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information centers has been set up which contributes to the stabilization of interethnic relations. A public organization called "Union of People of Stavropol Territory for Peace in the Caucasus" has been created, uniting twenty-six national and cultural organizations. Confessional institutions continue to develop. For example, the Spiritual Board of Muslims of Stavropol Territory has started "educational jihad," that is, enlightenment and information "war" against radical religious teachings.
Stavropol Territory, just as other parts of NCFR of the Russian Federation plays a major role in the stabilization of interethnic relations and the strengthening of national identity of all members of the North Caucasian community, and ethnocultural security. At the same time, the task is to unmask and denounce terrorism, extremism, nationalism and xenophobia. Much is being done to make Stavropol Territory a unique and attractive region culturally.
"Etnopoliticheskaya situatsiya v Rossii i sopredelnykh gosudarstvakh v 2011," Moscow, 2012, pp. 99-104.
A. Stepkina,
Astrakhan State University
THE CASPIAN REGION
IN THE PROCESS OF GLOBALIZATION
For centuries, the Caspian region has played an important role in the military-political and socio-economic processes in the entire geopolitical space of Central Eurasia. It is situated at the crossroads of the Eurasian land and sea transportation routes, and has been a subject of rivalry between states seeking to establish their dominance in the region for several centuries.
The importance of the Caspian basin lies not only in that the region has been a rich source of natural resources, but it also connects the two continents - Europe and Asia by two vectors - North-South and East-West for thousands of years.
The region is now part of a new geopolitical game in world politics after the collapse of the Soviet Union. The Caspian basin is regarded one of the world's major centers of oil and gas.
Currently, the world economy actors tend to penetrate into the region, and this trend has increased lately.
The important geopolitical consequence of penetration into the region has been the intensification of political and commercial confrontation for control of the energy resources of the Caspian Sea basin among eight countries: Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan, Tajikistan, Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan (Central Asia) and Azerbaijan, Georgia and Armenia (South Caucasus).
Along with the traditional actors in the region - Russia, the U.S.A., Britain, Turkey and Iran, other countries - France, China, Pakistan, Saudi Arabia and Japan - have also become increasingly active, which creates instability in the system of international relations.
The future of the new world order largely depends on the struggle for the Caspian basin, which will allow the countries involved in it to control the Caucasus, Central Asia and the Middle East.
Over the years, Russian policy in the Caspian region has been aimed at geopolitical objectives, rather than at solution of urgent economic problems. Such spheres as transportation of hydrocarbon resources of the region to foreign markets and conservation of bio-resources have now become very important. Russia's national interests in the Caspian basin are closely associated with the country's
security, as well as the problems of the region in the system of international relations.
Russia increases its military presence in the Caspian basin, which is an essential factor in ensuring its political and economic interests. It is interested in the maximal use of its natural resources, as well as greater economic benefits from transportation of oil, gas and various commodities through its territory.
A new trend of Russian policy in the Caspian region in the early 21st century covers such important issues as the legal status of the Caspian Sea, the military component, environmental issues, transport, fight against terrorism and poaching, as well as the establishment of bilateral cooperation with the Caspian states.
There are two stages in Russia's geopolitics in the Caspian Sea during the post-Soviet period. In the 1990s, Russia sought primarily to maintain the political and legal status of the Caspian Sea, which had been confirmed by treaties first between the Russian Empire, and later the Soviet Union and Iran. At the same time, Russia began to protect its vital interests by preserving its dominant geo-economic position in the Caspian region and preventing the penetration of Western capital in the region.
However, the desire of the new Caspian states to cooperate with western powers has increased along with the strengthening of Russia's positions on its southern borders. It is clear that these states are unable to develop new oil fields effectively on their own and they are interested in the inflow of foreign investments.
In geopolitical terms, the position of Russia in the Caspian region is determined mainly by the nature of its relations with Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan.
Kazakhstan has been closely related to Russia, but it has also connected with Turkey and other Turkic-speaking countries ethnically
and culturally. Azerbaijan has become Kazakhstan's strategic partner in the oil and gas sector in the Caspian basin.
Turkmenistan is also rather close to Turkey geopolitically. The controversial issues existing between Azerbaijan and Turkmenistan have complicated their relationship.
Azerbaijan is under enormous pressure of the U.S.A., so its decisions are increasingly in favor of Turkey. Azerbaijan would like to occupy a dominant position in the entire Caspian region. The U.S.A. and Turkey have already succeeded in persuading Azerbaijan to lay out a pipeline from Baku to Ceyhan - the main terminal for the energy resources of the Caspian basin.
Russia's position proved too weak and vulnerable in the new alignment of political forces and interests.
Its boundaries have been moved to a few hundred kilometers and Astrakhan region became the borderland.
The development of cooperation of the region with the Republic of Kazakhstan is based on the program of "the cross-border cooperation of the Russian Federation and the Republic of Kazakhstan for 1999-2007." Cooperation covers various spheres: shipbuilding, construction, food, medicine, culture and education, and the creation of joint ventures of small and medium businesses in the border areas. As a seaside area, Astrakhan region and the western region of Kazakhstan have paid great attention to joint work on environmental protection, and the preservation and rational use of the unique biological resources of the Caspian basin. Fishery industry enterprises of Astrakhan and Kazakhstan cooperate in artificial reproduction of sturgeon, commercial fish farming, and fight against poaching.
Relations between Astrakhan region and Turkmenistan began to develop not so long ago, but they have already produced certain results
in ship-building, construction of the infrastructure, and drilling work on the shelf.
Diverse relations have been established with Iran. There are 149 companies with Iranian capital in Astrakhan region. Consulate General of Iran has been opened in Astrakhan.
Almost half of the foreign trade turnover of Astrakhan region has accounted for trade with Caspian countries. The volume of trade has risen with Azerbaijan by 85%, with Turkmenistan - by one and a half times, and with Iran - by one-third for just one year.
In the past decade Astrakhan region concluded about thirty interregional agreements with the neighboring regions of Kazakhstan and provinces of Iran, as well as with various governmental enterprises of Azerbaijan. The International Council of Chambers of Commerce "Business of the Caspian" has been set up and is now functioning in the region to strengthen economic activity and expand foreign interregional contacts. The Association of Universities of the Caspian states works actively to develop the common scientific and educational sphere in the Caspian region.
The main task at the regional level is greater economic integration, broader bilateral relations, and wider social and cultural relationships with the Caspian states. All this provides the basis for building relationships at a state level and for the tasks fulfillment. Russia promotes the initiative for the establishment of the intergovernmental Caspian center, which will monitor the environment of the Caspian Sea. Kazakhstan and Azerbaijan have supported this initiative, and Iran has been studying the issue. Turkmenistan is ready to consider it after the adoption of the Convention on the status of the Caspian Sea. The administration of Astrakhan region has insisted that the center should be established precisely in Astrakhan, on the basis of
local research organizations with an extensive information base and the required intellectual capacity.
The important actors in the region, along with Russia, are the U.S.A., the European Union, the Middle East and China.
The U.S.A. intends to influence and control the economic integration and military-political reorientation of the Caspian countries, using the underdeveloped state institutions, unresolved conflicts and political instability as an effective mechanism. The U.S.A. believes that its intention to carry out democratization and market reforms in the region justifies its presence in the Caspian Sea basin and tends to use multilateral cooperation and international organizations for the implementation of its plans.
The U.S.A. has considered Caspian oil as an additional source in case there are problems with the supply of oil from the Gulf countries. American interests are largely determined by desire to retain influence on its allies, primarily in Western Europe and Japan. The U.S.A. seeks to prevent Russia to gain a stable position in the region.
Unlike the United States, European countries have only economic interests in the Caspian region. The main aim of European states is to ensure their own energy security and the preservation and development of their own oil industry at the expense of their oil companies on oil deposits outside their countries.
Iran is trying to prevent the strengthening of the pro-Western forces which are capable to deprive it of access to this strategically and economically important region.
Iran tries to increase its influence in the Caspian region and aims to reach an agreement on sharing the Caspian Sea and its energy and biological resources with all states in the region on an equal basis.
Supporting the development of international cooperation in the Caspian region, Iran is firmly opposed to any military presence of extra-regional countries.
Turkey uses its unique geo-strategic position of the state, located in Europe and Asia. New trends have been traced in Turkey's foreign policy, namely, to influence the geopolitical configuration in the Caspian region, draw closer to Iran, and revitalize the Turkish-Russian relations of 2010.
Pakistan, along with Iran, competes with Turkey in the field of ideological influence on the countries of the Caspian region, and demonstrates greater interest in energy resources of the Caspian basin. Pakistan is interested in transportation of part of the region's energy resources through its territory. Besides, Pakistan has a potential to influence the political and military stability in the region close to the Caspian Sea, particularly in Central Asia.
Unlike Turkey, China fears the introduction of geopolitical control of the U.S.A. in the region of the Caspian Sea and American influence in a zone close to its borders. Another reason is the growing import of crude oil and oil products to China in recent years. Therefore, China has been trying to ensure access to oil and gas reserves of the Caspian Sea. China's geo-economic and geopolitical interest in the region, especially in its eastern part, will only increase.
China's policy in Central Asia has long gone beyond the limit of not only the Shanghai Five (China, Russia, Kazakhstan, Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan), but also crossed the Caspian Sea. China's interest in economic ties in the Caspian region is quite natural, and its initiatives are quite diverse. This explains the steps taken by China towards regional cooperation in combating international terrorism. China has been actively developing trade and economic ties with Kazakhstan, for
example, the trade turnover between the two countries accounts for more than $10 billion.
One of the major problems of the Caspian region is that of demilitarization. Increasing the naval power by all Caspian States is definitely a destabilizing factor. Russia has opposed demilitarization, because it is concerned with the threat of religious extremism and international terrorism, as well as the possibility of regional and local conflicts.
Currently, the economic and political issues of the region boil down to the problem of the delimitation of the Caspian Sea between the coastal states. The development of hydrocarbon deposits on the sea shelf and adjoining land areas, cargo transportation on water and land, as well as the exploitation of biological resources of the Caspian Sea are impossible without an internationally recognized division of its water surface and shelf between the coastal states.
Kazakhstan has agreed on the division of the Caspian Sea for the modified median line, insisting on allocation of maritime zone under the exclusive national jurisdiction and an additional fishing zone.
Russia has supported the position of Kazakhstan in relation to delimitation of the seabed and offered a limited 15-mile zone under the national jurisdiction of each state, leaving the middle of the sea and the water column under it for common use.
Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Russia have reached unity in signing bilateral and trilateral agreements on the delimitation of the Caspian Sea. Iran and Turkmenistan have remained out of the process.
Turkmenistan is ready to accept the position of the three states, but its conflict with Azerbaijan on the fields of Azeri and Chirag has prevented to reach an agreement. Each country has considered these fields as its own, and Azerbaijan has already started extracting. Iran
does not have substantial hydrocarbon reserves in its part of the sea, and that is why that country has been supported the common sea principle and division of the Caspian Sea into five equal sectors. Iran also proposes to establish a 20-mile zone along the median line for common economic activity and free shipping. It does not mind the 10-mile coastal zone under national jurisdiction.
Caspian oil and gas deposits can be considered the world's largest centers of hydrocarbon reserves. This important geo-economic factor has a significant impact on the balance of geopolitical forces in the Caspian region. Another important factor is that the Caspian Sea can be the main supplier of gas to Europe.
Among the factors that influence the formation of law enforcement policies of the Caspian Sea region are:
Geopolitical - access to the sea, availability of ports and state borders, and their geographical location near the Caspian Sea;
Resources - the presence or absence of oil and gas reserves in a part of the Caspian Sea belonging to one of the five states;
Environment - unique biological resources, flora and fauna of the Caspian Sea, the problem of their conservation and utilization;
Legal aspects - the creation of universal law enforcement mechanisms governing territorial disputes between the Caspian states.
We cannot ignore the fact that the Caspian region actually forms a common geopolitical space of Central Asia and the Caucasus.
Iran and Russia, as well as other Caspian states - Azerbaijan, Kazakhstan and Turkmenistan - have to solve problems of the international legal status of the Caspian Sea and regional security, the environment and biological resources, and to seek new ways of interstate economic cooperation and the development of the transport infrastructure and pipelines.
"Tysyacheletiya vokrug Kaspiya ", Astrakhan, 2013, pp. 99-107.
