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model of economy functions in Kazakhstan as a denominator of its successful development.
"Why all was done anyhow?", Moscow, 2012, pp. 342-347.
L. Manyakin,
Political analyst
THE COMPLEX INTERESTS OF RUSSIA IN CENTRAL ASIA FOR THE BEGINNING OF THE XXI CENTURY
Central Asia (CA) as a regional space long since attracted attention of various international actors to one or other extent, which differed in connection with the level of involvement of the actors in the affairs of the region and directly depended on needs, interests and further also on the aims of the certain subject of international relations. At the same time, the complex interlacing of interests of various actors of the international arena for certain periods of time was supplemented by activities of the Central Asian region (CAR) as an actor of international relations and of its components as self-dependent subjects of international law with appliance of the means, which would have led to contentment of the needs.
Unlike European, Asian and other actors, Russia always had geographic closeness with the region, and, to the mind of some researchers and international institutions, a part of its territory was a segment of Central Asia. At any rate, the views of the theoreticians on this issue were not significant for the center in case of taking decisions either by the Russian Empire, the Soviet Union or the Russian Federation. Since new times, Russia irrespective of wishes of its leaders was always involved in the affairs of the region, and at the same time, like any actor, had its own particular objective needs of development
related to Central Asia. This policy assumed various forms and contents, was named differently in various historic descriptions (for instance, "Big Game", colonization, commanding-administrative system, "New Big Game" and others), but it is evident that Russia is still interested in the region, and is more influential comparing with other interested actors. Lately, due to the increased attention of researchers to Central Asia, it should be stressed that for a long time the interest of Russia has acquired the form of the whole complex. In order to prevent substitution of notions and semantic confusion in the present regional study it is necessary to make definitions of the main elements of the studied sub-system of international relations. To the mind of the author and of many other scientists, involved in the studies of problems of the contemporary system of international relations the region of Central Asia includes five republics, which formerly were part and parcel of the USSR and represented two economic regions of the vast country (the Middle Eastern region and the region - Kazakhstan): Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan). It should be mentioned that the notions Central Asia and the Central Asian region are often considered to be synonyms and identical in terms of the regional study. However, the disputes about interpretation of these notions are still going on in various research schools.
The perception of the wishes, of the need to get and achieve certain advantage, of the reality challenges results in emergence of interests displayed by the actor of international relations, and the subjective form of expression of the needs is subject to research presented in the present study. According to A.B.Logunov, an expert in security problems, the satisfaction of specific needs formulated as the interest supposes appliance of certain means being preferable for achievement of the result, certain ways (devices and technologies) of appliance these means and existence of conditions, which may be
applied by the first two components of the triad for the sake of achievement of the aim. All elements of the above structure lead to the result, which is achieved in the process of the work carried out by executive persons, bodies and systems defined by the actor. The author regards the notion of "complex of interests" as a group of separate types of interest, which are applied by the subject as the whole, where the borders among various types of strivings are often effaced, but at the same time this notion comes forward as the aggregate of separate processes inherent in elements of the similar system.
The present study is concentrated to the beginning of the XXI century, i.e. one of the most dynamic epochs of history; besides, according to some researchers, the world became the one-polar entity for the first time since the Roman Empire, while others think that it keeps in itself a multitude of poles and centers of force. At any rate, in one or other conception the Russian Federation occupies its place of the world power. At the same time, comparing the period of time since disintegration of the Soviet Union up to the present time it is possible to see a certain acceleration of development and a new quality of functioning of the whole system of international relations for the beginning of the XXI century and particularly after events of 11 September 2001. Although this system always was characterized by contradictory trends and variety of events, just the present period of its evolution, to the mind of some scientists, including scholar of the Orient A.M.Khazanov, was marked by the transition to a new qualitative stage of development comparing with recent period of time.
Therefore the study of interests of Russia at this stage in the region, characterized by various schools and trends in radically different ways (from "black hole" to one of the most perspective regions of the world), is of great significance, taking into account such factors as primarily determined advantages of some subjects, as
emerging activities of new actors in the geopolitical struggle, and, certainly, as the invigorated struggle of the countries of Central Asia separately and jointly for their place on the international arena. The situation in the region is aggravated not only by these subject-subject connections but becomes more tense due to many internal and external factors; as a result, both the RF and Central Asian countries are interested in the prevention at the present time of emergence of a new hotbed of tension or "second Afghanistan" in the region, particularly due to foreign policy of some actors after the terrorist acts of 2001in the U.S.A., transformation and modification of some elements of international relations, events in Kyrgyzstan, as well as waves of dissatisfaction overwhelmed the world and resulted in unexpected changes in some countries of the world.
For the XXI century Russia in the development of its relations with countries of the region pursues the individual policy with each of them, but at the same time, despite the differences these vectors are reduced to the common denominator, which is expressed in the defined similar approaches to the whole system of Central Asia. It is worth noting the meaning of A.F. Klimenko, a senior researcher of the IFE of RAS, which is as follows: the priority of the foreign policy of the RF is - the CIS, and further the priorities are washed away: Europe, the United States, China and India. In its turn, It would be more convenient for Russia to carry out its policy in other directions not only preserving solid ties with the region's republics, undermined by disintegration of the united space in 1991, but also regarding them as its rear and not as a lumber, like it was considered in certain circles of the highest leadership of the Soviet Union.
It is necessary to mention two factors apart from the naturally determined impact of internal and external new challenges to security of Central Asia and Russia itself. Obviously, involvement and
participation in the affairs of the region for a long time is one of the reasons of existence just of the complex of interests; in the beginning of the XXI century one of the main characteristics is continuity and at the same time constant need in modification and renovation of the priorities. Second, it should be mentioned the fact that many separate aspirations and development of some spheres of cooperation as inseparable components of the complex and systemic approach of Russia to the region, got a great impulse due to the fact that these niches might have been occupied by some other actor in case of emergence of similar chances after disintegration of the bipolar system, which, to the mind of some researchers, actually occurred in some cases, while guiding directions for actions were selected and the strategic lines in relation to the new formed countries were created. It should be stressed that the presented study, being guided by one of the classifications of development of the Central Asian vector of Russian foreign policy, considers the third and the fourth stages, discussed in the study, i.e. the governing period of V.V.Putin since 2000 and further of D.A.Medvedev since 2008, correspondingly.
One should characterize the state of intersection of interests of various actors in the region, where the RF tries to realize its aspirations. The Central Asian region, being permeated with lines of conflicts, ethnoses, religions, administrative constructions, clans and groups, elites and different movements, may be called "a pot", which easily blows in case of overheating. At the same time, it should be mentioned that these problems were formed and, chiefly, emerged all on the agenda not at the same time in connection with proclamation of publicity, disintegration of the USSR or some other event or phenomenon. It was a long process of formation of the specific regional picture. In addition to the said, to the mind of researcher K.S.Gadjiyev, the Central Asian region may be characterized as a Turkic-Muslim
social-cultural and national-historic-cultural area of the East. At the same time, he notes that sharing the point of view of some experts that Russia is a regional power just the Central Asian region in this case is one of urgent direction, where it is possible to uphold this status.
The CAR is marked by the specific feature mentioned by V.A.Kondratiyev and Z.Sh.Khamidov, namely: although for some time the peoples of the CAR were under the dominion of external conquerors, further for some years and decades the directing impact of the external factor was neutralized by the local society. For the XXI century, the region was marked by intersection and counter-opposition among external interests of different quality: first, the single superpower, the world powers (the RF and the PRC), regional actors (Iran, Turkey, India and Pakistan); second, national states, international organizations (first of all EU, ShOS, NATO and ODKB) and nongovernment's organs (TNC, NGO, fundamentalist organizations); thirdly, the interests of such actors differ in significance and influence on society: from a single interest to a complex of interests, from one person to the state organs. At the same time, it should be mentioned that all these actors have their own conceptions, strategies, and some actors have their (often mutually excluding) geopolitical traditions. If you transfer one of ideas of Yu.M.Lotman to regional studies, it might be possible to say that the region is characterized by failure to converge between the codes of the speaker and the listener of any subject taken as an example.
The complex of interests of the Russian Federation in the CAR comprises expression of such needs as follows: economic, political, energy, humanitarian, geopolitical, strategic, block of security interests, ecological, transport, water supply and distribution, ethnic-demographic, integration, investments, struggle against three evils (terrorism, separatism and extremism) and, to the mind of some
researchers, against four evils (the mentioned three evils plus narcotic traffic).
Some comments should be made about these notions and their reciprocal action as elements of the complex system. For instance, investment, integration, transport and water use interests may be earmarked as the separate and as the components of such key blocks as economic, energy interests and ensuring security. In its turn, the integration block is one of the most worked out directions and yields to nothing in its depth and extension of economic interests, but at the same time one may see integration ideas in each of the above mentioned aspirations.
Many researchers identify strategic interests with geo-strategic ones, but this study is devoted to strategic interests, which directly are arranged with reciprocal actions of the geopolitical block and are defined as the long-term plan for achievement of specific aim in future with participation of military executive systems. In the author's opinion, two main components should be mentioned in the political part for the attainment of by the RF of its advantage, namely, the political systems and the political cultures of the states in Central Asia and the region as a whole and the social-political development of these subjects. The so called "four evils" may be included in any interest, first of all, in the strategic, the ethnic-demographic sphere and the block of ensuring security. But they attract special attention due to the attempts to regulate them at the highest level, where take part not only the RF and the republic of the CAR and China, implemented in the Shanghai convention on struggle against terrorism, separatism and extremism adopted on 15 July 2001. Review of the state of security demands the explanation that it refers mainly to two levels: national and regional, which correlate with each other. Obviously, the division of interests to the above mentioned groups is conditional, and sometimes
in terms of theory one may not see separations between them, and in practice the activities of the executive systems aimed at achievement of aims of satisfaction of some types of needs concerns the other level. At the same time, some interest are formulated only relating one state, while other interest concern a certain group of countries and some interests relate only to the whole region. It is out of question to identify the typical interests, but all forms of expression of the own needs concern to some or other degree the whole entity of Central Asia.
It is worth mentioning the fact that only Kazakhstan has the boundary with the RF, and the communications function via it with the other part of Central Asia. This circumstance was mentioned not once in studies of different orientation to prove the thesis about the fact the republic served as "an umbrella" first against the imperial, second - of the Soviet and further against the Russian influence, that the real independence received all countries of the CAR, except Kazakhstan etc. To the mind of senior researcher of IFE of RAS A.F. Klimenko, Central Asia is Kazakhstan first of all, and the existence of the complicated system of formulation of requests and of the structure of its realization is determined by the geopolitical aspirations directed to restoration on the new principles of some state entity: either on the federation principles or on the confederation principles, but it is the restoration, since at present the economic and military potential play the primary role. Describing another aspect of the question it is possible mention the words, expressed by permanent ideologist of the Democratic Party of the U.S.A. Z.Brzezinski in one of his works: Uzbekistan ...represents the main obstacle in any type of the renovated Russian control over the region. Its independence is needed for survival of other Central Asian states, and it is less than others susceptible to the Russian pressure.
It should be said that intensity of the pressure on the region and involvement varied in the course of realization of interests of the RF depending on consolidation or weakening of position of the Russian power in Central Asia. Comparing positions of the RF and the U.S.A. researcher of the CAR A. A. Kazantsev remarked that for the postSoviet period in the years of 1991-1994, 1999-2001 and 2004-2008 the influence of Russia was growing, while in the years of 1995-1998, 2001-2003 the influence of the U.S.A. increased. This assertion demonstrates an adequate form of expression and realization by Russia of its interests for some periods of time; and in connection with consolidation by the RF of its positions and the undulating change of influence in the CAR it is possible to make the conclusion that in certain cases some measures were taken, namely, the appliance of a tested algorithm of actions, weakening and strengthening of modernization of various systems and changed quality of elaboration of methods for achievement of the set aims. Therefore it is necessary to characterize at least the main (due to the vast subject of research), to the mind of the author, components defining the complex approach of the RF to the Central Asian Region in the beginning of the XXI century. One of the most important interests is the urgent present direction of the Russian foreign policy: ensuring various types of security.
In view of Kazakh scientist K.L. Syroezhkin, the terrorist attacks on 11 September 2001 marked the beginning not only of the new phase in competition for political dominance in Central Asia. He thinks that the main thing is that it is too early to make the review of the results, which is determined by the concern not only in the region but also in the RF and in the PRC in connection with the further exit of coalition forces from Afghanistan. Obviously, these aspects have an impact on activities of Russia in the region; but some other facts are taken into
account in the course of formation and realization of interests of the RF in this block.
First, Central Asia is surrounded by a number of states possessing nuclear arms - Russia itself, China, India and Pakistan, as well as Iran with its nuclear program. At the same time, the countries of the region on the basis of formerly adopted documents on 8 September 2006 signed in Semipalatinsk (in 2007 renamed as Semey) the treaty about the zone free from nuclear arms in Central Asia.
Second, whole range of problems based on the deep changes in society which engendered greater confrontation between the traditional and the modern. Islam is used as a means to achieve political aims determined by the concrete interests of political struggle. In this sense, Islam acquires specific features of an original political ideology whose basic values are social justice, stronger morality, the preservation of Islamic culture, and efficient and honest governance of society.
"Prioritety natsionalnoi bezopasnosti Rossiiskoi Federatsii na Severnom Kavkaze,", Moscow, 2011, pp. 86-106.
