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western sponsors and donors that earmark tens of millions of dollars for the purpose annually. The pro-western mass media have entrenched themselves in the media sphere of Kazakhstan also due to the Internet-projects becoming a more independent source of information, despite state control over TV and radio broadcasting. Tens of thousands of Kazakh citizens have attended various short-term and long-term courses opened in Kazakhstan's cities, including employees of government offices, active members of youth movements, journalists, and representatives of local elites, who now connect the future of their country exclusively with a liberal-democratic development model and priority cooperation with the western world. (to be continued in the next issue)
Tsentralnaya Aziya: problemy i perspektivy (vzglyad iz Rossii i Kitaya), " Moscow, 2013, pp. 9-28.
E. Ionova,
Ph. D. (Hist.), Institute of World Economy and International Relations, Russian Academy of Sciences
STEPPING-UP OF RUSSIAN ACTIVITY IN CENTRAL ASIA AND RUSSIAN-KYRGYZ RELATIONS
The forthcoming withdrawal of the international coalition troops from Afghanistan has become a factor largely determining the policy of the Russian Federation in Central Asia. Moscow's actions show that it recognizes full well the need for greater responsibility in the fight against the threats of terrorism and drug trafficking in Central Asia. The problem of national security of Russia is regarded in close connection with ensuring security in Central Asia.
A no small role is also played by Moscow's desire to prevent the United States influence from spreading in the region. However, it should be noted that the anti-narcotics policy carried on by the Russian Federation does not exclude cooperation in this matter with the United States and other western countries. At the same time the Russian side maintains that Washington should join the already existing projects or develop cooperation along the CSTO - NATO line. Moscow displayed a negative attitude to Washington's idea to create special units to fight the drug mafia in the five Central Asian republics under U.S. control.
On the whole, Russian policy toward the countries of the Central Asian region is undergoing certain changes. First, as shown by the latest steps of Russia's leadership, Moscow intends to invest more means in creating new jobs in the most backward Central Asian republics, such as Kyrgyzstan and Tajikistan, where drug production is thriving favorable conditions exist for the development of Afghan drug trafficking. We mean, among other things, a decision to set up a Russian corporation of cooperation with Central Asian countries on the basis of the Vneshekonombank of Russia, whose task will be to create new jobs in the region. Two billion rubles are earmarked from the Russian budget for the purpose in 2013, which will secure the control block of shares of the state (51 percent), while the rest (49 percent) will belong to private investors. The corporation is to take part in building hydropower plants, developing poultry farming, and manufacturing high-tech industrial commodities in Central Asian countries.
It is expected that the implementation of these projects should ensure the opening of about thirty thousand jobs in Central Asian republics during the first year, which might draw many local inhabitants away from smuggling Afghan narcotic drugs. It is planned to start projects for training professional personnel for the Russian labor market and workers for Russian industrial enterprises in Kyrgyzstan,
which holds first place in Moscow's development schemes concerning Central Asia. In the view of the chairman of the Russian-Kyrgyz Business Council I. Polyakov, "it is necessary to evolve a special mechanism for organized recruitment of labor resources on the territory of Kyrgyzstan for working in Russia, and also to introduce a system of initial professional-technical education and training of workers on the basis of professional lyceums on the territory of the Kyrgyz Republic."
Moscow also believes that growing employment in Central Asian countries will contribute to a reduction in the number of labor migrants, the uncontrolled increase of which worsens the social situation in Russia and is one of the reasons for growing criminality in the country. It was not accidental that the decision on the setting up of the Russian corporation of cooperation with Central Asian countries was made public soon after the statement by the head of the Federal Service on Drug Control Victor Ivanov about the need to introduce a visa regime with Uzbekistan< Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan.
Secondly, the present-day policy of the Russian leadership toward Central Asian countries is distinguished by a well-thought-out approach to the problem of granting economic and military aid. Evidently, the republics which demonstrated readiness for active cooperation with Moscow will receive more support and help from the Russian Federation. Today, Kyrgyzstan is the main beneficiary of Russian aid. It is there that the "real center of regional security" should be created.
On April 16, 2013, the State Duma of the Russian Federation ratified a package of agreements with the government of Kyrgyzstan signed during President Putin's visit to that country in September 2012. Despite criticism of a number of deputies from the Liberal-Democratic and "Spravedlivaya Rossiya" parties, a majority of votes endorsed the favorable conditions granted to Kyrgyzstan for repayment of credits to
a sum of $500 million. One agreement envisages writing off a debt of $190 million in 2005. Another agreement prolongs repayment on a credit of 2009 amounting to $300 million: it will be written off in equal sums for a period of ten years beginning from March 16, 2016.
Two other agreements concern the key problem of Russian-Kyrgyz relations, namely, hydro-energy production and transmission. They deal with the construction of Kambaratin-1 hydropower plant in Kyrgyzstan with Russian assistance and four other hydropower plants on the Naryn River, and determine the regime of their work. The Russian companies "Rusgidro" and "Inter RAO EES" will be in charge of financing, construction and providing labor force. The estimated cost of the former plant is 64 billion rubles, and the Naryn cascade -25 billion. The term of recoupment is fifteen years during which time these power plants will be managed by the Russian side, after that management will be given over to the Kyrgyz authorities. As a result of the implementation of these projects the hydro-energy potential of Kyrgyzstan should increase considerably: the total capacity of these five hydropower plants will amount to one gigawatt. This will enable the republic to increase considerably its budget revenues from the export of electric energy (In 2012 it held last place in economic development among the CIS countries, and its foreign debt reached 45 percent of its GDP).
As is known, the construction of new hydropower plants is the main stumbling block in the relations between Kyrgyzstan and Uzbekistan. The latter categorically opposes these projects, because the Naryn River runs close to the Kyrgyz-Uzbek border and its water us used by the Uzbek part of the Ferghana Valley. President Islam Karimov of Uzbekistan has devoted much time and effort to prevent the construction of these hydropower plants, inasmuch as he believes that Kyrgyzstan may get control over the distribution of water resources in
Central Asia and regulate the flow of water as it thinks fit. As follows from Russian-Kyrgyz agreements, Moscow supported Bishkek in this dispute.
In the words of the Russian Premier D. Medvedev who made a statement on the results of his meeting with the Prime Minister of Kyrgyzstan Zh. Satybaldiyev in Moscow on April 23, 2013, "the realization of these projects would make it possible to curtail a shortage of electric energy in Kyrgyzstan itself, and in the entire Central Asia." Such position of Moscow on this matter can also be explained by political reasons, namely, certain mistrust of Tashkent, which demonstrated its desire to maintain active military and economic interaction with Washington.
However, everything is not that simple. Last May the Russian side already began work on the construction of the Upper-Naryn cascade of electric power plants. As to the Kambaratin hydropower plant, Moscow has agreed with President Karimov's proposal first to carry out international ecological and seismological expert evaluation. Thus, the construction of the Kambaratin-1 hydropower plant may be postponed. In this case one could regard Karimov's recent visit to Moscow a success, and certain experts tend to see it as a step toward improving relations with Russia on the eve of the withdrawal of the NATO military contingent from Afghanistan. At the same time, on May 2, 2013, a meeting took place between the Minister of Foreign Affairs of Uzbekistan and the assistant U.S. Secretary of Trade M. Murray in Tashkent devoted to expanding investment cooperation of the two countries.
As a result of the April 2013 meeting of the Russian and Kyrgyz premiers a number of new agreements were signed, among them one envisaging a greater role of "Gazprom" and "Rosneft" on the domestic market of Kyrgyzstan. A deal was made by which "Gazprom" bought
100 percent of the shares of the national Kyrgyz operator "KyrgyzGaz," and Kyrgyzstan's premier expressed the hope that by the beginning of the next heating season the company's operator would be the Russian company. Bishkek hopes that with the coming of "Gazprom" to the republic, the latter will get rid of the problems of supplying gas to domestic consumers.
As to "Rosneft" Corporation, it will supply combustibles and lubricants to Manas airport, open two fuel stations near the airport, and also an airport in the south city of Osh. Both sides have agreed on opening affiliations of Russian banks in Kyrgyzstan. The development of humanitarian ties is also envisaged: the government of the Russian Federation granted about 400 stipends to Kyrgyz students at Russian institutes and universities for the 2013/2014 scholastic year.
An important aspect of the development of relations between Russia and Kyrgyzstan is their cooperation within the framework of integration associations, such as EurAzEC and SCO. At present Kyrgyzstan is about to join the Customs Union before the end of the year. An international conference was held in Bishkek early in April 2013 devoted to the problem. Its final resolution says that joining these organizations opens great prospects for Kyrgyzstan to draw more direct foreign investments, develop and broaden international cooperation in agriculture, and participate in big energy, trade, transport and information-communication proj ects.
The Russian Federation supports Kyrgyzstan in its joining the Customs Union, however, to do this it has to sign sixty-four documents. According to official data, Kyrgyzstan's goods turnover with the Customs Union countries in 2012 increased by 25 percent and comprised $3 billion, two of which in trade with Russia. During the meeting between the two premiers a protocol was signed on simplifying customs operations and customs control over commodities brought
from Kyrgyzstan into Russia; this concerns such commodities as row cotton, sewn goods, and food products.
An important direction of the policy of Russia aimed at strengthening its positions in Central Asia is greater military aid to certain countries in the region. Moscow emphasizes that this is due to threats which can emerge after the withdrawal of the allied forces from Afghanistan in 2014; this aid is aimed, first and foremost, at strengthening the southern borders of Central Asian countries, which are the borders of the entire CIS. Within the framework of the CSTO Russia intends to grant $1.1 billion to Kyrgyzstan and $200 million to Tajikistan for modernization of their armies. Apart from that, Tajikistan will be granted privileges in getting supplies of Russian oil products.
Kyrgyzstan expects to receive fire arms, military vehicles, helicopters, stationary hospitals, mortars, etc. It is also planned to increase the number of Kyrgyz army officers studying at Russian institutions of higher learning. The leadership of Kyrgyzstan turned down the American offer to give the republic part of its military hardware and equipment taken from Afghanistan. In the words of President Atambayev, he sees his country's future in closer military cooperation with Russia which is its "historical and strategic partner."
Recently the President of Kyrgyzstan reaffirmed that the NATO airbase in Manas airport would be closed in 2014. According to an agreement signed during the meeting between the Russian and Kyrgyz premiers, the Russian Federation would render assistance in modernizing the infrastructure of Manas, as well as the regional airport in Osh.
Military cooperation between Russia and Kyrgyzstan has recently been given a new impetus. On April 27 the Council of the Federation of Russian parliament ratified the agreements between the governments of the two countries on the status and conditions of
the presence of the Russian military base on the territory of Kyrgyzstan, as well as the protocol on cooperation in the military sphere. The agreement envisages that the four Russian military objects on the territory of Kyrgyzstan will be united in a single Russian military base by January 29, 2017, and from then on will operate for fifteen years. Russia will pay for the lease of land on which the base is deployed $4.5 million annually.
"Rossiya i noviye gosudarstva Evrazii," Moscow, 2013, N11, pp. 85-90.
G. Seidova,
Ph. D. (Philosophy), Daghestan State University ISLAM AND GLOBALIZATION: PROS AND CONS
Certain researchers maintain that it would be wrong to believe that globalization is a historical and cultural phenomenon and a specific feature of our epoch only. Indeed, few people doubt that the sources of globalization should be sought deep down in history. In our present motley world the universal trends of integration and disintegration are represented by paradigms of globalization and post-modernism.
Iran is one of the biggest and dynamically developing countries in the Middle East. Its advantageous geographical position enables it to make a profound influence on the situation in the entire Middle East. The outlet to the world ocean via the Persian Gulf gives the country additional benefits. All this gives grounds to the Russian researcher S. Druzhilovsky to come to the conclusion that Iran is in the vanguard of the struggle against universal globalism in the Muslim world, and opposition to the violation of its national priorities by any foreign system of values. Interest in the problem of globalization is so high in Iranian society that dozens of new names and scientific works emerge
