The Birth of Europe (Essays on Works of L.P. Karsavin) Текст научной статьи по специальности «Философия, этика, религиоведение»

ТЕОЛОГИЯ КУЛЬТУРЫ

The Birth of Europe (Essays on Works of L.P. Karsavin)1

Alexander A. Klestov

The article is devoted to the formation of European civilization or "birth of Europe" according to J. Le Goff. In the 30-50s of the XX century this topic was substantiated in the school of "Annals" of M. Bloch and L. February, and more recently, thanks to the efforts of Jacques Le Goff, has gained fame and become one of the fundamental trends in historical science. The author illustrates the background to the theme of the formation of civilization through the works of Amable Jourdain, Charles G. Haskins, and Nicholay Jorgi. It shows the importance of the Petersburg school of Prof. I.M. Grevs in the formulation of the problem of religiosity. The author seeks to reveal in these Karsavin's works the meaning and characteristic features of the concepts: faith, religiosity, their manifestations in the orthodox and unorthodox religious currents of the epoch and why exactly Francis of Assisi, Angela of Foligno are highlighted by Karsavin as leading figures of the age of the beginning of European civilization. The author emphasizes the exceptional nature of the early 20 th century era for the Russian Empire, which undoubtedly influenced the scholarly activity of such a brilliant and distinguished historian Lev Platonovich Karsavin.

Keywords: The Birth of Europe, Francis of Assisi, Angela da Foligno, Saint Petersburg School of History, I.M. Grevs, L.P. Karsavin, Russian Empire

1 Очерк построен на материалах «Откровений бл. Анджелы из Фолиньо» в переводе Л.П. Карсавина, его магистерской и докторской диссертаций [15-17].

Рождение Бвропы (Очерк по материалам работ Л.П. Карсавина)

АЛ. Клестов

Статья посвящена становлению Европейской цивилизации или «рождению Европы» по Ж. Ле Гоффу. В 30-50-х гг. XX века тема получила обоснование в школе «Анналов» М. Блоха и А. Февра, и благодаря усилиям Жака Ле Гоффа, стала одним из фундаментальных направлений в исторической науке. Автор иллюстрирует предпосылки темы о становлении цивилизации по работам Амабля Журдена, Чарльза Г. Гастинса, Николая Иорги и строит исследование на материале трудов Льва П. Карсавина. Показывается значение петербургской школы проф. И.М. Гревса в постановке проблемы религиозности. Автор стремится раскрыть в карсавинских работах значение и характерные особенности понятий: вера, религиозность, их проявления в ортодоксальных и неортодоксальных религиозных течениях той эпохи; а также почему именно Франциск Ассизский, Анджела из Фолиньо выделены Карсавиным в качестве ведущих деятелей эпохи начал Европейской цивилизации. Автор подчеркивает исключительность эпохи начала XX в. для Российской империи, несомненно, повлиявшей на научную деятельность столь блестящего и выдающегося историка Льва Платонивича Карсавина.

Ключевые слова: Рождение Европы, Франциск Ассизский, Анджела да Фолиньо, петербургская школа истории, И.М. Гревс, Л.П. Карсавин, Российская империя

In the center of my interests was and is the question of the nature of religious life the epoch, about the main features of religiosity XII-XIII centuries. Is it correct my convergence of orthodox and hereti-

cal currents; the constructing the relationship of extreme and moderate religious and moral ideals and characterizing different sides of religious life [16, p.XIX-XX].

Jacques Le Goff and. the idea of the 'Birth of Europe'

Today Europe is in transition to a global perspective of life on earth. And the processes that make up the extent of man's religious acts in the new social, informational and other spaces look significantly different. Of course, on the whole, this is quite a positive fact, although it does create sometimes unforeseen collisions, and even serious fractures in a mass of human destinies, giving rise to difficult problems in society. Our task is to use the material of medieval religiosity in the 12th and 13th centuries in Italy to describe the specifics of the changes in Christianity on the way to the new civilization, to illustrate events and, if possible, to show how religious collisions were avoided back then so that we can try to make our lives more perfect. The starting point of the essay is Jacques Le Goffs 'The Birth of Europe', in which the author also appeals to us for a attentive and careful study of European civilization. He underline: 'It is that past which should not paralyze the present, but help it to be faithful to its heritage, but also to be different and innovative as it develops' [31, p. IX].

Indeed the problem of the formation of European civilization dates back to the beginning of the twentieth century. It has its origins, and finally took shape as a scientific trend by the middle of the century in the circle of historians of the journal 'Annals'. Same Le Goff cites Marc Bloch (1934) in this regard: 'The European world, as it is European, is a medieval creation which has almost in one fell swoop destroyed at least the relative integrity of Mediterranean civilization and indiscriminately thrown Romanized peoples into the melting pot along with others never conquered by Rome. This was the birth of Europe in terms of its

population... And since this time this European world has been enveloped in common currents ever since' [31, p. 2].

In the first lecture he gave at the Collège de France in 1944-1945. Lucien Febvre declared, referring to the role of Christianity in the formation of Europe: 'Throughout the Middle Ages (which must admit extends far into modernity) Christian civilization, now detached from its roots, projected continuous waves of influence across the undefined boundaries of a kaleidoscope of kingdoms' [31, p.2].

In these and similar conceptual bounds, ideas about the formation of European civilization in the 19th and 21st centuries have been developed. We can only add that in his monograph The Birth of Europe', Le Goff described and explained the result of many preconditions which, in fact, led to the idea of the rise of a new civilization in the Middle Ages. It is not just knowledge of history, but also the real development of Europe which is now dependent on the resolution of thisl problem. Actually, this research topic is the most widely recognized in the world, and many eminent scientists have been involved in its development. The impressive list of participants in the Preface to the book can be complemented by the following declaration by the author: The Birth of Europe series was initiated by five publishers, all of them of different nationalities and languages: Beck in Munich, Blackwell in Oxford, Critica in Barcelona, Laterza in Rome and Le Seuil in Paris. The aim of the series is to illuminate the story of Europe's beginnings, with all the advantages it has, without hiding its inherited problems. And the Birth of Europe series does not seek to leave anything out. Commitment to the European effort, Le Goff argues, must include knowledge of the past as well as a vision of the future. In fact, this is the condition that dictates this title [31, p. IX]. A call to explore the origins of European civilization was answered by the universities of Paris, Bologna, Oxford, Milan, Leuven, Cambridge, Harvard, the American National Academy of Sciences in the USA, the Polish Academy of Sciences and other scientific centers in Europe, America, Australia, Asia and Africa.

Now it is important for us to answer: Is it true that Europe has its origins in the Middle Ages, culminating in the 12th and 13th centuries? How does the birth of Europe coincide with Christian history, which has its origins in a different, Mediterranean civilization? After all, which scientific works in the past were the background to the problem and which authors helped to bring it into the main line of research? Let's begin with the last question.

We will focus our attention on perhaps one of the most prominent figures working on the twelfth and thirteenth century problem in Europe, the historian Lev Platonovich Karsavin, who wrote on Christian religiosity; we will touch on his time and the 'scientific school' at St Petersburg University in which this scientific theme was formed.

However, it should be made clear at the start that Karsavin was not the first to set out the problem. At least in the use of the notion 'religiosity' in contest of its problem. It is well known that the Moscow historian Vladimir Ivanovich Gherier, a senior contemporary of Karsavin, emphasized the importance of St Augustine's 'De civitate dei' for historical science and was the first to substantiate the idea of the 'City of God' as the basis of religious intensions in the 12th and 13th centuries [18].

Gherier writes: 'Katerina's religiosity had the same character as Francis'; it was based on the same idea of following Christ (sequela Christi), in the literal and moral sense as Francis understood it <...>. Through Katerina's religious exaltation one can hear the virginal love of her pure and naive soul for Christ, which lends an unusual femininity to her mystical idealism' [2, p. 9].

Note that later, in the 1950s, the eminent historian Claudio Leonardi, speaking of the inner knowledge of God as the high point of the 12 th century period, also put forward similar ideas to those expressed by Leo Karsavin in his dissertations: 'The 12th century, from Anselm of Canterbury to Francis of Assisi, is a time when God was not far or near. It was a time when the hidden God wasing known (I

mean his theological discovery), a time marked by the realization of what is contained in the deepest experience of the soul. What in the Christian tradition of the East we find in Simeon the New Theologian, in the 10th-11th century, is carried. out in the West in the 12th century' [27, p. 537]. However, more about Leonardi and the similarities between his doctrine and Karsavin's ideas will be discussed in more detail below.

By far the most significant pre-requisite for posing the problem of the birth of European civilization was the Critical Study on the Time and Place of the Latin Translations of Aristotle, done in Paris by Amable Jourdain in 1814-1818. It was a breakthrough into the unexplored world of the Middle Ages, which has shattered our understanding of the millennium and is indeed a turning point in the study of the period. We can only admire such an extraordinary scientific feat by Amable Louis-Marie Breschelier Jourdain, for whom this work was, sadly, his last. Jourdain gave a thorough and detailed account of the unique material, one might say miraculously preserved in the Royal Library, after the pogroms and lootings of the revolutionary Parisians. Jourdain noted the demand for Stagirite (Greek philosophy) in science. And this was no accident! He was well aware of the importance of the chosen line of research. The fate of Aristotle in the Ptolemaic oikoumene of the Mediterranean still seems amazing to us today! And in Jourdain it is fully realized as the diversity of Aristotelianism spilling over from the Greek world to the East and West of the Mediterranean, if only in the form of the Toledo's translation breakthrough' in a kaleidoscope of languages and translatio studiorum. 'Christian Europe, as well as neighboring Greece, where the language of Aristotle was always in use, the scientist Spain, in which the sciences shone with great brilliancy in the empire of the Moors; the numerous connections with Egypt and Syria through the Crusades; the knowledge of the Greek language preserved in the West by some scientists; the great number of synagogues in the Mediterranean regions; finally, the capture of

Constantinople by the Latins - these events joined together, to which should be added the writings on Aristotle by Cicero, Marcus Victorinus, St. Augustine, and Boetius - alternate, are transposed in such a wide field of life, that it is difficult to make an accurate picture of that rapid movement of philosophy, if we do not enter into depths of the studied material" [29, p. 4-5].

In case of the Jourdain we are talking about an era in which new ideas about social, cultural and economic relations were being forged, about the paths of Europe, relationship of rational constructions of thought that had grown up in many Mediterranean oikoumens; It is a question of new and ancient linguistic cultures joined in translations into a single knowledge, of Aristotelis Latinus, as an intellectu^ extension as a 'sign' of Mediterranean civilization in a global movement towards Europe. At present, themes with Aristotelis Latinus almost dominate intellectual history publications in Old Europe, the Americas and Asia.

Although at the beginning of the 20th century we knew the names of a limited number of scholars involved in pursuing the cause of the great French historian, e.g. C. Marquesi, J-P. Lucquet, M. Steinschneider, M. Grabmann, U. Chevalier, T.E. Sanders, J. Lacombe. The real advancement of research in this direction began after 1930, when the Polish Academy of Arts and Sciences put forward the idea of Latin Aristotelism as a supporting structure in the building of European civilization and suggested that Aristotelis Latinus translations be published in the Corpus Philosophorum Medii Aevi series. The idea was taken up at the University of Louvain in Belgium, and intensive research into this new direction of history began after the war in 1946.

As well as Jourdain, an author who has had a major influence on the setting up of the idea of European civilization is the American media historian Charles H. Haskins and his work The Renaissance of the Twelfth Century'. This fundamental work opened the 12th century in new

hypostases: the renovation of classical Latin literature, the birth of translation and literature in volgare, scientific literature, chronicles, sumes, compendiums; and the rise of school education in Paris, Bologna, Toledo, Toulouse, Cambridge and Padua. Haskins showed the natural emergence of the university - a new and truly medieval centre of learning, where knowledge of theology, philosophy (sciences and arts), medicine, law rose to unprecedented heights. Such a period of history he called the 12th century Renaissance: 'This century - that age of St Bernard and his mule -was in many ways a century of young and vigorous life. The age of the Crusades, the rise of cities and the earliest bureaucracies of the states of the West; it saw the culmination of Romanesque art and the birth of the Gothic; the emergence of literature in popular languages, the revival of Latin classics, Latin poetry of Latin law, the recovery of Greek science with its Arabic additions as well as much of Greek philosophy and the rise of the first European universities' [30, p. 6].

Although the author recalls that the Middle Ages were slow to record the many different events and surprises of life, and the matter was often confined to a meagre record. The modern historian must carefully synthesize not only the known sources, but also the conflicting opinions of his ancient and contemporary colleagues so that his work does not look like a work of art with only his identified facts and events but, if possible, an accurate account of history, in which material - even uncontroversial sui generis - will acquire not only an authorial tone, but also expresses the time period. For example, Haskin's definition: renaissance -for the 12 th century - if you take it beyond the civilizations in the history of the Middle Ages, becomes no more than a very artificial generalization. And in this regard, Haskins continually emphasizes the link between the early and late Middle Ages; he focuses on such material features of the eras as, for example, in architecture - the evolution of the style of churches or fortified construction, the character of the city; in writing - the type of text or manuscript writing;

the specificity of monastic libraries and university book depositories; translation, as a form of intellectual activity, on the genres of art; finally, the logic of scientific judgment notes what has been characteristic, for example, of philosophical and theological knowledge - an approach to Aristotle and to tradition in search of a criterion of truth for the present and even for the future. One could say that Haskins is a successor to Amable Jourdain, with adjustments to the research base in the 20th century. He writes:

'The perception of Aristotle's New Logic by the middle of this century [12th century] tipped the heavy weight towards dialectic in the balance of the liberal arts, and the disparity increased as the corpus Aristotelis continued to recover. With so much logic and philosophy there was little time to learn, and even less time for a leisurely exploration of literature. Logic was in the saddle and literature had to give way. A new generation of masters, like the famous "Cornificians", who pride themselves on brevity and a minimum of grammar, like the Bolognese rhetoricians, teach rhetoric without wasting time on Cicero. Classical authors (autores) are taking a back seat to the arts (artes). Although [once] the cathedral schools of Chartres and Orléans gave much space to authors, [now] authors are disappearing from the curricula of the new universities. Already in 1215 they were definitely absent from the art course in Paris, and the more complete syllabus 1255 prescribes only Donatus and Priscian from the Latin writers; the emphasis is on the new versions of Aristotle' [30, p.98].

So, after all the illustrations, at the end, it is impossible not to quote Nicholas Jorge's most important work, The History of Byzantium'. Although the problems and events of history it covers the entire period of the Middle Ages and the entire extent of the Byzantine Empire, they go beyond the scope of studies on the beginnings of European civilization. The fact of the Byzantine Empire is unique in itself, as is its reflection in the great historian's brilliant work. Nicholas Jorge's 'History of Byzantium' identifies many moments in the civilization of Europe, their connection

with ancient Byzantium, which in the 12th and 13th centuries was already receding from the historical scene following the Mediterranean civilization. But in the beginning the sun was high over Byzantium and the wind was blowing at his back. 'Already the venerable Polybius mentions the superiority of the city of Byzantium in which the peoples of the Black Sea region were supplied with wheat, honey, wax, oil, salt, expensive furs and salted meat, while the Greek cities by the sea themselves supplied fish in abundance. Vast fields of wheat surrounded the city. It was like a trifinium [junction of three lands] between Thrace, to which it barely belonged, Asia Minor and Pontus. The lord of Constantinople naturally possessed the islands of the Archipelago which connect the coast of Thrace with the coast of Asia; Hellespont, Crete is the key to the road leading to the African continent. This was the centre of the imperial East; militarily, economically and culturally it is an incomparable capital' [28, p. 19].

At the end of a short review, we turn again to the book The Birth of Europe, where, in the chapter on Christianity, Le Goff gives the following definition for the 12 th and 13 th centuries: 'I define this period as the time when people became aware of the great leap of the Middle Ages and the change of values, as the time when heavenly values came down to earth. I think that of all the possible responses to the challenge that generated this progress in the face of the early Middle Ages, Latin Christianity - without abandoning the teaching of 'contempt for the world' (contemptus mundi) that persisted long into the future - chose to address the earthly world insofar as it was compatible with the Christian faith' [31, C.150]. The words, unfortunately spoken just in the form of a declarative statement. We will try to develop the thesis of those very times, according to Le Goff, "when heavenly values came down to earth", on the materials of the master's and doctoral dissertations and the translation of the Revelations of Bl. Angela of Foligno" by L. Karsavin under the general title: 'On the Nature of Religious Life in the 12th and 13th Centuries Primarily in Italy'.

Lev Karsavin on the nature of religious life in the 12th and 13th centuries (Mainly in Italy)

We are talking about the last decades of the Russian Empire; about Professor Lev Platonovich Karsavin, historian and Rector of the Imperial University of St Petersburg, and his search for a way out of the difficult conditions of scientific life in the declining Empire to at least reduce the imminent fractures in the fate of scientists and their communities in Russia. We are also talking about the movement of Europe into a global perspective of planetary life in major elements similar to those once experienced by the Mediterranean on its way to Europe. We will focus on the St Petersburg period of Karsavin's life and work. In the Russian Empire, Karsavin was a historian of medieval Europe par excellence, who discovered the period of religious activity of peoples on the continent. And like Jourdain, Haskins, Karsavin is a forerunner of the ideas of the birth of European civilization in the Middle Ages. We would like to develop this thesis further. Karsavin's interest in the religious movement, especially the Franciscan movement, began during his years at university and then developed among the participants in seminars with Prof. Ivan Mikhailovich Grevs, as he himself says in an article on Speculum Perfectionis [13-14 and 32]. He publishes material on this unique Franciscan monument in the Journal of the Ministry of Public Education, and, it should be noted, without specifying why such an unusual topic for Russian science at the time is taken. Except that we will take into account his very critical argument that the 'Speculum Perfectionis' published by Paul Sabatier is a late compilation and that he [Karsavin] has the task to 'determine the character and historical value of the [Franciscan] - spiritual tradition... Only then will it be possible to construct a true history of Francis and the Franciscans' [13, p. 20-21]. It is surprising, but but perhaps, it was that he was a student of the famous historian I. M. Grevs, a participant in his seminars, and was left at the university to prepare for his

academic work? Although, of course, these arguments are unlikely to make much sense. But here, indeed, Grevs has drawn serious attention to the young scholar's penchant for studying medieval religiosity in Europe and he had the appropriate training for such a job. 'Speculum Perfectionis' is one of the most complex and one of the most important documents of the history of the Order of Friars Minor [Franciscans] and this case requires painstaking work with sources2. So, on the recommendation of Grevs, the research topic was expanded to the possible limits, and Karsavin was allowed to prepare the first major work in Italy. He interrupts his work on Speculum... and in 1910 takes up on the history of religiosity mainly in Italy. It seems we should concentrate on the positions of the doctrine of Grevs, which determined the nature of Karsavin's scientific work in this St Petersburg period of his scientific activity. As early as 1902, in his lectures Grevs said that history develops according to its own internal laws and that the process of the formation of historical memory' takes place in the form of a 'genetic cohesion' of a multitude of disparate elements. The understanding of the unity of the elements or the synthesis of historical events implies a 'conceivable connection' of the interlocking parts, where the connection of thought and feeling goes towards determining the 'common force' that prompts the recognition of one and a multiplicity of elements'3.

2 'He pCarsavinJ deepens a detailed analysis of the sources on the history

of Franciscanism. From this several essays have formed which do not exhaust the complex question...but give his [Karsavin's] elaboration a peculiar direction. "detailed analysis of the sources on the history of Franciscanism. From this several essays have formed, which do not exhaust the complex question...but give his [Karsavin's] elaboration a peculiar direction' [7, p. 1-2].

3 Cf. 'A scientific understanding of internal history is expressed in the

recognition of it as a natural phenomenon, occurring as a process developing genetically, so that its individual moments arise from one another and meshing together as links of one whole, which can be called a world history or world-^&to^d. evolution' [5, p. 3-4].

But how is the movement of thought towards a 'common force' carried out? Grevs argues that man, when he

sees the change of historical facts, when he becomes convinced of the infinite variability of historical forms, he learns "to question history" and "to seek in it insights into how the present has developed from the past in order to better act on this present, knowing how it has grown; in other words, by delving into the past, he [the new man] finds 'inspiration in the idea that by reproducing the past he also serves the present and the future' [5, p. 60-62]. In this way, he rushes towards the 'general force' of the past that is before him. From here on, if we talk about the connection between the past and the present, then, in a sense, the past is in front of us, if the inspired historian connects the present and the past in thought into something whole. Further, in colours and colours Grevs speaks out in the introductory article to the translation of Heinrich Eucken's The History and System of Medieval Worldview'. But first, he insists that Aiken's history of the Middle Ages as a 'system of worldview' is no more than an 'a priori philosophical and theological' study, which is a 'consciously constructed ideology by the mind'. It is based on medieval litteratores' in the sciences and in theology. But there are other forces at work and these are the 'religious movements of the masses', in which 'the unconscious search for the meaning of life and the discovery of ways to it apart from the will, the exciting prospects of the future, instinctive experience and folk wisdom, the promptings of the heart and the desires of conscience, collective enthusiasm and its imperative illusion - all are without doubt powerful motives that strain the activity of knowledge. They bear abundant fruit in the souls of individuals and groups, which become important stones in the construction of the image of the universe' [4, p. X-XI].

The teacher's expressions about the 'common force', the 'past that serves the present' and the 'religious movements of the masses' could not go unnoticed. The lectures were discussed in seminars. And in 1911, in the book To the twenty-fifth anniversary of the scientific and pedagogi-

cal activity of Ivan Mikhailovich Grevs', his students analyzed in articles the ideas and statements from Grevs' lectures and seminars. Karsavin makes an article on The Magnates of the End of the Roman Empire (Life and Religion)'. He describes the unity of the Religious consciousness' of the clergy of the church, the magnates - the inheritors of the Roman Empire and the 'religious masses' of the people. In the interval between the 4th and 8th centuries the dogmas of the Church are formed and so 'a part of the contradictory opinions are isolated and crystallized into dogma, becoming under the protection of councils and tradition' and the Church teaching is made 'unavailable for original philosophical and theological consideration' [12, p. 1]. Karsavin, however, is interested in the inner religious and philosophical side of the life of individuals and groups of Christians at the end of the Roman Empire. Karsavin makes an article on The Magnates of the End of the Roman Empire (Life and Religion)'. He describes the unity of the 'religious consciousness' of the clergy of the church, the magnates - the inheritors of the Roman Empire ^d foe 'religious masses' of the people. In the interval between the 4th and 8th centuries the dogmas of the Church are formed and 'a part of the contradictory opinions are isolated and crystallized into dogma, becoming under the protection of councils and tradition' and the Church teaching is made 'unavailable for original philosophical and theological consideration [12, p. 1]. Karsavin, however, is interested in the inner religious and philosophical side of the life of individuals and groups of Christians at the end of the Roman Empire. When the church takes over the upper classes of the nobility of semi-pagan societies, then the life of the magnates spills over into forms of religious moderation and contentment with their position. The living and deep faith that was the meaning of the life of the ancient Christian was then reduced to rather shallow judgments and feelings. 'Satisfaction with secular and even pagan interests in connection with the superficiality of his mental life, caused the absence of burning enquiries of the mind, makes

understandable the absence in Sidonius of religious needs, which are not even hinted at in his writings. He has not anywhere indications of a thirst for prayer and faith. Nowhere do we see traces of the faithful companion of a deep religious life - doubt and the workings of religious thought. His worldview is bright, cheerful and not clouded by the shadow of mysticism. His faith is the faith of the fathers. He believes without thinking, without feeling the need for faith, without doubting its dogmas, even without knowing them well. But he mention prayers, the need for religion' [12, p. 41].

Magnates like Claudius Rutilius, Ausonius, Sidonius Apollinarius, by simplifying and leveling Christian spirituality and mixing it with the pagan cultural and religious tradition, prepared the merging of the church with popular religiosity, i.e. the magnate bishops combined the 'unconscious search for the meaning of life and in addition to the will to discover ways to it' according to Grevs-Karsavin with the cult and 'dogmatic tradition of the church', not leading, however, to unity, but perhaps to some relative unity in the time of Gregory the Great. In fact, this was the prerequisite for a new religiosity at the time of the renaissance of Benedictine spirituality in the 8th century. 'The Romanized magnates' - writes Karsavin - 'who in the world longed for religious life or sought a resolution of questions of conscience and faith, forming the core of church life, at this time merged old sentiments with new Christian ones or old ancient philosophical teachings with the new teachings of Christ, adapting a paganized Christianity to the environment in which it had to develop, from which they themselves emerged' [12, p. 62].

We see in Karsavin's descriptions a desire to rely on the idea of a "genetic interlocking" of heterogeneous Christian and pagan elements; his attempts to provide a rationale for the extent of religiosity in the early Middle Ages, using the example of Romanized magnates, their religious and ideological illusions, literary preferences, tastes and habits. This was noted by I. M. Grevs in his review of Karsavin's master's thesis [7, p. 1-2]. Such a way leads

Karsavin to a new understanding of the structure of scholarly research on religiosity.

In his master's thesis "Essays on religious life in the 12th and 13th centuries', Karsavin surveys the textual landscape of religious life, shapes the "religious foundation" in 'genetic interlockings' and perspectives, in the movement of 'masses of believers', draws portraits of the founders. As the author himself declares: 'In studying religious life, it was impossible not to dare to study as a whole. In connection with my interests oriented towards religiosity of the general public, towards the religiosity of the masses' [16, p.XVI]. Indeed, in the 12th century religious life in Italy became more intense; it is more widespread in sectarian movements such as the Cathars, the Arnoldists, the Waldensians and the Leonists. The 13th century saw the birth of the Mendicant Orders, which marked the whole transition period, and religious organizations of the laity emerged. Karsavin traces the links between religion and morality in urban situations. The main motifs behind the "rise of religiosity" in the 12th-13th centuries are the idea of the salvation of the soul, intricately interwoven with asceticism, the socio-economic demands of communities and groups of believers, joining with women's spirituality and not only in Italy; the religiosity of the laity and the 'sequela Christi' walk together in attachment to the church and in the fight against heresy. A special feature of the Master's thesis is the extensive use of sources from the epoch, quoting them in Russian and in the original.

In his doctoral dissertation The foundations of medieval religiosity in the 12 th and 13th centuries, mainly in Italy', Karsavin defines the concepts of religiosity, faith, mysticism and their existence in the context of the transition to a new civilization. He explores the phenomena of religiosity and faith of the ' middle man', the 'masses of believing' people, based on the textual landscape of 'Essays on Medieval Religiosity...', emphasizes the 'rise of religiosity' as a way out of ancient civilization; the 'expectation of salvation', an intellectual rebirth with reference to Augustine,

Boetius, Isidore of Seville and the moral concepts of Gregory the Great and to the basis of the canon law of Innocent III, and the Digestes of Justinian; emphasizes the birth of a new understanding of the body, based on medical knowledge from the East; He defines the significance of the orthodox Franciscan and Dominican movements and the relationship between faith and mysticism; he describes and defines the features of the moral ideal and its rootedness in ancient ethics; finally he re-emphasizes the positive role of the Catholic Church in the Middle Ages.

The translation of "The Revelations of Bl. Angela...' into Russian at the beginning of the 20th century - an unexpected event in the literature of the declining Russian Empire; the final stage of Karsavin's activity in St Petersburg; "The Revelations of Bl. Angela...' is a kind of symbol and central testimony to the birth of European civilization in the Middle Ages.

The religiosity of the 'masses of believers' and the phenomenon of the 'middle man's' faith

Karsavin defines faith as 'the aggregate of positions and dogmas accepted as truth by the believer' [17, p. 3-4]. Religiosity is the same as faith, taken from the side of the believer's consciousness and mental experience; In this case, Karsavin don't say that he [man] believes, but how he believes. In this way the subjective and static side of the same faith is distinguished, where the religious is recognized in man as that which his faith represents from the mental side. Religiosity, like faith, can be both orthodox and unorthodox. 'Religiosity is that state of mind or mental structure, - defines Karsavin, - in connection with which there are subjectively important for man provisions of his faith, which are thereby made the positions of his religiosity. Religious is that thing in faith which is linked with man's life in religion, without which he cannot do without, which manifests itself in all his thought and activity, and not only is accepted or assumed as truth' [17, p. 5].

Religiosity represents not only what we think in faith, but also what we feel and evaluate in our own and others' actions; religiosity is the mental extension of thought, feeling and value orientations into the space of personal life. In this sense, Karsavin highlights the moral component, which reveals man's orientation towards his well-being, towards and in the measure of his contact with people and things. Religiosity hence includes the living and creative elements of all personality. Religiosity, 'as if it moves the life of man, as if it determines his behavior, the meanderings of his thoughts and feelings, is reflected in a variety of combinations with other aspects of his being' [17, p. 6]. In this form, religiosity acts as a cultural component of the religious fund, which has its own dynamics of change. The religious foundation accumulates the individualized consciousnesses and acts of individuals, revealing themselves, under certain conditions, as the reactions of a single person or group, as a set of skills in language, feeling, thought. Karsavin gives the following definition which is important for understanding the course of his further reasoning: "The religious foundation is drawn to me as a totality of known properties in some definite proportion and in a definite relation to one another" [17, p. 11, 15]. Karsavin seeks to develop the process of the formation of historical memory ... in the form of a genetic interlocking of a multitude of elements' according to Grevs [5, p. 3-4] in the dynamics of changes in the religious fund, highlighting individuals, groups and movements with certain qualities, in a certain proportion and in the known relationship to each other. But in what way? In the dynamics of change, Karsavin distinguishes between the extreme elements of proportionality, something of middle proportionality, as a type of religiously and morally conditioned behavior of the believer or group of believers. The bearer or bearers of the medium-proportional elements is referred to by the scientist as the 'middle man', the 'middle group', etc., of the general religious foundation, i.e. 'a number of middle men are like a number of systems built on different bases, partly

from the same elements' [17, p. 12]. This forms a dynamically changing, branching and tapering religious epoch in time and space. Of course, this does not imply homogeneity of elements, but it does, however, at least show the moral unity of the conscious activity of the middle men in the variety of forms of their religious expression. And this makes it possible for Karsavin to identify kindred elements of conscious striving in the historical, cultural, metaphysical and mystical dynamics of the 12-13th century, the essence of which is expressed approximately in the following: the need for moral purity of the individual and the Church, asceticism and 'sequela Christi' , the reform of the Church, the revival of righteous Christian life, the rise of metaphysical and mystical attitudes among the mass of believers, the revival of the Apostolate, and finally, the struggle against heresy. Among the religious movements Karsavin singles out the Franciscans. In doing so, he concentrates particularly on characterizing the personality of St Francis and his early brotherhood.

It is certain, then, that the Italian situation at the time had an impact on the choice of the son of the merchant Pietro Bernardone - Francis, i.e. the fact that there was liberation of the social climate and an intensification of communal transformations in the cities, the strengthening of commercial activity and trade relations, the striving for military glory and asceticism of the laity, which never seem to have disappeared and were very much in evidence, but have now only increased. So after many doubts, prayers and ecstatic visions, Francis decides to begin a life of penance. It was an impulse that suddenly determined his destiny at the icon of the Saviour in San Damiani Church when he heard the Lord say, Trancis, go and rebuild my house'. Such an impulse required him to renounce the world completely, to live a modest (poor) life, to be willing to help the infirm and the sick and to preach Christian doctrine. Karsavin emphasizes the difference between the religious aspirations of Francis, for example, and Peter Wald, the founder of the Waldensians movement in France. Fran-

cis did not set out to preach the truths of the Gospel in order to contrast them with the teaching and experience of the church, 'A humble layman, he [Francis] could not aspire to this. He set himself a different aim, though similar to that of Walden - an edification, aedificatio, a call to repentance of sins' [16, p. 302]. Not because secular life offered no hope of salvation, but because the religious impulse that had gripped him could not be contained within its confines. Francis' impulse is in outward flowing out of the inwardly striving for the pious life, in the characteristic reactions of the religiousness of the age, with the difference that in him it is a striving which has seized him in the whole mass of feelings and thoughts, which excludes any splitting of faith and reason. This impulse was not a one-time event, but consisted of many visions and actions: on the bridge of San Giovanni, at the icon of the Saviour in the church of San Damiani, and once, when meeting a leper. It was a difficult period of spiritual renewal of the believer's faith and mind. Karsavin follows the canvas of events and looks into the spiritual life of the ascetic, according to 'Legenda Prima' and 'Legenda Trium Sociorum': 'It was not thinking, but feeling that guided Bernardone's son. He did not think of priests, but of God. Having humbled himself before the great king, he - homo simplex et idiota - seems to have remained with his head bowed, literally and naively understanding the commandment of humility' [16, p. 301-302].

Living faith appears here as the highest point of his religious and moral sentiments. Imitating and following Christ was not so much an idea for Francis as a free expression of his will to do good in humility, in keeping the commandments in small things, in prayer, in showing mercy, in love and spiritual joy. At first, we even find it difficult to determine what in this homo simplex et idiota faith is traditional and what is religious innovation. 'Drawn to Christ, he [Francis] was imbued with His image and soul, and from here, at least in part, grew an imitation of Him, more strongly expressed in the new elements of the inherited religious foundation' [16, p.349].

And to conclude the beginnings of Franciscan religiosity, Karsavin emphasizes again: 'Francis is of an exceptionally religious nature. But all the elements of his nature are not difficult to find in modernity. So he brings us into the religious life of the masses, allows us to feel the powerful power of traditional faith and traditional cult' [16, p.302].

A large part of what we have to say about Francis definitely refers to his fraternal movement. This refers mainly to the brotherhood before the Order of Friars Minor was approved by Pope Innocent III (no bull, 1210), i.e. 'a group of middle class people, not too dark and not too enlightened' [16, p. XVII]. These brothers assert themselves more decisively in their faith and are most receptive to the religious and moral value orientations proposed by Francis. 'These are all traditional manifestations of religious feeling, but only more deeply experienced' [16, p. 313]. We are approaching in our theme the phenomenon of the middle man's faith, if I may say so. We see in the famous story of the hungry brother the same emotional experience of Francis as we see in other cases, such as the legend of the leper's kiss. These manifestations of the ascetic's charity, become factors of faith and religious and moral feeling in Karsavin's descriptions. In turn, they also show us the way of possible explanations of the term, the middle man' [7, p.13]4. However, let us turn to Karsavin. According to 'Speculum Perfectionis' and 'Legenda trium sociorum' he cites the case of the hungry brother:

'One day in the first time of the fraternity, 'at night all the brothers were asleep, about midnight one of them began to shout, 'I'm dying! Dying!' Rising up, Bl. Francis said:

4 It is well known that the concept of the 'middle man' was severely criticized by Prof. Grevs: 'Francis of Assisi is no radical at all. His strength

and originality lie not in the exaggeration of commonplace traits and attractions, but in the marvelous richness and peculiar combination of qualities inaccessible to the common man. Francis is a genius; and genius and the masses (the hero and the crowd, as they used to say) are not only two images that differ from each, other, but two very special phenomena'. See: [7, p. 13].

'Arise, brothers, and shine the light!' And when the lights came on, he said: 'Who said: 'Dying'? The brother said: 'That's me'. And Francis said to him: 'What's the matter with you, brother? How is it that you're dying?' And he said, "I'm starving". Then Blessed Francis ordered the table to be prepared and, as a man full of love and understanding, he himself ate with his brother, so that he would not be embarrassed to eat alone. At the saint's request, all the other brothers ate as well' [16, p. 313].

Love for God and sequela Christi turns to compassion for the hungry brother and a desire to give them moral and real help. Francis's act is a manifestation of his living faith, and Karsavin justifies this position with the following references: 'Truth is at once 'verum' and 'bonum', and St. Bona-venture comes to faith by an effort of the will - 'Fides non est aliud nisi habitus, quo intellectus noster volumtarie captivatur in obsequiam Christi'. Consequently, faith is 'the beginning of all virtues and righteousness'. 'A caritate fides informatur'. Thomas Aquinas confirms this thought. The right faith must be guarded by good works - 'fides iustiam opere servare' [17, p.176].

Karsavin draws a similar conclusion or even justification for the spiritual peripeteia and struggles of the mind, which became for him a kind of sign and a moral measure of the transitional epoch: Theologians feel the unity of faith and good works. "Veritas" for them often coincides with "bonitas" ... and the will of the righteous, seeking the good, seeks the truth. The best way to know God, this is not by mental acuity but by the righteousness of life, and the "norma dei" is known not by reason but through godliness. Bernard of Clairvaux put the contemplation of Christ at the center of religiosity. And this contemplation itself gives rise to good works' [17, p. 176].

So, 'the knowledge of God is best attained not by mental acuity, but by the righteousness of life' becomes for Karsavin a measure of the 'convergence of orthodox and heretical movements', in which the 'norma dei' is defined by the connection between 'veritas' and 'bonitas', and it testi-

fies to one's belonging to the truth of the Christian church 'not by his doctrine, but by his life' [17, p. 177]. The problem posed by Karsavin about the nature of religious life as a problem of 'whether the convergence of orthodox and heretical currents is correct' [16, c. XIX-XX] finds a quite positive solution in St. Francis' group of believers, for this period of the formation of a new civilization.

The other side of the problem opens up 'in the relationship between extreme and moderate religious and moral ideals' [16, p. XIX-XX], where the 'moderate ideal' suggests a moderate or middle measure in evaluating the acts of the believer, i.e. it suggests, according to Karsavin, the 'middle man', as a religiously and morally grounded norm. By the way, in the following statement he mentions Bernard of Clairvaux. Indeed, our scholar is not alone in speaking of the 'middle man'. Still St. Bernard, in his 'Exhortations to Pope Eugene III,' wrote: 'Be whole, don't be more little yourself and don't more exalt yourself, don't get ahead of yourself and don't rush from side to side. Stay in the middle if you don't want to lose your measure. The middle is reliable. She is the saddle of measure, and measure is virtue. To the wtee, to be out of measure means to be in exile' [19, p. 271].

Bernard's expression corresponds to concept of the 'middle' - a category in Aristotle's 'Nicomachean Ethics'-known to Christians by John Cassian and Maximus the Confessor [1, p.103-110], and in the early thirteenth century by translations of the Nicomachean Ethics into Latin [20, p. 136-151]. So the source for Karsavin's notion of the 'middle' could be, the words of Bernard of Clairvaux, whose writings he knew well and quoted extensively, as well as the expressions of the church fathers on this subject. In addition, Professor E.L. Radlov, Karsavin's colleague at the university and in scientific publications in 1918-1922, was an acknowledged translator of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics in St. Petersburg academic circles, and it is very possible that Karsavin was familiar with his translation, although he does not mention it in his dissertations. According to Radlov, the concept of the 'middle' as a virtue in

the 'Nicomachean Ethics' songs as follows: 'So, virtue is an

intentional [conscious] acquired quality of the soul, consisting of a subjective middle and determined by reason, and, moreover, defined as a prudent man would have defined it, the middle of two evils - excess and deficiency. Moreover, it is also because vice oversteps the boundaries of what is proper in affect and action - now in relation to excess, now in relation to deficiency; virtue finds and chooses the middle' [23, p. 31].

Of course, the notion the 'middle man' belongs to

Karsavin. There is no doubt about it, but it is strange that it was not accepted by I. M. Grevs. And now, a hundred years later, one can only wonder why, given the obvious historical facts concerning the ethical component of the concept of the 'middle men', a discussion between Grevs and Karsavin could arise. Although, it is possible to refer to the exceptionally busy wartime in St. Petersburg, on the spirit of fear of impending upheaval, not conducive to research activities. But we also care about the following: 'is the correlation of the relationship between extreme and moderate religious and moral ideals correct'? [16, p. 334]. In his study of religiosity in the transition from Mediterranean civilization, Karsavin distinguished and defined Franciscan religious and moral ideals as 'moderate' or 'middle', although he does not point to Aristotle (Radlov's translation), John Cassian, Maximus the Confessor, but he knew well the writings of St. Bernard of Clairvaux. We can assume that Karsavin had a good sense, so to speak, of the historical Latin and Greek 'background material' and he had no doubts about the idea of the middle, the middle position and the middle man. In this case his conclusions are the same as, or similar to, those of Bernard of Clairvaux.

Francis is a homo simplex et idiota, - whose faith is traditional, whose crowning act is the sequela Christi, he is a believer with exceptionally expressed religious and moral qualities, in him the very thought of imitating Christ was a living faith, it took over his whole being without rest. He fully professed the ideal hominem evangelicum in feelings,

thoughts, and actions; Francis restored the ancient Christian truth to preach by example more than by word' [16, p. 334], and from the religious-ethical side, he is a phenomenon of the faith of the 'middle man'. It connects

European civilization with the ancient Mediterranean in our study.

The guide in life and preaching for the saint of Assisi was the Gospel, it so that his brother, his follower, should himself become 'homo evangelicus' [16, p. 336-337] In the kaleidoscope of acts of the brotherhood after 1210, when its number increased, the geographical area of preaching expanded, are distinguished features of the structure - two poles of separated groups emerged: one pole - the guardians of his [Francis'] covenants and closest associates [Aegidius, Bernard, Rufinus, Angelo, Masseo, Ginepro, Leo (Leone) ] as well as second and third generation brothers; the other pole is created from the fratres scientiatis et litteratis, who already in 1215 constituted a significant group. Karsavin describes this fact as fratres simplices et fratres scientiatis:

'Next to or above the fratres simplex, along with a group of Francis' closest disciples, was another group -litterati. The new aliens had time to fall in love with secular science before joining the Order, to get involved in it; it was hard for them to escape her charms, no matter how strong their fascination with new ideas. The fervor of the first fascination passed, and in the fratres simplices the instincts and skills of the past resurfaced; in the fratres litteratis - the longing for abandoned science. Celano, in his spirit, was very close to the group of Francis' closest disciples, and felt and understood well the image and ideals of the saint. But he is organically incapable of closing his eyes to the charms of rhetoric, and to babble in incoherent zelot language' [16, p.426].

Among the fratres simplices, a new literary genre is created, The Little Flowers of St. Francis', describing the

spiritual journey of Francis and his first companion brothers. 'Floral' literature in the eyes of medieval man is the

most artistically expressive. And it really does. This literature grows from below, from an account of the spiritual exploits of Francis and a close associate of his. As if in imitation of the noble troubadour knights of Provence, who wove lush and magnificent wreaths of sonnets - 'flowers' about the valor and strength of arms, the beauty of the ladies, the high wisdom of kings, the companions carefully collected accounts of the miracles, apparitions, and spiritual battles that St. Francis waged. The brothers compiled, however, not Svreaths' of glory, but rather 'bouquets' from legends -form Tittle flowers' addressed to a man defeated and in need of support. They gave a special mystical meaning to the words and deeds of Francis and never forgot in the 'Little Flowers' their main goal - to preach salvation [23, p. XXIX].

After Francis' death, many felt the irreplaceable loss and the need to share memories of the teacher with others. He first among them was brother Leo (Leone), the saint's secretary and confessor. So if Pope Gregory IX a little earlier initiated a stream of writings culminating in the hagio-graphic literature on Francis then in this case the first brothers themselves, after the death of the saint, sought to record what they remembered; in 1227 Br. Leo composed the "Mirror of the Perfection of St. Francis of Assisi' [Speculum Perfectionis S. Francisci Assisiensis]. In 1246 the same br. Leo, br. Rufinus and br. Angelo Tancredi wrote a joint memoir that was later called the 'Legenda of the Three Companions' [Legenda Trium sociorum]. Finally, they recognized who they were to St. Francis and who he was to them. The first brothers tell the story from the beginning, from the birth of Francis, as if imitating the Gospel story. They turn every deed, word, utterance, fold of his clothes into a testimony ...nos qui cum eo fuimus5 as they themselves point out in a letter to the Minister General br. Crescenzio d'Esio on the subject of these recollections [23, p.XXIII-XXIV].

5 (lat.) We who were with him.

Fratres litteratis are as well representated. They renew the intellectual ideals of the evangelical life to the heights of university theology, history, and every other science. Since the middle of the 13 th century we find in literature all kinds of mirrors, legends, sums, hagiographies, chronicles, books of mystical revelations, the great Franciscans Bonaventure, Dante Alighieri, and Raymond Lullius, incorporating into their quest thousands of years of Christian experience, complete the history of Mediterranean civilization with incredible brilliance. At the same time, in their works, there is already a foreboding of coming realities, new cognitive horizons, opening the first pages of European history. The volume of literature used by Karsavin is enormous. Practically the scholar has examined all the main sources of most religious movements of this period. Religiosity is a psychophysical and intellectual extension of individual and collective consciousness that includes static and dynamic moments. Religiosity does not abolish faith and does not exclude reason, but it is the impetus that stimulates in one way or a person's desire for God; manifested in Italy, and most of all by Francis and his first brothers, it became a major phenomenon in the emerging European civilization.

The Revelations of Bl. Angela da Foligno

The problem of religiosity was defined by Karsavin, not only in time (twelfth to thirteenth centuries), but also in place (in Italy), where it manifested itself with the greatest depth in the fortunes of mystics in the most unexpected angles and whimsical religious forms. In light of these events, the mystical figure of Angela of Foligno looks not so unusual. So the translation of 'Revelations...' us seems is quite natural for Karsavin. However, in describing and defining religious mysticism: the feelings of the sacraments and divine revelations, the impulses of faith and the overflowing of 'metaphysical and mystical powers,' the raptures and 'sweetness of the gracious presence of God' - Karsavin concludes that such religiosity, as it is understood does not

give full harmony to faith and reason. 'The 12th-13th century religiosity, the limit of medieval religiosity, stands before us as the chaos of ever-struggling forces - he wrote in his doctoral dissertation in 1915 - it ['chaos'] is always worrying, tries to fit into one system and comes up with a multitude of contradictory -"oportet et haereses esse" - It ['chaos'] is a sure indicator of the tension of religious consciousness. But where to find the guiding principle, how to balance and reconcile the struggling forces?' [17, p.290].

Lev Karsavin's similar questions were prompted not only by the historical religiosity of the 12th-13th centuries, but also by the reality of the 20th century in the Russian Empire. This and the complete failure of imperial power, which led to defeat in the world war, and revolutionary ferment among the people, slow reforms in the state and the growing polarization of public life, the poverty of the masses and rampant crime in St. Petersburg. Then in 1918, the moment the translation of the Revelations of Bl. Angela's Revelations, reality tumbled into barbarism, into the savage chaos of the civil war and the red terror that swept across the surface of public life. How the capture and sacking of Rome in 410, before Augustine's eyes, denied him confidence in the greatness of the Eternal City and aroused an overwhelming desire to turn his eyes to heaven and seek harmony in the Civitas dei, then, a reference to the 'Revelations of Bl. Angela', the translation of Liber Lelle into Russian was, perhaps, as shocking act and the realization of defeat and Karsavin's desire to turn his eyes to heaven on the eve of the fall of European principles in Russia. So the 'Revelations of Bl. Angela...' for Lev Karsavin - a original continuation of the dissertation's work, but certainly not the political act of a scientist for which he should have been expelled from the country6. The

6 Karsavin is elected Professor of Petrograd University; 1919-1920 in the winter, in his apartment on the University embankment, he gives seminars for students (the University auditoriums were not heated). He participates in the work of the Theological Institute at the Orthodox Church on the Fontanka River (with the blessing of Metropolitan Veniamin, in-

translation and its accompanying articles have predominantly scholarly meaning and significance, which is what we should be talking about.

In the Introduction to 'Revelations...', Karsavin makes two important propositions: (a) 'In Angela's speech, figurative and semantic clusters of words flow into mystical-theological thought, close in content to Bonaventure's thought'; Angela has recreated 'a synthesis, a system of mystical theology, of exceptional power, greatness and structure'; (b) The unity of Angela's teaching', adds the scholar, 'is not external, but internal, organic, so that each moment of it appears necessarily connected to the others, permeated by them' [15, p. 22]. So Angela da Foligno is a mystic of the Franciscan Order of Tertiaries. Angela's teaching was not formed into a system suddenly, but by a long effort of her [Angela's] living faith. Her mystical religiosity does not bring new antinomies to traditional perception, it only 'aggravates [it] by the mere fact that, distributed unevenly over the domain of the religious, it concentrates, depending on individual characteristics and occasion, in one moment or another' [17, p. 142]. It is what happens to a believer's living faith' in his pursuit of greater perfection when the contradictory feelings are suddenly revealed with an unbearable force, and religious conflict of thought and beliefs of the mystic, being his life, is suddenly localized in the figurative and semantic structure of speech, as a 'sign,' as the Voice' of the inner state, intensifying a

stead of the closed Theological Academy). Karsavin is the founder of the Free Philosophical Association (Volfila, 1919-1924); he is the founder of the publishing house Petropolis. Karsavin collaborates with the famous publisher V. Miroljubov, the Library of Mystics is prepared for publication at the Moscow publishing house of G.A. Lehmann, and the first book of a new series is «The Revelations of St. Angela». He is still actively involved in the work of the Free Philosophical Academy, but after were shot by the Bolsheviks in August 1922 Metropolitan Veniamin, Prof. Yu. P. Novitsky and other church and secular figures of old Russia in the same month Karsavin was arrested, and on 16 December 1922 he and his family were sent from Soviet Russia on the Prussien steamship without the right to return.

vague and tense expectation, piling up "pantheistic' visions, suddenly absorbed by the light' of bliss and peace, 'in feeling the invisible in the darkness of God' [17, p. 149].

'Tell me, Lord, where are Your faithful ones? - Angela inquires - And opening my mind, He said 'Where I am, 'My faithful ones are with Me'. Then I saw for myself that it was so, and contemplated myself in the clearest way wherever He was. But this being in God is not being in God within, but being outside. And He alone embraces everything everywhere. But I have seen the body of Christ often under various images in that Blessed Sacrament' [15, p. 159].

Against the background of describing Angela's revelations, the scholar records other religious and mystical achievements as a particular tradition in the church that manifested itself in that era. First of all, the doctrine of contemplation by Hugo of Saint Victor abbey [8, p. 209-210]; Bernard of Clairvaux on the inner Word in the human soul; Ricard of Saint Victor's teaching on the steps of contemplation, Aegidius of Cortona and Bonaven-ture. Karsavin emphasizes the universal character of Angela's faith, the unity and completeness of her revealed knowledge, so that all her wisdom is not divided into spiritual and carnal (faith and reason, according to Augustine), but is divine. 'Neither Augustine, nor the Victorians, nor Bernard of Clairvaux, nor Bonaventure - Karsavin wrote, in an article preceding the publication of the translation - did not achieve that inner unity, that integrity of Catholic mystical theology, which we see in the simple words of the unlearned and humble daughter of Christ and Francis, the great mother Angela' [11, p. 160; 15, p. 22].

We continue with Angela's speeches in Karsavin's Russian translation: 'And then when I had seen the power of God, and His will, and His justice - Angela speaks - I was even more exalted. And then I didn't see the power or the will of God the way I had before, but I saw something unchangeable, so unspeakable to me, that I can't say anything about it, except one thing, was all the good it could be. And my soul was in unspeakable joy and I did not see love there,

but something unspeakable. And I came out of that first state, and was put in this greatest state of unspeakable. And I don't know if I was in the body or out of the body' [15, p. 27].

'Angela's vision of 'the power, will, and justice of God' is confirmed, as are the visions of 'God in darkness' and 'the Holy Trinity in darkness' - in the image of an 'absolutely unspeakable good'. Karsavin comments on the following judgment: 'it is impossible to comprehend this depth of God as all good or as something greater than all good. And so God is seen during such contemplation, to which Angela has been ascended only three times, along with or in the darkness. [where] He is all good and above all that is thinkable'. And the following sentence of bl. Angela: 'I see in the darkness the Holy Trinity, and in the Trinity itself I see in such darkness, it seems to me that I am standing and am in the middle of Her'. The scholar distinguishes moments: (a) 'the vision of the Trinity raises the soul higher than the vision of God in darkness'; (b) the soul is 'resembled to the Godhead', i.e., that transfiguration of the soul of which the Victorians and Bernard spoke, which Meister Eckhardt will fully describe, takes place'. And further, Karsavin adds, referring to Bonaventure, that by Angela, the trinity (Trinity), penetrating into the soul, 'does not violate the unity, integrity, and simplicity of the Godhead' [15, p. 24-25].

Generally speaking, in this total analysis of the translation of Bl. Angela, with references to Itinerarium mentis ad Deum and Breviloquium Bonaventure's, to Speculum Perfectionis, Legenda Trium Sociorum etc., for Karsavin, it is not only the love of Christ for men' according to Angela that opens up, but also numerous 'spillovers of evil': 'However, it was indicated to me - we read in the text of the translation - in [the] 'Lord's Prayer' my sins and my unworthiness, and that's why I started to feel so ashamed, that I dared not lift my eyes to heaven, or the Crucifixion or anything... Sinners, with what a burden the soul goes to repentance! So strong are her shackles, so evil are her enablers, or rather

her helpers: the world, the flesh, and the devil!' [15, p. 78-79].

For Karsavin, the singularity of the Blessed One's teaching lies in the fact that her revelations are, in addition, the 'primary abstraction' of reason in the form of in volgare eloquio, free from the scholastic tradition of schools and philosophizing in the spirit of the latinitatis of the scholarly monks, though, at times, in similar turns of speech. Yes, Karsavin notes the distinctiveness of the intellectual exploits of the saint of Foligno! But, as he says, it is sometimes impossible for a historian to recount in his own words the thought and feeling of a mystic, and so we need translations of mystical creations. And naturally, there is a question about the reliability and scientific validity of the translation.

"The Revelations of Bl. Angela's" is technically the first attempt at this kind of translation work from Latin into Russian. Therefore, in the Introduction to the publication of Revelations, there is mention of the help and scholarly support given to Karsavin by his colleagues: Prof. V.F. Shishmarev and Prof. M.R. Fasmer, as well as a reference to the circle of Karsavin's students and colleagues: V.V. Veidle, N.D. Grevs, V.M. Kremkova, K.A. Nilus, B.V. Pogozhev, K.K. Soloviev, and M.E. Shaitan, working on the study of the Latin text of Angela's 'Revelations' at the Imperial Public Library in Petrograd [St. Petersburg], in 1917-1918.

However, it is not only the 'Revelations of Bl. Angela' that we should speak of an identity. This kind of mysticism was a distinctive feature of the age of Francis and the brothers: their revelations, miracles and visions are documented in what is known as flower' literature. For example, we read of such a vision, which seems very common for mystics: 'There was also a brother Bentivoglio da San Severino, whom brother Masseo da San Severino saw ascending a great distance in the air while praying in the forest' [23, p. 117].

Franciscan mysticism, gravitated toward the ideal of ecclesia primitiva with the idea of imitating Christ, with the literal fulfillment of the commandments, served as a breeding ground for the first, and also for the second and third, generations of mystics, to whom the Parisian theologian Bonaventure and the unlearned Angela of Foligno should be referred. The metaphysical wisdom and mystical feelings of the righteous combined; reveal to us a special religious personality, both in Angela and Bonaventure.

'And with a nice medieval thoroughness, with scholastic divisions and the elevation of incidental moments into necessary steps - we read from Karsavin - theorists of mysticism elaborate the methodology of mystical cognition, write 'Itinerarium mentis ad Deum'. And mystic - practitioners, without thinking about methodology and epistemology, by the traditions and techniques of their circle or by their own experience are fulfilled by supersensible knowledge. Their soul rests in God, knows everything, even the mystery of the Trinity. They themselves, by the admonitions of others, write of 'the flowing light of the Divinity'... the Gospels of Mark and Luke are fables, and Augustine and all the Catholic doctors are swindlers, perverters of the truth. The brothers of the Free Spirit can write better books than the Catholic ones. Aegidius refuses to sink into dogma: he is not fit for it, he is an illiterate man, a simple man; and the brethren of the free spirit taught, that an unlearned layman without knowledge of the Holy Scriptures can, if he is only illuminated by divine light, better help with his unlearned [intellect], than a learned priest or interpreter of the Scriptures. That's the kind of layman you need to obey. Did Bonaventure know that his acceptance of a pious old woman, more versed in the faith than a theologian, could also gain this meaning' [17, p.150-151].

Maybe he knew, otherwise, why keep the record in legends? It is important for us to note that the mysticism testified to the spiritual maturation of the individual, when knowledge of the past and tradition are set aside and do not overshadow the present, prompting the believer to ac-

tion. So the social environment and the surrounding nature of the mystically attuned person is formed contemplatio - a vision or picture of the perfections of the Divine and of man in figurative and semantic connections and combinations, prompting him to act. As an example, let us refer to Francis in the legendary 'Little Flowers of St. Francis' before the moment he received the Stigmata (wound marks on his hands and feet, commemorating Christ's crucifixion): 'Soon, while there (on Mount Vernia), near said shack, and, observing the location of the mountain and admiring the great fortress and the view of the magnificent rocks, St. Francis began to pray. It was then that he received the vision from God that such an awesome fortress had been miraculously created at the hour of the Lord's Passion, when, according to the evangelist, the stones were scattered' [23, p.173].

It was a new view of the world, sharply different from St. Bernard's view of divine creation. Perhaps starting with Cimabue, Giotto, Dante Alighieri, Jacob da Varazzo, mystical visions of history, of the landscape, and of the human soul as creation would require different means of detection and description than those of Hugo St. Victor [8, p. 188] or the same Bernard. Evidently, the 'Revelations of Bl. Angela' - 'of the great mother Bl. Angela - this new 'evangelist of the Thirteenth Century', the same way they laid the foundation for such new visions of God, creation and creature, and the greatness and poverty of human beings, and then realize in 'theology in images' - in the arts of the future centuries7. As Karsavin remarked in his turn, anticipating the question of

7A very instructive example is the art album 'San Francesco nel cuore dei russi' curated by Francesco Bigazzi and Alexander Klestov (St. Petersburg, October 2-3, 2008). The aim of the scientific and artistic project of a group of historians, artists, philosophers and art historians from St. Petersburg was an attempt to go back to the origins, to depict episodes of the life of Francis and his first brothers to feel how the image was born in the XIII-XV centuries from the idea of spiritual contemplation, of course, within the scientific capabilities of the early 21st century. In World practice, this is the first artistic attempt and scientific work.

the essence and practical meaning of religiosity for that epoch and for the European future: 'In mystical guidance and vision is the foundation of all true philosophizing and of all life, for life is impossible without direct contact with its eternally pouring out in creation, but not exhausted in its abundance Source - knowledge is not realizable without direct contemplation (though not always conscious) of Truth itself. And direct contact with Life or Truth is mysticism regardless of the side of Life - Truth that is apprehended' [15, p. 2].

The essence of the impending philosophical, literary, artistic and theological reality of the Italian Renaissance any discovery of the Middle Ages, and Bl. Angela da Foligno was a participant in this absolutely immense event in Europe.

Europe on its way to the perspective on global life

The history of medieval Europe is not exclusively Christian. It is the history of Christian and non-Christian peoples, of the lands they have cultivated, at various times entering the 0tK0vpi£vr] of the Mediterranean civilization, and then beyond. This history is a combination of many habits, customs, dialects, beliefs, tribal and feudal-state formations in the stratification of epochs, and this multitude did not cease with the advent of the Middle Ages, and there was no Christianity as a religion in its pure form, how there were no 'dark ages', 'ignorance and obscurantism', more than in other times and other places. In this story, there have been own ups and downs. The history of religiosity in Italy, according to Karsavin - as we are convinced -is the history of the slow growth of a new civilization out of the Mediterranean, where the lands of the ancient Roman Empire became the place from which translatio to new horizons of life was realized. In this sense we should speak not only of translatio studiorum [transfer of knowledge], but translatio imperii [transfer of imperial power] and translatio sacrorum [transfer of holiness] according to St. Francis,

St. Dominic, St. Bonaventure, St. Thomas Aquinas and St. Jacob de Voragine.

It should be noted that Karsavin's writings on religiosity elicited controversial reactions from his Russian colleagues. In 1913, in the traces of "Essays on Religious Life' Olga A. Dobiash-Rozhdestvenskaya, a student of Prof. Grevs, well known Karsavin from the university and seminary classes with their common teacher, in her review gave a very accurate assessment of Karsavin's work. In her opinion, using a 'scholastic' approach to the study of religiosity, Karsavin justifiably refers to Italy, and, 'if religious life appears to the author as a living unity, according to its own internal laws', this does not mean that he is building a 'system of a religious worldview'. He is 'a historian describing the Middle Ages, but in addition, he has a special gift of artistic expression; he is a 'historian-artist' [9, p.366]. Prof. Dmitry Yegorov gave a critique of the scholar's dissertation work; he found inaccuracies in the author's translations and references. He considered the work to be not systematic: 'the author considers himself 'documentis salutus,' he enslaved himself to the extreme by the material, despite his

exceptional talent..... synthesis, which he does in research,

should not have been so predominant over analyses' [10, p.86-105]. In 1922, reviewing the works of O. Dobiash-Rozhdestvenskaya, L. Karsavin and P. Bitsilli Grevs returns to the concept of "religiosity'; he even sums up, in a way, the results of many years of scientific communication with his talented student:

'Addressing to the Middle Ages, he [Karsavin] comprehends such an element of life [from socio-economic relations to the heights of mystical-philosophical speculation] in religiosity, but the typicality of such a definition is weakened by another argument, or the author's prior belief that 'religiosity, in its deepest essence, is the very element of human life in general, so he must specify medieval religiosity. L.P. Karsavin calls the idea (or image) of the City of God the main feature of the latter, and the main problem of the history of the Middle Ages is the discovery of how has penetrated

into the consciousness of people the feeling or aspiration, the sense, or the development of 'the unity of God with the human in all spheres of life' [6, p. 35].

During most of the 20th century, Karsavin did not attract much attention in Russia. This review by Grevs was perhaps the last testimony of the eminent Master about his scientific school at St. Petersburg University and about his student. And it is no accident that Prof. Grevs calls the Au-gustinian 'idea of the City of God' the main idea of religiosity in the 12th and 13th centuries, although in Karsavin it sounds more often like the idea of salvation'. Grevs was one of the leading historians investigating medieval Augus-tinianism [3]. During his time, the attention of Western and Russian scholars to Bishop of Hippon was heightened, and a kind of translatio Augustini was taking place in the university science and Orthodox academies of the empire. The attention to Augustine was certainly not an arbitrary one, much less the whim of a group of scholars. It was a vital need for the renewal, above all, of Orthodox theological and historical-philosophical sciences, and, as the foundation of Western civilization, the Augustinian legacy was in demand, and the works of I. Grevs, E. Trubetskoy, A. Vyazigin, V. Gherye, S. Kotlyarevsky, L. Pisarev, P. Brilliantov, I. Popov and many other scholars testify to this. The work was systematic in the sense that dissertations, articles, and books on Augustinian themes did not overlap but, as they developed, touched and complemented each other. For about sixty years, before the fall of the empire, almost all the writings of the church father were translated. The following aspects of the heritage have been actively developed: the personal (confessional) relation of man to God (on the material of Confessiones), the unity of faith and reason (De Trinitate, other writings and letters); the theme of grace and free choice of man (De liberum arbitrium); the question of the continuity of the church's teaching and the apology of Christianity in the teaching on the City of God (De Civitas dei). Against such a broad background of translatio Augustini in the Russian Empire of the

nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, Karsavin's writings look like a legitimate study. In fact, the writings on 12 th and 13th century religiosity in Italy conclude Augustin-ian studies at the very same time as the disappearance of the Russian Empire. We emphasize the poignancy of the historical moment.

Indeed, Karsavin's talent consisted above all in a pronounced respect for and trust in the precepts of his teacher, sensitivity and attention to the demands of the present and future of the peoples and country where he was born and lived. This attitude has sharpened the view of European history as a source where pressing questions can be answered. From here was born the very choice, and understanding of the theme of the study. It is very likely that there were very difficult discussions of all the participants in this difficult choice, so to speak, and the awe of their feelings, and the fear of the mind, and the perseverance of faith and the intuitive and willing efforts of Karsavin himself. Religiosity acted as a dynamically developing "living faith" was and captured not only medieval history, but Russian and European modernity with its future. Karsavin found himself in solidarity with Bernard of Clairvaux, Bon-aventure, and Thomas Aquinas, where Veritas' and 'bonitas' here and now represent and are 'norma dei'. Therefore, in the study of the particularly acute anthropological fracture of the twelfth to thirteenth centuries, the order of the movements and groups that made up the religious foundation became especially important for the historian of the Russian Empire. The logical ordering gave the historian the right to 'bring together orthodox and unorthodox currents' and to expand the textual landscape of research to the utmost horizons. Another need for study is the study of the 'religious ascent'- the impulses, visions and ecstatic states, etc. - expressing the higher ideals of faith. Karsavin needed to define the criterion of ideals in value orientations, that is, to build an order of interrelationship between 'extreme and moderate ideals'. The image of the ascetic from Assisi showed an ethical measure. Such

a measure in the general religious foundation of the epoch is the notion of the 'middle man', constructed with the 'middle' of Aristotle's Nicomachean Ethics (albeit not quite consciously) in mind. At least on this point Karsavin is quite in agreement with the statement of the eminent historian Claudio Leonardi. Francis was fully committed to following Christ [sequela Christi] and, in general, did not set himself the goal of establishing a religious order, unlike, for example, St. Dominic.

'Francis' approach to forms of religious organization cannot be called monastic in the historical sense of the word - Claudio Leonardi stressed - because he [Francis] did not belong to any of the existing structures, but it was not entirely monastic in the spiritual sense either, because something secular dwells in him, the desire of God is so all-consuming and the love for Him so complete, that she does not need an organized community, to survive and prove themselves. Desire and love for God, however, have an inexhaustible need to grow in the knowledge of the beloved and in the fullness of love.

It cannot be said that the Order of Friars Minor was initiated by Francis. He was not a priest; he was a merchant who changed his status to a penitent, almost a hermit. This choice was not aimed at the establishment of the Order.

The Order arose around him, from imitation of his way of life, from admiration for his personality. He himself says in his Testament: his first companions were a divine gift, he did not seeking them out. He gave them the Gospel as the foundational standard, he asked them to follow Christ, which he himself tried to put into practice of his own life' [26, p. XLV-XLVI].

Of course, this statement by Leonardi and Karsavin's position on Francis as the "middle man' of the epoch do not diminish the role and importance of the ascetic and of the Order, but they delimit the religious aspirations and spiritual initiatives of Francis and the brothers, and their subsequent transformation in the church and in society. Here we can draw an analogy with such an important element of

the time as the university (congregatio sive universitas studiorum et magistrorum) - a new type of educational institution for higher education. It is one thing for a 12th century school organized by Master Guillaume of Champeau or any other school in Paris, and another is the University of Paris, born in the early thirteenth century as an association of schools, where masters like Bonaventure played a leading role. Charles H. Haskins spoke eloquent on this point: 'in 1100 the school follows the teacher,' i.e., was created around the master; and in 1200. the teacher follows the school,' in the sense that the master is an employee of the university' [30, p.368].

Two types of institutional formations, of horizons of knowledge, and scales of vision. In one case, an ancient educational institution that existed as far back as St. Augustine's time, the school and another is the university, a type of institutionalization, already of European civilization. And so did Francis and his early brotherhood, imitating Christ and the apostles, in an impulse of the spirit toward evangelical ideals, with all its efforts to revive the normam dei of the confessors of the faith of the Mediterranean, and another, the Order of the Minor Brothers as an institutionalized religious movement in New Europe. Of course, there is no sharp boundary in the content of the doctrine between them, but we are reminded that St. Francis remained so among his first associates, and, in fact, it is this layer of history that Leo Karsavin explored, and that the same reminded to us Claudio Leonardi. In this little essay, we have succeeded, we hope, in sketching out the features, or traits, of the epoch of the birth of Europe - the transformation of Christianity from a Mediterranean to a new civilization, which seems to be important even now for Christians in a time of emerging global perspectives on life. The problem of religiosity is the problem of moving out of the Ptolemaicism of religious consciousness into the Coperni-can system of orientations of Christian faith and reason. On the basis of studies of twelfth- and thirteenth-century religiosity Karsavin showed the possibility, a kind of evolu-

tion, of Christianity, by highlighting the elements of religiosity, the current trends, and the figures that made this transition from one epoch to another a possible one. We have tried to show that Christianity has not lost its position, but on the contrary, the Christian nations, the Church of Christ, have brought Europe to a new level of spiritual life. Indeed, Christian Europe has its origins in the Middle Ages, rooted in the Mediterranean civilization. L.P. Karsavin's research experience seems likely to be of interest to contemporary social scientists.

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