107
THE CONSTRUCTION OF IDENTITY AND VALUES IN LOCAL, NATIONAL AND VIRTUAL SPACE
Abstract. The article reveals the study of the contemporary meaning of identity and values in local and national dimensions, as well as their analysis in the context of the virtual reality, constructed during the last decades. On the basis of theoretical background, historical analogies and practical examples, the author shows the influence of values on the identity formation, focuses on the problem of the erosion of traditional and the formation of new identities. If to compare conditions of Ukrainian national identity constructing with those western European peoples, which were formed as nations at their own state borders, Ukrainian national identity was shaped in imagined by Ukrainians space. Institutional differences in the creation of the first Ukrainian political organizations in Lviv and Kyiv clearly represent a very important component — divided by the border between two empires Ukrainians were constantly connected by the idea of their unity. The historical context and the unfinished cycle of independent formation
of Ukrainian national and socio-political identitys strengthen the need to create a socio-cultural identity on the basis of an archetypal approach.
The article also represents contemporary challenges, which Ukrainian state faces in conditions of hybrid warfare and which are provoked by the manipulation of information and stereotypes. Incorporating concrete examples, the author shows how stereotypes influence on one's own behavior and estimation of any phenomenon; determine the limits of personal choices. At the same time virtual space changes image of oneself, self-identity and the community which a person identifies "the Self" with. From one point of view, virtual reality opens huge amount of possibilities for personal self-realization, from another, it can be a source for manipulations of information in the individual, state or international levels.
Keywords: identity, values, construction of new identities and values, stereotypes, manipulation of information, archetypal approach.
КОНСТРУЮВАННЯ 1ДЕНТИЧНОСТЕЙ ТА ЩННОСТЕЙ У ВИМ1РАХ ЛОКАЛЬНОГО, НАЩОНАЛЬНОГО ТА В1РТУАЛЬНОГО ПРОСТОР1В
Анотащя. Дослщжено сучасне значення щентичносп та цшностей у про-сторових вимiрах локального та нащонального, а також проаналiзовано i'x Kpi3b призму сконструйованоi впродовж останшх десятил^ь вiртуальноi реальность На основi теоретичних дослщжень, юторичних аналогш та наочних прикладiв показано взаемозв'язок цшностей у формуванш щентичносп, зо-середжено увагу на проблемi розмивання традицшних та формуванш нових щентичностей. На вщмшу вщ захщноевропейських народiв, яю пройшли шлях формування нацiй у власних державних кордонах, украшська нащо-нальна щентичшсть творилась в уявному простора Iнституцiйнi вiдмiнностi творення перших украшських полiтичних органiзацiй у 1840-х роках у Льво-вi та Киевi наочно показують неперервнiсть об'еднавчих зв'язив мiж укра-iнцями, роздiленими кордонами двох "чужих" iмперiй. 1сторичний контекст й незавершений цикл самостшного формування украшсько'1" нацiональноi та громадсько-полiтичноi iдентичностей загострюе необхiднiсть творення соцiокультурноi щентичносп на засадах архетипного пiдходу.
Репрезентуються сучаснi виклики, що стоять перед украшською державою в умовах пбридно!' вiйни та пов'язанi iз манiпуляцiею iнформацiею й стереотипами. На конкретних прикладах вщтворено ситуаци, коли стереотипи незалежно вiд само!' людини впливають на ii поведшку й оцiнку будь-якого явища, визначають межi ii особистого вибору. Показано, як вiртуальний про-стiр змшюе звичнi для людини модерну уявлення про себе, свою щентичшсть i стльноту з якою вона себе ототожнюе. З одного боку, вiртуальна реальнiсть створюе колосальну кiлькiсть можливостей для виявлення особистосп, а з ш-шого — вона е джерелом манiпуляцiй iнформацiею на рiвнi iндивiда, держави й свiтовоi стльноти.
Ключовi слова: щентичшсть, цiнностi, конструювання нових вдентично-стей та цiнностей, стереотипи, маншулящя iнформацieю, архетипний пiдхiд.
КОНСТРУИРОВАНИЕ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТЕЙ И ЦЕННОСТЕЙ В ИЗМЕРЕНИИ ЛОКАЛЬНОГО, НАЦИОНАЛЬНОГО И ВИРТУАЛЬНОГО ПРОСТРАНСТВА
Аннотация. Статья посвящена исследованию современного значения идентичности и ценностей в пространственных измерениях локального и национального, а также анализа их в отношении к сконструированной в течение последних десятилетий виртуальной реальности. На основе теоретических исследований, исторических аналогий и наглядных примеров показано взаимосвязь ценностей в формировании идентичности, сосредоточено внимание на проблеме размывания традиционных и формирование новых идентичностей. В отличие от западноевропейских народов, прошедших путь формирования наций в собственных государственных границах, украинская национальная идентичность создавалась в воображаемом пространстве. Институциональные различия создания первых украинских политических организаций в 1840-х годах во Львове и Киеве наглядно показывают непрерывность объединительных связей между украинцами, разделенными границами двух для них "чужих" империй. Исторический контекст и незавершенный цикл самостоятельного формирования украинской национальной и общественно-политической идентичностей обостряет необходимость создания социокультурной идентичности на основе архетипического подхода.
Предлагаемая статья также представляет современные вызовы, которые стоят перед украинским государством в условиях гибридной войны и связанные с манипуляцией информацией и стереотипами. На конкретных примерах воспроизведены ситуации, когда стереотипы независимо от самого человека влияют на его поведение и оценку любого явления, определяют границы его личного выбора. Показано, как виртуальное пространство меняет привычные для человека модерна представление о себе, своей идентичности и объединением с которым он себя отождествляет. С одной стороны, виртуальная реальность создает колоссальное количество возможностей для проявления личности, а с другой — она является источником манипуляций информацией на уровне индивида, государства и мирового сообщества.
Ключевые слова: идентичность, ценности, конструирование новых иден-тичностей и ценностей, стереотипы, манипуляция информацией, архетипи-ческий подход.
Problem setting. The postmodern world is a reality of consciously chosen, constructed or imposed by some-
one from outside identities, values and meanings that create parallel universes in a specific local, national and virtual
spaces. These universes could constantly interact, conflict with, or do not know about the existence of each other. The increasing popularity of the term "identity" refers to the beginning of 2000's, and the term "values" — to 2010's. Since that time issues of values have become one of the key concepts not only in scholarly publications in the field of axiology but also the key term in everyday public speaking practices of politicians, economists, public activists, journalists, and bloggers. The theme of values and moral capital (P. Sztompka), as defining components of the development of community and self-protection of humanity, is one of the main topics on the important economic and geopolitical forums. Do these two terms reflect the most urgent or, perhaps, artificially constructed problems of the society in the first decade of the 21st century? It is the question, which is related to the new phenomena of "post-truth", "virtual reality" and "pseudo-reality". Pseudo-reality is formed as a parallel universe, which is constructed on certain kind of logic mainly controlled or manipulated by media and Internet resources, which, in fact, support the dominant idea of reality in parallel universes [14, p. 55].
Recent research and publications analysis. In science, as in the world of fashion, for different periods there are some usage trends of the key concepts and methods. During 20th century the concepts "identity" and "values" became the subject of a large number of interdisciplinary researches, provided by Ju. Habermas, W. James, A. Giddens, E. Erikson, R. Inglehart, H. Klages, G. Mead, S. Moscovici and others).
At the same time at the beginning of the millennium, such scholars as Z. Bauman, M. Castells, M. Maffesoli, R. Putnam, P. Sztompka, F. Fukuyama and others have become increasingly aware of the problem of erosion of traditional identities and the construction of new types of local, national, virtual identities in postmodernity. Such foreign scholars as O. Gnatyuk, N. Da-vies, A. Etkind, S. Plokhy, T. Snyder and Ukrainian researchers E. Afonin, Ja. Hrycak, Ju. Golovakha, O. Don-chenko, O. Zabuzhko, A. Kolodii, V. Malinin, N. Panina, Yu. Romanenko, A. Ruchka, M. Riabchuk, O. Stegniy, O. Sushyj and others are directly involved in the analysis of Ukrainian national features of the formation of identities and the transformation of values. When the open character of Russia's hybrid war complain had began, one of the central topics for Ukrainian representatives of central authority, scientists (G. Pocheptsov, E. Magda, V. Horbulin and others) and public activists became the problem of information counteraction to fake information and message on the mass communication level. From this point of view, shaping of holistic socio-cultural identity and common values for Ukrainian people is an important issue to overcome the trauma of colonial past, to determine the proper way of state building, to develop the effective strategy for popularizing Ukrainian cultural "product" and to revitalize the integral collective archetype of "the Self" (C. Jung).
The paper objective — to analyze in local and national levels the contemporary meaning of identities and values, as well as to bring them closer to the
so-called "virtual reality", constructed over the last decades. For implementation of the research aim, the author used up-to-date methods, especially concentrating on archetypal and axio-logical, historical, socio-cultural and applied methods (case-study).
The paper main body: It is important to distinguish the concepts of "identity" and "values" before distinguishing philosophical notion of the influence of time and space on the construction of identities and the transformation of values.
Values as a social phenomenon could be explained by psychosocial nature of a person and influence on one's activities, social choice and generally on social behavior. Researchers divide values into material/spiritual, terminal (value-purpose)/operational (value-means). In this diversity, there are also value orientations or social (cultural, civil, political) values. Civil values, as the ideal basis of civil society, express the level of social activity, trust/distrust relationships between state institutions and group or individual entities. From one hand, at macro-level the shaping of values is influenced by socio-cultural environment and, from other, values themselves generate social con-
nections, which could be an additional "resource" for the economic growth of the state. Figure 1 shows the values connections in formation of social and moral capital. Polish sociologist P. Sz-tompka defines moral capital within six core values (trust, loyalty and respect for the others, reciprocity of commitments, solidarity, respect, and justice) and argues that "space of inter-human relations regulated by values can be defined as a moral space, and the individuals and communities operating within that space can be described as having moral capital" [15, p. 15].
The diversity of social ties and values is structured on the basis of personal identity, self-identification with national, social and other kind of communities. Identity is self-awareness and association oneself with other individuals and social groups, which have certain cultural, social, economic or religious characteristics. In other words, identity is constructed first of all on the basis of relations between individuals, who are connected as a group. Secondly, the features that become the main for the formation of a certain type of identity are also determined by specific period of history. Thirdly, the choice of identity is carried out automatically
Moral capital: trust, loyalty and respect for the others, A reciprocity of commitments, solidarity, respect, and justice I
Fig. 1. Relationship Between the values of moral and Social capital
or consciously by an individual, when tity, it's division on types, main scien-
she/he accepts or refuses to be in rela- tific concepts, historical and contem-
tions determined by the birth (for ex- porary changes in its definition. ample, social origin or sex). In Figure The processes of identification and
2 it is represented the map of identity, socialization have their own personal
which includes key components of the and group chronological, cultural and
formation of the phenomenon of iden- territorial features, which influence on
Fig. 2. The Map of identity
the formation of dominant identities of individual, community or the whole humankind. At the same time, postmodern socio-cultural transformations led to the appearance of a new mode of identity — societal, which is not oriented on collective meaning of "ours" and "theirs" as social identity. Societal identity is focused on nonmaterial cultural values, in terms of individual identification with her/his integrity and continuity of changes [1, p. 267].
Societal identity followed identities of modern period such as ethno-natio-nal identity. First of all the representatives of national identity were class and intellectual elites of those times. Nowadays national identity saves its essential influence in mono-ethnic communities and is characteristic for societies with traditional values. Culture is an important component of national identity and unites national community in symbolic level. National idea is another element of national identity, which forms some kind of ideological vision of the realization of common and unique values from the point of view of the community.
Some nations are still in the process of national self-identification, when national identity is formed in opposition to other ethno-national communities. The ways of division into "ours" and "theirs" could be different: from tolerant coexistence with "the others" as "close neighbors" to aggressive confrontation on the basis of nationalities. If in the cultural sphere ethnic and religious/confessional coexistence almost always leads to the flourishing and enrichment of neighboring traditions with unique architectural, literature and art examples, then in the condi-
tion of territorial coexistence with the other ethnic group is the source of different conflicts (separatist sentiments, armed conflicts, and terrorism). Time and territorial limits of the conflict's expansion are determined by the intensity of the influence of confrontational stereotype on the mass consciousness, and also by social distance, which is considered to be un/readiness of the members of the community to enter into relations with "the other" as "close", "distant" or "hostile".
For centuries territory of modern Ukraine was a "meeting place" for different cultures and at the same time "bloodlands" (T. Snyder) because of the biggest proportion of deaths in its area during wars between "the other" empires. "In the eighteenth century, Ukraine was ruled from St. Petersburg and Vienna, Warsaw and Istanbul. In the nineteenth century, only the first two capitals remained. In the second half of the twentieth, only Moscow ruled supreme over most of the Ukrainian lands. Each of the empires claimed land and booty, leaving its imprint on the landscape and the character of the population and helping to form its unique frontier identity and ethos", — the professor of Ukrainian history and director of the Ukrainian Research Institute at Harvard University S. Plokhy states [10, p. 23]. Consequently, in distinguishing the formation of cultural, religious, national or civic-political identities of Ukraine the influences of socio-cultural and historical backgrounds should always be taken into account.
Contemporary Ukrainian cultural identity is largely a result of interaction of two moving frontiers: the first is demarcated by the line between the Eur-
asian steppes and the eastern European parklands, the second — by the border between Eastern and Western Christianity [10, p. 24]. If the first frontier is territorial and affects the formation of regional identities, then the other primarily has a value-semantic meaning and reflects its essential influence on all kinds of human life expression. Once the second frontier reached the Dnieper River and retreated in the 18th century to Galicia, to the border between the Habsburg and Romanov, it still exists in Ukrainian mentality [10, p. 450]. This border also shows two significant differences in traditions of socio-political life, which affects the ways of shaping public-political identity and public policy in contemporary Ukraine.
Civic-political identity is the ideological "product" of Modernity and Enlightenment. In this period the central were the conviction of the effectiveness of the legal and rational-communicative mechanisms for protecting individual rights and freedoms and John Locke's contract theory of the state. They were considered as necessary condition for survival of humankind and restriction of people's natural selfishness (T. Hobbes). Granted in acquire Greece the right to citizenship from the 18th century gradually strengthened in Anglo-Saxon (British and North American) and Western European (continental) traditions at legislative level: civil and political rights are the rights that protect individuals' freedom from infringement by governments, ensure citizen's ability to participate in the civil and political life of the society.
Citizenship, as well as civil society functioning, still has theirs cultural
and civilization differences. Using the territorial criteria, the following models of civil society could be defined by countries and civilization groups: Anglo-Saxon, Continental, Central-East European, East Asian, Middle East and others [9, p. 158]. In the 1830-40's French diplomat A. de Toc-queville emphasized that the foundation of American democracy is the institutions of civil society, which refers to the specific sphere of citizen activity and self-organized protection of their interests. "Wherever at the head of some new undertaking you see the government in France, or a man of rank in England, — A. de Tocqueville writes, —in the United States you will be sure to find an association"[16, p. 198].
General political rights, especially electoral laws of women, began to be applied from the end of the 19th century. Hence, beginning from the 1930's A. de Tocqueville's works were in "a new wave of popularity" in American and Western European traditions and now are under reflection in countries with post-communist past [5, p. 7].
In A. de Tocqueville's times the formation of the civic-political identity of Ukrainians was divided by the border between two empires. Differences of two traditions can be shown by the example of the leap 1848, which is known in European history as "the Spring of Nations". The riots of February 1848 in Paris spread to Italy, Germany, and the entire Austrian Empire together with Galicia. In Habsburg dynasty possessions Germans, Poles, Italians, Romanians, Croats, Ukrainians, Czechs and Hungarians were trying to gain wider autonomy and national freedoms for their peoples by protest and uprisings.
The serfdom in Austrian Empire was abolished. Children and grandchildren of peasants, freed from the obligation of personal services to lords, could became not only wealthy farmers, but also burghers in the cities, and be active on the field of defending their national rights. On May 2, 1848, at the first Congress of the Ukrainian Galician intelligentsia in Lviv was established the Supreme Ruthenian (Ukrainian) Council and proclaimed its loyalty to monarch of Austrian Empire. The main aim of the Supreme Ruthenian Council was development of "our Ruthenian (Ukrainian) nationality". Then numerous local centres and folk theatres appeared, encouraged by the Austrian governor of Galicia and broadly supported by local inhabitants. The first Ukrainian-language newspaper "Zorya Halytska" (Galician Star) was printed and edited by the Supreme Ruthenian Council. In the meeting minute from May 15, 1848 it was noted that the symbols of the Galician Ukrainians are lion and the two colours, "Ruthenian (Ukrainian) blue and yellow". This leap year in Kiev, which was part of the Russian Empire, began by the repressions against the members of the Brotherhood of Saints Cyril and Methodius. The Brotherhood had the aim to create Ukrainian autonomy and was acting in secrecy as political organization during 1845-1847. It consisted of twelve members, including the symbol of Ukraine T. Shevchenko.
Those coincidences in the timing and institutional differences in the creation of the first Ukrainian political organizations in Lviv and Kyiv clearly represent a very important component in the development of Ukrainian
culture, national identity and civic-political activity — separated by the border Ukrainians were constantly connected by the idea of their unity. It is symbolic that the words and the music of the National Anthem of independent Ukraine were created by "Kyi-van" Pavlo Chubynsky and "Galician" Mykhailo Verbytsky, who were divided by different sides of the border and at the same time were the followers of two Ukrainian political organizations, the Brotherhood of Cyril and Methodius and the Supreme Ruthenian Council. Before the Anthem "Ukraine is not dead yet!" appeared, Ukrainians of Galicia had been calling themselves "Rusyny" (Ruthenian) and, in fact, after patriotic poetry of S. Shevchenko's Kobzar and Pavlo Chubynsky showed they began to call themselves "Ukrainians of Galicia".
If to compare conditions of Ukrainian national identity constructing with those western European peoples, which were formed as nations at their own state borders, the obvious differences in the process could be observed in that period. Ukrainian national identity was shaped in imagined by Ukrainians space, which actually was divided by the borders of two "distant" empires. Modern attempts of such Ukrainians as I. Franko, Lesya Ukrain-ka, M. Khvylyovy to construct their own cultural projects, to modernize ("Europeanize") the historical heritage and to open it to the rest of the world were demolished after World War I by repressive communist machine, first in the central and eastern parts of Ukraine [3], and twenty years later in the rest of the western regions of the Ukrainian SSR. One of the most in-
fluential nowadays researcher of identity policy and informational society M. Castles writes: "the Soviet Union was constructed around a dual identity: on the one hand, ethnic/national identities (including Russian); on the other, Soviet identity as the foundation of the new society. Sovetskii narod (the Soviet people) would be the new cultural identity to be achieved in the historical horizon of Communist construction"^, p. 38].
Historical context and incomplete cycle of Ukrainian national and sociopolitical identity construction intensifies the need for the creation of socio-cultural identity based on archetypal approach. The essence of the archetypal approach proposed, for example by O. Sushyj, includes the temporal component in the research of dynamic nature of psychosocial phenomena. It allows, "first, to reveal the peculiarities of the influence of archetypal mechanisms in the process of social transformation, and, second, to show that in the process of social transformation, fundamental changes occur not only at the external — the social-institutional level of the social system, but also in the deep mental structures of human existing" [13, p. 213].
Socio-cultural identity as more complex phenomenon, which combines national, socio-political identities and integrates historical context, is the main factor of consolidation, which ensures inclusion of citizens in the implementation of important national tasks [8]. That is why the creation of national symbolic, informational-communicative spaces and the implementation of collective memory policy are vital to Ukraine in conditions of hybrid war.
It is the main task for state actors, civil society institutions and international organizations to form integrated socio-cultural identity.
The real absence of Ukraine for centuries in international political discourse and European symbolic spaces can be distingueshed on the 18th century painting of the unknown artist from Styria (modern Austria) (Figure 3). The author depicted ten men in traditional costumes: Spaniard, Frenchman, Italian, German, Englishman, Swede, Pole, Hungarian, Russian and Turk. Downwards the painting the artist also wrote their "national" characteristics: 1) customs, 2) character, 3) mind, 4) traits, 5) science, 6) fashion, 7) bad habits, 8) fervour, 9) typical diseases, 10) land, 11) war virtues, 12) divine service, 13) reign, 14) plenty of, 15) amusement, 16) animal comparison, 17) way of death. In order for the text of this article not to be the cause of the emotional feeding of stereotypes by itself, only two of those seventeen "features" are presented downwards. Thus, the customs of Spaniard is lordly, Frenchman is careless, Italian is sneaky, German is candid, Englishman is shapely, Swede is strong and tall, Poles are rustic, Hungarian is disloyal, Russian is wicked, Turk — inconsistent. According to the Table, Spaniards have plenty of fruits, Frenchmen — of wares, Italians — of wine, Germen — of grain, Englishmen — of cattle, Swedes — of ore, Poles — of fur, Hungarians — of everything, Russians — of bees, Turks — of soft things.
Proposed by the author table with description can be considered as the example of stereotyping of the peoples and of fixing the patriarchal values.
Fig. 3. Short Description of the Peoples of Europe, together with their characteristics, early 18th century, an unknown artist of Styria (contemporary Austria)
Only men could be the representative of their nations. Characteristics are not consistent with each other and from the point of view of common sense do not create a holistic image of person. Eventually stereotypes do not have such function. Stereotypes form in mass consciousness their own reality, which can entirely diverge from reality and provoke conflict with "the other", especially when there is no personal experience of contacts with "the other". The biggest danger of stereotyping is that, through the production of appropriately selected information stereotypes with a high level of emotional responses are fed up. The use of stereotypes is one of the key mechanisms for manipulating mass consciousness in the media and virtual spaces.
How important is the role of information in the change of stereotypes Walter Lippmann disclosed in his original interdisciplinary work "Public
Opinion" (1922), which was published three years after the end of World War I. American reporter, and political commentator showed by the simple example the transformation of stereotypes (images in our heads), which could be influenced by outside information. In hypothetical situation in August 1914 British, French and German people were happily living together on the peaceful island in the ocean, without knowing that the World War I already began. In mid-September news from the arriving ship, changed their established world. British, French and German people of the island discovered that more than six weeks, those who were British, and those who were French, fought for the sanctity of contracts against those of them who were Germans. For six obscure weeks they treated like friends, whose who, in fact, were their enemies [7].
This example shows concrete fact and its interpretation by different members of the conflict on the basis of the stereotypes that exist in the latent (latent) form in collective memory. The described situation, designed externally, modifies the individual perception of the world and, regardless of one's personal point of view, strongly or weakly affects on one's judgment about "the other" as "close", "distant" or "hostile". But was there any real reason to change images about concrete British, French and German people from the island? How had changed the behavior of the island people in this situation? And what does really matter in response to these changes? The answers are not simple and depend on individual conflict choices: superiorities of interpersonal experiences on the island or patriotic feelings and connectedness with their national communities. Analyzing the reasons for such sudden changes in the moods of former friends and close neighbors, who immediately appeared on different sides of the barricades, it is important to emphasize on the individual mental experience in reconsideration ones' national identity. However if, for example, the fact of the beginning of the war was not real or deliberately imagined by the captain, dishonest newspaper reporter or anybody else, then in this hypothetic situation it could be clearly observed the direct manipulation of the minds of people, who had limited access to the alternative sources of information.
In other words, myths and stereotypes influence on one's own behavior and estimation of any phenomenon, determine the limits of personal choices. And, if during the previous centuries in
liberal-democratic tradition the freedom of the press was considered to be the basis for the public sphere development (Ju. Habermas) [4] and critical discussion, independent from the state [6, p. 90], then during the 20th century newspapers, and after that radio, television and social networking services became one of the most effective tool of power and mechanism for manipulating mass consciousness. Moreover, the huge scandal that has just unfolded (Spring 2018) around the data leaked of more than 87 million Facebook users to British political consulting firm "Cambridge Analytica", which created psychological portraits and relevant promotional messages during the election campaigns, has shown that in (post) information society methods of manipulation are so highly advanced that the world community has be ready to work together to prevent their consequences. The protection of personal data and the counteraction to fake information, the need to confirm identity and location, while placing political advertising on social networks, — according to the founder of the social network Facebook Mark Zuckerberg, -are some mechanisms to prevent such manipulations as Russian propaganda during the presidential campaign in the United States in 2016 [12].
Conclusions of the research. General tendencies of contemporary explaining the meaning of identities and values are mainly concentrated on the evident, empirically proved arguments and do not solve the existential concern of those thinkers, who appeal to the inner individual dilemmas of identity choice. Life in the postmodern world is the unceasing creation of parallel iden-
tities; searching, rethinking and constructing new senses-values. The plural lifestyles, propagation of otherness and personal freedom increased constructing of new forms of identity in the coordinates of sexual orientation, but not in the sphere of preferred intimacy with "the other" as "close". In "liquid modernity" (Z. Bauman) the man as "a tourist" takes life as an entertainment and does not consider ethical dilemmas, does not participate in public and political life of native city or state. Everything that goes beyond one's private interests, does not interest the man of "liquid modernity". During the last quarter of the 20th century American society experienced a sharp refuse, not only from social and political activity, but also from traditional leisure time with family and friends. Diagnosing negative changes that have taken place during the last quarter of the 20th century in American electoral activity, R. Patnam came to the conclusion that not only the share of interest in social and political activity significantly had fallen. The traditional for Americans "spirit of command", family values had gone to the past, and the contemporary American prefers prefer to play alone, even if the game is a group one, but not in the circle of friends or family [11].
On the other hand, new social ties, which arise through communication in social networks, form new social movements outside the institutions of civil society (M. Castells). Virtual space changes image of a man, her/his understanding of "the Self' and her/his place in the world. Regardless of one's social status and location, new technologies give the opportunity for a person to become famous in seconds, to create a
startup or to gather people into a group for realizing their idea without leaving home. Still virtual reality has huge amount of possibilities for manipulations of information in the individual, state or international levels. To resist external manipulations can only personalities with critical thinking and states, which are able to organize consolidated society on the basis of united values-semantic landmarks.
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