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Г.С. Климова
КОЛЛЕКТИВНАЯ ПАМЯТЬ КАК СРЕДСТВО ПОСТРОЕНИЯ ЕВРОПЕЙСКОЙ ИДЕНТИЧНОСТИ
Аннотация
Можно ли иметь общие политические и гражданские ценности и самоидентификацию в категории «Европейское мы» без общих «мест памяти»? Этот вопрос и определяет объект исследования. Наднациональная коллективная память является довольно спорным и неопределенным феноменом. Несмотря на долгую европейскую историю, общих «мест памяти» не много. Историю интеграции можно считать одним из них. Качественный анализ официальных документов и материалов прессы, посвященных юбилейным практикам коммеморации истории интеграционного процесса в Европе, может подтвердить аналитическую модель изучения роли коллективной памяти в формировании европейской идентичности. Эта модель разграничивает, во-первых, институциональные и общественные механизмы построения коллективной памяти, а во-вторых, культурную и гражданскую европейскую идентичность. Коллективная память — это результат правительства, которое в фуколдианском понимании является формой деятельности, направленной на формирование поведения людей и самого общества, рассматриваемого как «публичная сфера» Ю. Ха-бермаса. Наднациональная европейская идентичность может рассматриваться как внутри европейского культурно-исторического наследия, так и в связи с феноменом европейского гражданства. На их пересечении мы можем видеть, что их функциональная конвергенция находится в области демократических ценностей, которые граждане ЕС, согласно Ев-робарометру, решительно связывают с европейской идентичностью. Таким образом, все эти аспекты создают перспективу развития Европейского Союза.
G. Klimova
THE COLLECTIVE MEMORY AS A MEAN OF THE EUROPEAN IDENTITY FORMATION
Abstract
Is it possible to have common political and civil values and self-identity in the category of "European we" without common "places of memory"? This question determines the research field of the paper. However, the supranational collective memory is rather disputable and vague phenomenon. Despite the long European history, shared "memory places" are not common. The integration history could be regarded as one of them. Qualitative analysis of the official documents and press materials devoted to the commemorative practices dedicated to the history of the integration process in Europe can verify the analytical model for studying the role of the collective memory in the formation of European identity. This model demarcates, firstly, the institutional and public mechanisms of the collective memory construction, and, secondly, the cultural and civil European identity. The collective memory is a result of the government, held in Foucauldian sense as a form of activity aiming to shape the conduct of people, and the society itself, regarded as J. Habermas "public sphere". The s u-pranational European identity can be considered both within the European cultural and historical heritage, and in connection with the phenomenon of European citizenship. At their intersection, we could see that their functional convergence is in the field of the democratic values, which EU citizens strongly tend to associate with the European identity according to Eurobarometer. Thus, all these aspects frame the perspective of the EU development.
Ключевые слова:
Европейская идентичность, коллективная память, политика памяти, европейская интеграция.
Key words :
European identity, collective memory, memory politics, European integration.
The phenomenon of the united Europe has already become a commonplace in contemporary globe. Transparent borders, the common currency and the institutions of Brussels as well as other aspects of integration have become a part of everyday life for both Europeans and the rest of the world. But this conventional image is constantly being questioned. Over the last years Euro-sceptic sentiments have been strengthening their positions in the face of increased migration flows, an unstable economic situation and separatist tendencies in the EU member states. The referendum over Brexit is perhaps the most vivid confirmation of the fragility and vulnerability of the integration design.
Thus, it is not a surprise that the attitude of the EU citizens towards the integration in the post-crisis years has demonstrated mainly negative dynamics. The number of citizens with a generally positive image of the EU declined from 52% in 2007 to 40% in 2018, while the number of citizens that are negative towards the EU has increased over this period from 15% to 21%. The trend is not in-line and obviously depends on present day circumstances. Over the last decade the negative image of EU reached its climax in 2012-2013 (29%, alongside with minimum of positive attitude - 30%), then it fell to 19% in 2015 and rose to 27% in 2016 [73]. As we see, Eurobarometer data show finite level of distrust in Brussel, among other aspects based on the lack of the "symbolic deficit" of supranational institutions.
Responding to the challenges of the time and Eurosceptic doubts, the supporters of European integration formulate arguments in favour of EU. Most authors, including such public intellectuals as J u rgen Habermas [38] and Anthony Giddens [37] regard the elaboration of supranational identity as one of the general conditions for the preservation and further development of the EU. It is not a question of forming a cultural community based on the unity of language and traditions, but it is about the so-called political or civil identity which involves the awareness of the EU citizens of their community. EU rhetoric also appeals to the pan-European "we".
But is it possible to have common political and civil values and to realize ourselves in the category of civilian "we" without common "places of memory"? The answer seems to be "no". The idea that memory is one the constitutive elements of nation (civil or ethnic) has the upper hand in the academic world since the well-known lecture of Ernest Renan "What is a Nation?" [63]. As Professor R. Poole wrote, "memory has force. It is not merely the conduit of i n-formation (and misinformation) about the past; it is also - and primarily - the medium through which the past makes demands on us. <...> The voice of memory is our voice, and its demands are addressed to us" [61, p. 32]. U n-derstanding and the image of the future largely depends on a certain view of the past. In other words, to answer the question "where do we want to come?" It is necessary to answer the question "where are we from?".
It is true for the EU community not less than for any other "imagined community". But looking back Europeans do not see a lot of common "places of memory". Glories of one member-states appear to be sorrows of the others. Even the narrative of "Europe born of war", which is part of EU acquis communitaire, has indeed controversial nature. However long-term history of European integration spanning the lives of two generations could not help but affect the existence of the European collective memory. In this context, this paper focuses on the issue of the collective memory of integration and its role in the functioning of European identity. The working hypothesis is that EU collective memory is actively used by EU elite within the politics of memory but is still poorly realized in public discourse. But what is common for them is democratic narrative in acts of commemoration.
The paper proceeds by author's approach to collective memory and methodological framework of the research. Then it observes the interrelation of the politics of memory and construction of identity on the EU level. The paper examines the narrative of the EU top officials' commemorative speeches over the anniversary dates of the European integrating. It focuses on the way of presentation and narrative associations as a way of the implement to collective memory. It then focuses on the position of press in coverage of the anniversary dates to trace the points of conjunction of official and public vision of the European integration history.
Studying the collective memory of European Union
Maurice Halbwachs, who we are beholden for the term "collective memory", wrote that each social group creates memory of its own past. This memory underlines the particularity of this community and distinguish it from the others. The events of the past reconstructed in the public consciousness allow this group to imagine their history, to recognize themselves in the timeline. Although these are individuals who carries the collective memory, it is invariably wider than their autobiographical memory, as it is based on the knowledge transfer from generation to generation [39; 40]. The individuals become the bearers of the memory produced by different social institutions -states or civil society. By means of symbols state and society itself create the image of the past, the narrative of the collective memory.
The collective memory takes shape due to the variable forms of commemoration - texts, museums, anniversaries and etc. [1]. By means of these rituals and practices community not only develop unity of the image of the past events, but the feeling of commonality. If the identity of the social group defines through the dialogue with the Other, one of the distinguishing characteristics of Europe is that one of the significant Others is its past. And collective memory appears to be a form of the dialogue with this Other. Thus, this paper proposes to use memory studies for the evaluation of the narrative as an agent of the identity process.
Since the collective memory is the way to articulate distinctive of the social group, individualizing it, the memory narrative often focuses on the event that marks the birth of this community as an independent one. Preserving and rememoring the remembrance of the beginning is necessary to define boundary among this society and the others. For the European Union such facts are: 1. Schuman Declaration delivered on 9 May 1950, nowadays commemorated as Europe Day; 2. Signing of Rome treaties in 1957; 3. Signing and ratification of the Treaty on European Union, so called Maastricht treaty, in 1992 and 1993. Namely commemoration of these events and particularly their anniversaries over the last decade dictate the chronological framework of the paper. The lower limit of 2007 is somehow artificial but is defined by the changing role of EU politics of memory after the failure of the Constitution and is also used as a reference value for the period after 2008 crisis. The chronological limits do not abolish the fact that to evaluate the meaning of the commemorative actions they have to be
examined in the context of the general narrative, the whole story-line of the European integration.
The bearers of the EU collective memory differ greatly in their social, ethnic, educational and etc. positions. They are EU politicians and common citizens of European Union. And it imposes constraints on the EU memory studies, although not stricter than on the national ones. What is important is that historical knowledge and memory of common people is much more important for the functioning of the European identity than the one of the elites. And if intellectuals elaborate their historical views on the scientific basement, majority of people get their interpretations of the past due to the variable acts of commemoration.
Each act of commemoration is the reflection of the selected narrative -the story of historical event that explains the meaning of it for contemporary society. Acts of commemoration performed by the state or suprastate institutions can significantly differ from the ones organised within the civil society. The EU politics of memory and desired content of the collective memory could be regarded as a part of the Foucauldian governmentality that does not only put down to the EU citizens finite way of thinking but attempted to obtrude it. The institutions of civil society - first of all press - could propose its own variant of the EU collective memory. There as the comparison of the commemoration of the key dates of the European integration on official and "public sphere" level is a way to trace the difference and role of the EU collective memory in European identity. Toward this purpose this paper pursues a practical-oriented approach to analyse the EU collective memory, mainly within the linguistic turn in the social sciences.
The epistemological challenge of the collecting the representative source base is determined by the exploratory character of the paper being the first step toward quantitively lager project. The first group of the recourses is the sample of anniversary speeches over 2007-2018 of the EU top-officials as President of the European Commission, President of the European Council, President of the European Parliament and etc., assuming that wider range of the official documents would broader the picture. Though the speeches being addressed to the public have enough potential to influence the construction of European collective memory. The second group is the selection of national newspapers drawn to analyse the character of the memorialising in transnational public sphere. For the purpose of this paper the variety national quality
dailies and tabloids we used: The Telegraph, The Times, The Sun, The Daily Mail, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Die Welt, Bild. Clearly, this selection limits the possibility of generalizable statements about the collective memory in EU as a whole. However, the focus on these three member-state with largest population will trace the general trend of commemoration. The idea is not to cover the public sphere and discourse per se, but to verify the fact of civil memorialization. Case countries are also taken with the consideration of the different balance of Euroscepticism and Eurooptimism on the national level. The newspapers were chosen due to their circulation (online data as well). Combination of the quality press and tabloid materials aimed to cover wider variety of commemoration, bearing the idea that the audience should be different. I reviewed newspaper coverage around May 6-11 (Schuman Declaration), February 4-9 (Maastricht Treaty), March 23-27 (Treaties of Rome) of the years 2007-2018 in order to examine the traces of commemorative acts. The content of the articles devoted to the anniversaries were analyzed so as to evaluate the tendencies of the memorialization.
Such an approach is promising within the developed hypothesis. Having its limits, it considers the complex interaction of governmental and civil society institutions in the construction European integration narrative and European memory itself. Herewith as collective memory is regarded as not only eidos, but the practice, the method does not neglect the existence of so called "banal Europeanism" [27].
EU narrative of European integration history
Renee C. Romano and Leigh Raiford captured the opportunities of memory: "Representations of the past can be mobilized to serve partisan pu r-poses. They can be commercialized for the sake of tourism; they can shape a nation's sense of identity, build hegemony, or serve to shore up the political interests of the state; and they can certainly influence the ways in which people understand their world" [65, p. 21]. Memory appears an important tool of the Foucauldian governmentality. Every political institution tries to use the past in a way that strengthens its position in the fight for modal personality, common identity and social support. And the European Union is not the exception. The construction of European collective memory is a political process beyond all doubts connected to European identity and EU legitimacy [24; 52].
Since the very beginning the European politicians and institutions appealed to past to root the United Europe historically [69]. Jean Monnet, Robert Schuman and other founders of the EC, as well as W. Churchill, regarded the recent past of the WWII as a trigger for integration process. Later, the narrative of "Europe born of war" became a part of the EU acquis communitaire, being included in almost all normative documents [2]. Antiquity, Enlightenment, cultural heritage and etc. appeared in the official story-telling. But in 1950-1960s these references to the past remained very discreet [25].
European integration was mainly about the future and for several decades it was the narrative of holy forthcoming time that had to legitimize European Community. However, due to the collision with various challenges the rhetoric of legitimization called to the past. Oriane Calligaro noted that the presentist regime of historicity in European integration has increased since the 1970s [25]. It aimed to focus on the origin and development of the EC. In 1976 the European Commission ordered a historiography of European integration to the newly established European University Institute. The head of the project Walter Lipgens as well as the European Commission regarded it as the way to prove the necessity of the further integration [53]. Professional historians were logically involved in the European politics of memory.
Soon afterwards this politics overlapped with the demand of the European identity. Looking for wider public support the European Council launched the project of oral history "Lived History of European integration" in 1985. Also, the EC institutions organised various top-down programmes using memory concentrated on cultural heritage (e.g. the European Commission created a budget for heritage preservation). Likely that this intention of materializing of common European memory was inspired be Pierre Nora project. In any case by the time of the establishment of the European Union integration institutions and elite elaborated politics of memory based on presentist approach, which meant the continuum of the past in present in favour of united future.
Aleida Assmann considered that the turn of orientation from future to the past occurred in the 1980s-1990s with the growing acknowledgements of historical traumas as slavery, Holocaust and etc. [11]. It is difficult to deny the role of the painful experience of the XX century in the process of European integration, at the same time I suppose that the shift to the past and strengthening of the politics of memory is mainly connected with the crises in the process. Every turning point of the integration made the future of Europe not that
clear, which pushed the EU elite towards the past. In 1970s it was reaction to the Empty chair crisis, in 1980s - to the stagnation caused by the economic depression. In contemporary history of EU, the new move to the past was connected with the collapse of Constitution referendum and financial crisis of 2008. Sense of community, European identity require common goals for future and common references in the past and then the goals seems to be inaccessible, collective memory become crucial element.
Schuman Declaration
Robert Schuman Declaration, presented during a press conference in the Quai d'Orsay on 9 May 1950, was promoted to an official symbol of the EU at the Milan summit on 28-29 June 1985. Although, as Hannes Hansen-Magnusson and Jenny W u stenberg noted, this official commemorative day did not become a commemoration practice at either elite or public level. In their research they traced the anniversary arrangements and their cover in press over 60 decades, till 2007 authors conclude that in spite of their expectations, European elite have not managed to establish Europe day and turn it to meaningful element of collective memory [42]. Overlapping of the Victory Day and Europe day, on one hand, strengthen ties between memory of WWII and European integration, but on the other hand depersonalise the commemoration of Schuman Declaration.
However, EU institutions organise great variety of festivals to celebrate Europe Day each year over the last decade [4; 32; 44]. The main purpose of these events is definitely to raise the awareness about EU and increase public participation. Bright example of it is the international poster competition that best captures the idea of EU organized be EU Commission in 1996-2014. To commemorate 60th anniversary of Schuman Speech the EU Parliament, EU Commission and other EU institutions held open days, local EU offices across Europe organised variety of arrangements [35]. Not only public debates with EU and national leaders took place, but fun activities (sport and music) took place. For example, the European Parliament's Information Bureau together with the Robert Schuman Foundation put on an exhibition from 7th to 28th May 2010 entitled "The European Parliament celebrates the 60th annive rsary of the Schuman Declaration". Unfortunately, there is no relevant statistics over the number of citizens participated in these meetings. The same limits we face observing the initiatives of variable pro EU institutions, movements and re-
search centers, that actively promote Europe Day [33; 74]. Also the very form of commemoration make it difficult to distinguish the idea of EU and memory about Declaration.
The top-officials of EU regularly perform speeches on the occasion of Europe Day and Robert Schuman Declaration, but we cannot trace the consistent attempt to translate Schuman Declaration into the basement of the EU politics of memory. Even in the statements devoted to Declaration anniversary EU leaders fasten the commemoration of Quai d'Orsay speech to the trauma of WWII. So, José Manuel Barroso pointed the creation of a supranational European institution was proposed out of the devastating experience of the WWII [16; 17]. At times official even do not mention the Declaration on speeches held in early May and very 9 of May [12; 14; 23].
Herewith we cannot say that Robert Schuman and his heritage is not a part of the European integration collective memory. He is quite often mentioned in the official statements performed in different occasions. Name a few, Hans-Gert Hermann Pottering spoke about the role of Robert Schuman, as well as Jean Monnet and Paul-Henri Spaak, in the EU origin on the occasion of the 50th anniversary of the European Parliament [62]. Martin Schultz due to the 25th anniversary of the fall of the Berlin wall claimed that "Solidarity is the soul of the European Community", paraphrasing Schuman "sense of common purpose" [68]. R. Schuman is definitely a part of EU pantheon. He is presented as one of the EU Founding Fathers and enchanted being "a man of foresight and vision" [17]. EU elite use his image not only in the politics of memory, but in the top collective memory. As Herman Van Rompuy said he was a fan of him and it is true for EU elite [76].
Javier Solana once said that "I sometimes feel we are too complacent about the 60 years of peace which Western Europe has enjoyed. That we are now so prosperous, so free and so secure is thanks largely to the vision of men like Jean Monnet, a previous winner of this Prize, and Robert Schuman. These founding fathers knew very well the horrors of war. They were determined that Europe should end the cycle whereby every generation prepares to go to war with their neighbors." [71]. The personality of Robert Schuman plays much more important role in the EU elite collective memory than the commemoration of his Declaration. But both the author and the speech, as well as Europe day, is strongly bounded to the memory of WWII. Peace and solidarity rhetoric band all the official speeches over the Europe Day or Schuman heritage.
The Treaties of Rome
By the contrast to the anniversaries of Schuman Declaration, the Treaties of Rome were commemorated in much more significant way. As Hansen-Magnusson and W u stenberg noted that in spite of the changing of celebration over the years, a ritual of remembrance has been developed to be an important part of the collective memory [42]. EU politics of memory practice various forms of activities to promote the dates of Treaties. Especially variable was the calendar in 2007 and 2017, marked by the 50th and 60th anniversaries of ratification [5; 6]. Along with speeches and fine dining significant number of conferences, seminars, film festivals and etc. were organized. Notable that the commemoration practice was shared by citizens. In 2017 the Union of European Federalists, the Young European Federalists, The Spinelli Group and Stand Up for Europe organized a "Match for Europe" in R ome and this initiative was supported in other member states. Thus, it is possible to suppose that the Treaties of Rome are an important element of the integration memory.
In their research Hansen-Magnusson and W u stenberg found that head of states and government had repeatedly appealed to the Treaties throughout 50 years of its history and the meaning of the references had changed slightly. They underlined the dividing line around 25th anniversary, then from "idea of great vision" Treaties step by step took a form of an agreement with an obligation of further integration [42]. Being a period of some stagnation the 1970s ended by the appearance of Jacques Delors on the European proscenium and a new round of integration. Therefore, it is not surprising that the rhetoric of the development has become predominant.
Last decade the narrative of European integration and the role of the Treaties of Rome has also changed. The crisis of 2008 could be regarded as one of the key triggers of it. If in 2007, during the 50th anniversary, European leaders claimed that EU is the stronghold of democracy and human rights and the past of Treaties meets future [15], latter it was no longer a narrative of pure future. The Treaties were regarded as a basement of present success - "In 1957 15 of our 27 members were either under dictatorship or were not allowed to exist as independent countries. Now we all are prospering democracies" [15]. Later they we referred as a memory of glory and framew ork for overcoming the challenges of terrorism, Brexit, immigration and etc. As Don-
ald Tusk said: "At that time they did not discuss multiple speeds, they did not devise exits, but despite all the tragic circumstances of the recent history, they placed all their faith in the unity of Europe. They had the courage of Columbus to enter unchartered waters, to discover the New World. And so tell me: why should we lose our trust in the purpose of unity today? Is it only because it has become our reality? Or because we have become bored or tired of it?" [75].
Appeal to the Treaties is often accompanied by the references to WWII and EU leaders contrast its traumatic experience to the achievements of the peace. As well as Schuman Declaration, the Treaties of Rome and today EU are presented as "rose from the ashes of two world wars, shaped by the hands and by the iron will of those who had returned from battlefields and concentration camps only a few years earlier" [47]. Also the idea of legacy to the heroes of integration is very important in the discourse of Treaties. And as in case of Schuman heritage, EU leaders apply for being worthy successors to glory and triumph of the EU Founding Fathers
But most of all, Treaties are consistently are presented in reference to freedom, which is often regarded as the basis of prosperity. Antonio Tajani on the occasion of 60th anniversary said that, "Freedom is the foundation of the great economic area for which the Treaties we are celebrating today provided the blueprint" [66]. Democracy and human rights are regarded as the main heritage of the Treaties. EU leaders claim that due to the Treaties Europeans have built "a community of peace, freedom, democracy, human rights and the rule of law, a major economic power with unparalleled levels of social protection and welfare" [47]. Such approach to the past is a good example of presentism. The EU politics of memory uses the Treaties of Rome to root the image of today EU and desirable structure of European identity in history.
Maastricht Treaty
Commemoration history of the Treaty on European Union is not that long, and it does not have an "official" date as it was signed on 7 February 1992 and entered into force on 1 November 1993. But EU institutions made some effort to implement it into their politics of memory. Last decade embraced two anniversaries of the ratification. Both coincided with tough periods for the Union. The 20th one happened along with Euro crisis, the 25th was accompanied be the Brexit, Refuge crisis and etc. The commemorative practice
was not that active as in case of the Treaties of Rome, but structurally the same: fine dinners, conferences and etc. In 2017 a project "Europe calling" was launched to raise awareness of EU citizens and involve them into the commemoration [31]. Quantitively EU has not fully used the potential of this indeed one of the main elements of the European integration memory.
It is worth noting that all commemorative speeches of EU officials devoted to Maastricht Treaty seem to be more personal and fuller of historical details and context. It is not unexpected as all of them are contemporaries and participants of the event. Jean-Claude Juncker even laughed that the only things that have remained since 1992 are Euro and him [46]. Although the references to Maastricht Treaty are mainly followed by reminiscences of the Iron curtain fall and reunion of West and East Europe, there is a constant mention of WWII. Though recently the narrative has slightly changed. EU is still presented as a land of peace, but as Federica Mogherini stated "peace in E u-rope could not be taken for granted at all. Too often we forget the immense privilege we have today in Europe when we celebrate the anniversaries of treaties, treaties of unity, of a Union - the Treaties of Rome, the Treaty of Maastricht, the Lisbon Treaty - instead of only commemorating wars, victories, defeats of each other" [59].
Of course, Maastricht treaty is regarded as the foundation of Common market, but what is more important EU leaders claim that it "gave birth to the European citizenship" [67]. Such references are a course of presentist regime, but as the historical distance is less than that trap out 1950s, it is a little bit more difficult to construct the political myth of Founding Fathers (while the mention of Jacques Delors and others are widespread). Citizenship and democracy are represented as present aspects of EU based of its history and first of all Maastricht Treaty.
There is certain difference in the commemoration of 20th and 25th anniversaries. In 2017 we could trace clear message that was not on agenda in 2012. If speeches over the 20 years since ratification of Treaty on EU were reserved towards the present [13], glorifying the past, 2017 were full of claims for the contemporary stardom of EU. European leaders remaindered to the public that outside of EU the Union seems to be an incredibly successful project guaranteeing prosperity of its citizens [46, 59]. Following the idea that Europeans are not enough proud of the achievements of integration, M. Schultz summarized that Europeans "do not lack plans and ideas in Europe, we
lack courageous leaders who dare to defend them, who implement our plans and who build the Europe of the citizens in the spirit of the Maastricht Treaty that still says in its very first article: "This Treaty marks a new stage in the process of creating an ever closer union among the peoples of Europe, in which decisions are taken as openly as possible and as closely as possible to the citizen." [67] The Maastricht Treaty was commemorated as an inspiration for the future as it used to be with the Treaties of Rome before 1980s.
We can conclude that all the historical events of European integration are commemorated in the presentist historical regime. The quote of J.-C. Juncker demonstrates it with sharp clearness: "What I wanted to say is that we cannot explain the European Union, the European project, simply by going back to history. That is important, but if we want to convince younger people that the European Union is a must today and in the years to come, we have to explain European history in a perspective. What is Europe today and what will Europe be tomorrow and the day after tomorrow?" [46] Almost every speech includes references to WWII and achievements of democracy. As a matter of interest, this presentist memorialization seems to be in a wave scheme. In the years of severe crisis, the appeal to the glory of the past appears to be more dissent, while in the phase of recovery we could trace call to the future which is rooted in the achievements of the previous actions. EU politics of memory often address to the civil European identity, the sense of proud and community of welfare and democratic freedom. This trend id supported not only in fine dinner speeches, but in variable places of memory as museums, exhibition and etc.
Press narrative of European integration
EU elites apply a lot of symbolic force to construct the certain image of European Union and sense of commonness. And these attempts have taken effect. According to data of Eurobarometer EU consistently associate the Union with peace, democracy, human rights and rule of law (Fig. 1), just as it is described in the official narrative.
Fig. 1. The image of the EU. The histogram is done according to the data of Eurobarometer (SB 72-89).
There are different actors contributing the construction of the collective memory - academics, filmmakers and etc. In our mediated world mass media plays a significant role in the functioning of memory, as it is the media that broadcast the political narrative [18]. Although the media does more than just represent of existing collective memory, it has the mechanisms of selection and narration of it. Thus, European integration memory is co-constructed by the me-
dia. Quantity of media coverage of EU commemorative practices is the prove of the citizens' awareness. But quality of the narration seems to be way to examine the down level of the collective memory. Contemporary media has variable forms and this paper does not neglect the "connective turn" in shaping of collective memory but concentrates on daily journalistic practice of commemoration in dailies [43].
In our analysis of The Telegraph, The Times, The Sun, The Daily Mail, Le Figaro, Le Monde, Frankfurter Allgemeine Zeitung, Die Welt, Bild Schuman Declaration as well as Treaties of Rome got certain but sporadic attention. It is mainly caused not by the anniversaries themselves but the event context, challenges increase media interest to the EU history. In general, the tabloids are less likely to cover the commemorative practices of EU than quality press, but they propose to their audience selected news and sometimes awareness promotion. National specific is also visible. British newspapers seem to be more critical and suspicions towards EU, presenting commemorative date often in harsh tone. French and German newspapers are more well-disposed, while French pay much more attention to the glory of France in integration history than the others.
Schuman Declaration has provoked certain number of literacy publications about history of EU and particularly the Speech on 9 May 1950 [45, 49]. French newspapers have the tradition of publishing press releases or full addresses of EU politician [8; 22; 64]. 60th anniversary of the Speech, happened in the deep of Euro crisis, was followed by variable criticism of the EU. So German newspapers were coming down on Greece. In 2017 the critic line appeared to be more nostalgic [77]. In spite of that the common thread of Schuman Declaration commemorative narrative is peace. In this context press supports and continues the official memory discourse.
The Treaties of Rome attracted more media attention over last decade. Most part of publications are the informative way of commemoration as well as reprints of archival materials [6; 26; 28; 50]. French and German newspapers aware citizens of the EU official statement [29; 51]. British press expressed scepticism over the Rome legacy [20; 34] and remined the audience about Churchill's alternative vision of the united Europe [9]. Predictably, 50th anniversary was presented in brighter colours of past heritage and its presence in the achievements of present, while Brexit strengthen fear of EU collapse and provoked defensive rhetoric over glorious memory of Rome and its democratic her-
itage among pro-European authors. Even the critical approach was connected with the debates over image of EU.
Maastricht Treaty anniversaries were followed by series of up-to-date articles about the present situation in EU. If continental press glorified the Maastricht in 2007, The Times wrote "Maastricht, in other words, came back to haunt us" meaning that EU should be panned for "the incomplete integration so rashly entered into at Maastricht" [58]. By the 2017 the critical attitude could be traced in all national newspapers [19; 30; 70]. British and French press tended to underline the particularity of their nation in European integration. France claimed for the undisputable role of French politicians in EU history and criticized the "deficit of democracy" [10]. While British articles along with vast literacy projects about 50 article of the Maastricht Treaty paid attention on the loss of the UK due to integration [41]. German press was more reserved, stating the achievements of 1992 Treaty [36; 72]. Still the negative remarks were accompanied by the references to democratic legacy of EU. So, FAZ cited interviews with EU citizens: "It may sound like a cliché. I find controversial discussions very European. People with different native languages and experiences sit together. They talk about a topic and try to find compromises. First, they exchange ideas. This exchange of ideas - that is, I think, the heart of Europe" [72]. Deliberative process is presented as the basement of EU identity.
Consequently, it is possible to underline that press narrative of European integration, being an agent of public collective memory, is not homogeneous in references. However, there is a cohesion with the EU politics of memory - commemoration is connected with the idea of prohibition of war. The dates are used to increase awareness of citizens of the democratic narrative of EU.
Conclusion
European Union and its citizens as any social group creates memory of its own past with the aim to underline the individuality of this community and distinguish it from the others. Both the official and media narrative promotes the idea that uniqueness of EU constitutes of peace and democracy. As we have seen EU citizens share this image of the Union, which means that commemorative practices and politics of identity have succeeded in some way.
Commemoration of key dates of European integration history on the official level has become slightly more variable and wider over the last decade. EU elite tends to be more attentive to the Treaties of Rome and their heritage, while
Schuman Declaration dissolve into the Victory remembrance. However, EU leaders extensively appeal to the symbolism of the EU Farther Founders concept and Robert Schuman is ingrained in the top-down collective memory. Official commemoration of Maastricht Treaty also has the tendency to enlarge and involve more public. EU politics of memory is consistently presentist, but in case of all anniversaries the content of narrative and structure of associations strongly depend on the present-day context. The periods of stability provoke utilitarian approach to the past which is remembered to underline contemporary triumph -"past for the future" regime. But in periods of uncertainty the commemorative narrative of European integration assumes defensive tone. EU politicians claim to the glorious past achievements of which should not be lost.
Newspapers cover the European integration anniversaries in discursive way. The tone and content of publications are influenced by the national position towards EU and as well by the political and economic situation. Due to the challenges media logically is more critical and less enthusiastic about key dates. Public scepticism triggers the strengthen of the "past in present" plea of EU officials not to remember that Europe is regarded as the role model outside the continent. And such attitude to the EU is because of its history. Somehow, we can think about this tension in the categories of the debate over the question -who owns the history? EU politicians, states, press, intellectuals claim for this property. But what unites all of them, in spite of democratic rhetoric, is concentration on present at the expense of future and the past. It is a kind of paradox in the intercommunion of European identity and EU collective memory. Societies, that attempt to find roots in the future, are the ones that are united by the common values. EU regard democratic values as its basement, but at the same time we see the shift from future rhetoric to present that contradict this regard.
We can see the tendency to defensive commemoration of European integration on both official and public level. As Jules Bejot, project manager at Stand up for Europe said: "we need to defend Europe" [56]. And this guard is followed by the attempt to construct glorious collective memory of European integration. The more community tries to mythologize its past the more insecure it about its future. The same with the identity - the more group is concerned about its identity the more it feels the thread. And it is true for the contemporary EU due to the challenges of Brexit, migration flow and transition in international environment after Trump election.
EU continues to answer the question "where are we from?" to protect its present and clarify the future. And in this context investigating European collective memory implies the systematic, qualitative and quantitative analysis of both the discourses of the European and national elites as well as of the European peoples, in multiple formal and informal public spheres.
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