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Original Paper yOK 81.42
DOI: 10.29025/2079-6021-2019-2-73-81
Stereotyping about Russia in the English-Language Electronic Media (on the Material of Publications of the Beginning of Russian-Ukrainian Conflict, November 2013)
Eleonora V. Egorova—
Ulyanovsk State University, Ulyanovsk, Russian Federation ORCID ID: 0000-0002-9731-8386; Scopus Author ID: 57208033100; e-mail: [email protected]
Ekaterina I. Krasheninnikova
Ulyanovsk State University, Ulyanovsk, Russian Federation ORCID ID: 0000-0001-7507-255X, e-mail: [email protected]
Natalia A. Krasheninnikova
Ulyanovsk State University, Ulyanovsk, Russian Federation
ORCID ID: 0000-0002-7234-4705; Scopus Author ID: 57202430929; e-mail: [email protected]
Received: 22.05.2019 /Accepted: 3.06.2019 /Publishedonline: 25.06.2019
Abstract: The article discusses political stereotyping about Russia that was formed in the English-language media. The authors analyzed the publications of the World column of websites The Guardian and The Washington Post. Special attention is paid to the articles covering the beginning of the Ukrainian crisis (November 2013). The sample of e-publications (The Guardian and The Washington Post) with the words Ukraine and Russia covered the period from 11/01/2013 to 05/31/2014. The authors described the lexical composition of publications, as well as some language tools used to form stereotypes about Russia among the English-language audience. The conducted content analysis revealed political stereotypes which were formed by means of lexical tools presented in the sample. The analysis revealed the following political stereotypes formed by English and US media: "Russia is a snob, which should be given a good lesson"; "Ukraine is a toy in the hands of the Russian Federation and the EU"; "Russia is an aggressor and invader"; "The choice between Russia and Europe is the choice between the inert, on the one hand, and the progressive, the healthy, on the other." The authors make to following conclusion that the political media discourse is still undergoing an active process of not only maintaining the old anti-Soviet stereotypes, but also forming of the new ones associated with Russia as the legal successor of the USSR imperial ambitions. The sample showed that the English-speaking audience considered Russia as an aggressive, dangerous and cruel opponent who is closely connected to the Soviet imperial past and therefore the Kremlin policy is doomed.
Keywords: electronic media, political stereotype, political linguistics, Ukraine, Russia. For citation: Egorova E.V., Krasheninnikova E.I., Krasheninnikova N.A. Stereotyping about Russia in the English-Language Electronic Media (on the Material of Publications of the Beginning of Russian-Ukrainian Conflict, November 2013). Current Issues in Philology and Pedagogical Linguistics. 2019; 2: 73-841. DOI: 10.29025/2079-6021-2019-2-73-81 (In Russ.).
Оригинальная статья
DOI: 10.29025/2079-6021-2019-2-73-81
Формирование стереотипов о России в англоязычных электронных СМИ (на материале публикаций начала Российско-Украинского конфликта, ноябрь 2013)
Э.В. Егорова^
Ульяновский государственный университет, г. Ульяновск, Российская Федерация ORCID ID: 0000-0002-9731-8386; Scopus Author ID: 57208033100; e-mail: [email protected]
Е.И. Крашенинникова
Ульяновский государственный университет, г. Ульяновск, Российская Федерация ORCID ID: 0000-0001-7507-255X, e-mail: [email protected]
Н.А. Крашенинникова
Ульяновский государственный университет, г. Ульяновск, Российская Федерация ORCID ID: 0000-0002-7234-4705; Scopus Author ID: 57202430929; e-mail: [email protected]
Получена: 22.085.2019 /Принята: 3.06.2019 /Опубликована онлайн: 25.06.2019
Резюме: В настоящей статье рассматриваются политические стереотипы о России, формируемые в англоязычных СМИ. Авторы провели анализ комплекса публикаций рубрики World (Мир) англоязычных сайтов The Guardian и The Washington Post, освещающих начало украинского кризиса (ноябрь 2013 г.). Полная тематическая выборка публикаций электронных СМИ (The Guardian и The Washington Post) с упоминанием слов Украина и Россия охватила период с 01.11.2013 по 31.05.2014 г. Авторами был описан лексический состав публикаций, а также некоторые языковые средства, используемые для формирования стереотипных представлений о России у англоязычной аудитории изданий. Проведённый контент-анализ позволил выявить политические стереотипы, формируемые в исследуемой выборке на лексическом уровне. По результатам анализа выявлены следующие политические стереотипы, формируемые англоязычными (Англия, США) СМИ: «Россия - выскочка, которую пора проучить»; «Украина - игрушка в руках РФ и ЕС»; «Россия - агрессор и оккупант»; «выбор между Россией и Европой - это выбор между инертным, больным, с одной стороны, и прогрессивным, здоровым - с другой». Проведённый анализ позволяет сделать следующий вывод, что в политическом медиадискурсе все еще происходит активный процесс не только поддерживания старых антисоветских стереотипов, но и формирование новых, связанных с представлениями о России как правопреемницы имперских амбиций СССР. Данная выборка показала, что Россия предстает перед англоязычной аудиторией изданий как агрессивный, опасный и жестокий противник, который привязан к советскому имперскому прошлому, и поэтому политика, проводимая Кремлём, обречена.
Ключевые слова: электронные СМИ, политический стереотип, политическая лингвистика, Украина, Россия.
Для цитирования: Егорова Э.В., Крашенинникова Е.И., Крашенинникова Н.А. Формирование стереотипов о России в англоязычных электронных СМИ (на материале публикаций начала Российско-Украинского конфликта, ноябрь 2013) // Актуальные проблемы филологии и педагогической лингвистики. 2019; 2: 73-81. DOI: 10.29025/2079-6021-2019-2-73-81.
Introduction. The change in the post-war world order has been a glorious event of the recent years. It has led to the shift in the balance of political forces, territorial changes on the world map, and as a result the global political crisis. One of the main driving forces of the process, taking place on the European stage, was the local political crisis in Ukraine. The direct threat of a Russian-Ukrainian military conflict with NATO-countries involvement, worldwide economic sanctions, and an active information war clearly indicate the necessity of studying the logic of the crisis development, in particular, its linguistic and political aspects.
It is in the media that the main characteristics of the modern language use are observed. The globalization of information processes suggests the strengthening of human exposure means. The paper is intended to show the formation of political stereotypes during the considered stage of the Ukrainian crisis. The main role is given to lexical means of stereotyping.
Materials and Methods
The urgent status of the topic is determined by the fact that recently researchers have paid much attention to the study of the media texts in order to determine the mechanisms for the formation and implementation of stereotypical images. The works of leading scientists in the field of political linguistics and medialinguistics [4; 9; 16] set the research paradigm, offering methodological tools and approaches to the material choice. In particular, the stereotypization theory, which foundations were laid by U. Lippmann [10], has been developing very quickly lately. It offers a new philosophical and linguistic understanding of the political stereotype and its structure [5; 12; 17; 21]. In media discourse, real events are transformed into verbal ones, which act as a "result of interpretation" of the given event presented by the author of the publication. In other words, the fragments of reality are replaced by the author's images. As a result, a certain set of verbal media events, endowed with the author's modality, always corresponds to one real event [1; 11].
The discussion of Ukraine events in the world media is increasingly becoming an object and linguistic research. E.V. Budaev, V.V Kureiko [3; 8], E. A. Rumyantseva [14] and T.G. Antonova [2] analyzed metaphorical modelling of the Ukraine conflict. N.B. Ruzhentseva [13] studied the peculiarities of the Ukrainian crisis in the Russian, British and German media; B.N. Shestov [15] and A.A. Kazakov [6] conducted a comparative analysis of the Ukrainian events in the Russian and American media discourses. Language means of Ukrainian conflict representation in the English-language media have been examined by O.A. Kuzina [7].
Since the analysis of lexical means of stereotyping gives a clear picture of the modern world around us, it is necessary to define and describe the techniques used by the media at the lexical level.
The authors conducted a content analysis of Internet publications on the websites of the popular newspapers The Guardian and The Washington Post (The WP). They analyzed all the publications within the dates 11/01/2013-05/31/2014 containing both words Ukraine and Russia in one article. The sampling texts cover the first stage of the Ukrainian crisis, starting with the preparation for the abortive signing of an association agreement of Ukraine with the EU in November 2013 and ending with the off-year elections of the Ukrainian President in May 2014.
The analyzed period included several key events and processes: 1) Ukraine's preparation for signing an association agreement with the EU and its unilateral suspension by the Ukrainian government and President Yanukovych (November 2013); 2) Euromaidan (November 21, 2013 - February 21, 2014); 3) opposition takeover (February 21 - February 23, 2014); 4) Crimean events (February 23 - March 18, 2014); 5) protests in the south-east of Ukraine (February 23 - April 14); 6) armed confrontation in the east of Ukraine (April 14 - May 2014); 7) preparation for and conduct of national referendum of the Lugansk People's Republic and Donetsk People's Republic, as well as the presidential elections in the Ukraine (May 2014).
Content analysis of publications includes the following steps. 1. Comparative analysis of publication activity on the websites of the Guardian and the WP during the abovementioned period. 2. Quantitative analysis of the lexical content of the analyzed articles, the detection of keywords according to a number of parameters suggested by T.V Shmeleva [16], namely: frequency and word-formation parameters. 3. Description of the syntagmatics of keywords and their derivatives. 4. The study of paradigmatic relationships of keywords and their derivatives in the context of foreign aggression.
The generalization technique was used to definite verbal formulae of current political stereotypes based on the syntagmatic clusters of keywords.
Results. The authors analyzed the e-publication activity of The Guardian and The WP in 2013-2014. They searched for the words Ukraine and Russia mentioned simultaneously in one article.
The total number of publications in the Guardian was 72 while in the WP there were 258 articles. It should be mentioned that the authors examined only one column, namely World. The monthly distribution of frequency rate is presented in Table 1.
Table 1
Month distribution of publications in the Guardian and the WP
Month November December January February March April May 2014 Total number
2013 2013 2014 2014 2014 2014 of publications
The Guardian 7 14 5 7 13 13 13 72
The Washington Post 5 12 11 37 96 41 56 258
The corresponding graph is presented in Figure 1. As it can be seen, the only noticeable discrepancy between the graphs of publication activity in the Guardian and the WP is the difference between the peaks of publication activity in March (see Fig. 1).
iJv1 ■ I l-J- ■ /1 r 'IN /V rr .Vri.TYrt' 11 l-l LTi1 -I ■ T»1 IIfi-i. i i IVi. ff ■ "■jOi-'-v I
■■WWP "n W:' T: Ili'V
■T-rr l.'l -"1 l.'i JUL 1 1-Ufi jn i I 1 H'.- M -~~P '~l Pill 1" -"TF'.V'J- ~-|'J
Figure 1. Absolute daily publication activity of The Guardian and The WP with reference to the words Ukraine and Russia
Despite the lowest publication activity (7 articles in the Guardian, 5 publications in the WP), November samples are of the greatest interest due to their theme and composition. The conflict outbreak takes place in November; and it marks both development of the whole crisis and the tone of its media coverage.
In November publications of the Guardian and the WP, the following main topics can be distinguished (if there are several topics in the article, they are divided into different subject groups):
• "The problem arising from the Ukraine's agreement with the EU", "Ukraine's lay off in signing the association agreement with the EU", Euromaidan. These topics coincide with the first and second stages of the Ukrainian crisis;
• "problems concerned with the Ukraine while signing an association agreement with the EU", as well as "political repression in the Ukraine" and "the problem of economic and energy dependence of Ukraine and Europe from Russia". These topics supplement each other and do not appear separately, only in combination.
• a separate article is devoted to the Customs Union. However, it is mentioned in all articles on the topics "the situation concerning the signing of an association agreement of the Ukraine with the EU" and the "Eastern Partnership" summit;
• "Russia's influence in the post-Soviet space".
It is important to notice that the Guardian and the WP consider the events in the Ukraine in the context of two global processes occurring in the so-called post-Soviet territory: European expansion to the east and integration processes around Russia. At the same time, the newspapers touch upon the political changes in Europe and the prospect of signing the Association Agreement of with the EU by Moldova, Georgia, Armenia and Ukraine on November 27. These states historically were the part of the Soviet Union, thus, they were connected culturally, ethnically and economically. So, in November, there are eight references to the Post-Soviet countries in the Guardian: Moldova is mentioned once, Georgia twice and Armenia five times.
"... the EU launched its "eastern neighbourhood policy" offering trade and political benefits to post-Soviet states traditionally falling within Moscow's orbit. The neighbourhood policy does not offer eventual membership of the EU or negotiations to join. Moldova and Georgia are expected to sign agreements with the EU". [23];
Kiev has been pursuing the trade deal and political association agreement with the EU for the past five years, only to drop it at the last minute. Armenia did the same in September, yielding to Russian pressure and instead joined a Russia-centred Eurasian customs union. [22];
The EU's losing battle for Ukraine is likely to encourage the Kremlin in its view that Europe is weak and divided and lacks foreign policy muscle. In September Armenia succumbed to Russian pressure and turned its back on years of negotiations with the EU in a move that stunned Brussels. [23].
Such a significant difference in the number of word usage is probably explained by the fact that Armenia refused to sign the Agreement on Euro-Association long before the Ukraine and, according to the publications, should not be a model for the latter. The WP publications in the same month prove this assumption: Moldova and Georgia are mentioned eight times in four articles. The countries are not just in the same context, they are used in one sentence. Armenia is mentioned five times in three articles, and only once separately without any reference to other post-Soviet states. Armenia, Georgia and Moldova are found in publications related to the topics of an association agreement with the EU and the Eastern Partnership summit.
All in all, the names of the post-Soviet states are distributed in the following way: Moldova is mentioned 13 times in the Guardian and 132 in the WP, Georgia - 11 in the Guardian and 304 in the WP, Armenia -4 in the Guardian (all of them are in November) and 32 in the WP, for example:
Using similar scare tactics, Mr. Putin also derailed Armenia's talks with the E.U. a few months ago. Two other small former Soviet republics have defied him; despite the threat of Russian retribution, Georgia and Moldova are expected to join the E.U. association this week. Just as in Soviet times, Moscow's muscle-flexing can compel obedience from some of its neighbors, some of the time. No matter how it may try, though, it cannot compel respect, let alone friendship. [24].
Despite clear Russian trade threats, two former Soviet republics, Moldova and Georgia, still intend to initial association agreements with the E.U. on Friday even as Ukraine has pulled out. Moldova has far more trade with Europe than with Russia. [20].
The examples show that Moldova, Georgia and the Ukraine are considered as objects of international law. Being rival countries, the EU and Russia initiate actions in regard to these countries (Moscow's muscle-flexing can compel obedience from some of its neighbors). However, since February 2014 the context in which the former Soviet republics are used is changing. Since the beginning of the so-called "Crimean Spring" in March -they are recollected in the context of frozen conflicts on the territory of the former Soviet Union. According to the publication the Russian Federation is the initiator of the conflicts, the main driving force and beneficiary. Besides Abkhazia, South Ossetia and Transnistria appear in the publications:
• "Frozen conflicts" created by Moscow in the territory of the former Soviet Union already include the Transnistria region of Moldova and the Georgian provinces of South Ossetia and Abkhazia. [18];
• The first was the demands of the Crimean elite, who did not want to end up like Abkhazia in international limbo and really pushed strongly to be part of Russia, and the second was the position of the west, who did not want to listen to any compromise." [25];
• Though Russia now controls Crimea militarily, Kerry and Hague should ask it to think back to its intervention in Georgia in 2008. This resulted in the emergence of two entities, South Ossetia and Abkhazia, which have so far been recognised by very few countries. [25];
• The Crimea crisis has brought back memories of2008, when Russia went to war with Georgia over breakaway territory. [19].
The Guardian and the Washington Post authors comment on the described events. The experts do not inform readers, however, that none of the regions has been a part of "post-Soviet republics" since the collapse of the USSR, and in accordance with the UN mandate the Russian peacekeepers have a right to stay in those territories. Moreover, the Guardian and the WP don't even mention the fact that one of the Russian peacekeepers was killed by Georgian military men. This incident was the starting point of the Russian-Georgian conflict of 2008. The newspapers consider that fact insignificant. At the same time, the description offrozen conflicts created by Moscow, willing to get involved in the affairs of other states, developing a strategy designed to weaken, establishing enclaves, preventing the normal development, impeding their integration, and finally breaking
the war, draws a well-defined stereotype about Russia as an aggressive state, ignoring international law. Thus, the words that mean "aggression" are used mainly in relation to Russia. In a number of publications, there is a substitution of horizontal (spatial) relations between Russia and neighboring states for vertical (historical) ones. The negative context is strengthened by means of lexical tools.
Conclusion. The conducted content analysis revealed political stereotypes which were formed by means of lexical tools presented in the sample. The analysis revealed the following political stereotypes formed by English and US media: "Russia is a snob, which should be given a good lesson"; "Ukraine is a toy in the hands of the Russian Federation and the EU"; "Russia is an aggressor and invadef'; "The choice between Russia and Europe is the choice between the inert, on the one hand, and the progressive, the healthy, on the other." The authors conclude that the political media discourse is still undergoing an active process of not only maintaining the old anti-Soviet stereotypes, but also forming of the new ones associated with Russia as the legal successor of the USSR imperial ambitions. The sample showed that the English-speaking audience consider Russia as an aggressive, dangerous and cruel opponent who is closely connected to the Soviet imperial past and therefore the Kremlin policy is doomed.
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Егорова Элеонора Валериевна, кандидат филологических наук, доцент кафедры английского языка для профессиональной деятельности, Ульяновский государственный университет; 432017, г. Ульяновск, Российская Федерация, ул. Льва Толстого, 42.
Eleonora V. Egorova, PhD in Philology, Associate Professor, Department of the English Language for Professional Activity, Ulyanovsk State University; 42 Leo Tolstoy Str., 432017, Ulyanovsk, Russia; e-mail: [email protected].
Крашенинникова Екатерина Ивановна, студент бакалавриата кафедры английской лингвистики и перевода, Ульяновский государственный университет; 432017, г. Ульяновск, Российская Федерация, ул. Льва Толстого, 42.
Ekaterina I. Krasheninnikova, bachelor student of Department of the English Linguistics and Translation, Ulyanovsk State University; 42 Leo Tolstoy Str., 432017, Ulyanovsk, Russia; e-mail: [email protected].
Крашенинникова Наталья Александровна, кандидат технических наук, доцент, заведующий кафедрой английского языка для профессиональной деятельности, Ульяновский государственный университет; 432017, г. Ульяновск, Российская Федерация, ул. Льва Толстого, 42.
Natalia A. Krasheninnikova, PhD in Technical Sciences, Associate Professor, Head of the Department of the English Language for Professional Activity, Ulyanovsk State University; 42 Leo Tolstoy Str., 432017, Ulyanovsk, Russia; e-mail: [email protected].
