SOCIO-ECONOMIC AND POLITICAL CONSEQUENCES OF LAND AND WATER REFORM IN KYRGYZSTAN (1921-1922, 20th century)
G.A. Atakanova, Lecturer Osh State University (Kyrgyz Republic, Osh)
DOI:10.24412/2411-0450-2022-11-1-13-16
Abstract. The aim of the article is to analyze the socio-economic and political results of the land and water reform in 1921-1922, 1927-1928 in Kyrgyzstan. It is noted that the main objective of the reform was the implementation of the nationalization of land policy and the elimination of bai-manaps as a class. Reform in 1921-1922 covered the northern regions, as a result of which land sites of bai-manaps and lands belonging to Russian settlers were nationalized, 197 thousand acres of land were liberated, and about six thousand peasantry farms were organized in their place. In 1927-1928 in the southern regions, 46 thousand hectares of irrigated and 2.3 million hectares of rainfed land were withdrawn to the land fund, as a result, 186 thousand peasants were provided with land sites. As a result of the land and water reform, the process of settling of nomads increased; by 1927, 62% of Kyrgyz households switched to a settled way of life. As a result of the liquidation of bai-manaps as a class, in 1929, out of 190 thousand Kyrgyz households, 3.5 thousand considered kulaks and they were sent into exile outside the republic. With the reduction of bai-manap farms, social changes began in society.
Keywords: land and water reform, agriculture, collective farm, peasant and farmers, rent, irrigated lands, bai-manaps.
The Kyrgyz people experienced serious and dramatic changes not only in political, but also in socio-economic, cultural life. It was a period closely connected with sociopolitical events, economic and cultural changes, the process of organizing agrarian reforms. In order to restore the destroyed economy after the socialist revolution, the Soviet government tried to solve, first of all, the agrarian question. To do this, it was decided to carry out land and water reform. The main goal of the reform is to equalize the rights of the local and Russian population in the use of land and water, to eliminate the economic and political inequality of the people.
The first stage of the land and water reform of 1921-1922. In the north of Kyrgyzstan, it was held in the Chui, Talas, Issyk-Kul, Kochkor valleys and Bazar-Korgon and JalalAbad districts. At the first stage of the reform, independent cattle-driving roads and settlements located in the upper reaches of streams were eliminated. Lands belonging to the well-to-do strata, lands overly occupied by foreign peasants, were seized. A total of 197 thousand pieces. more Land was liberated, and about 6
thousand peasant farms were organized on these lands. 5970 poor farmers had more than 194 thousand hectares of arable land [1, p. 44]. The allocation of land contributed to the transition of the kyrgyz to a sedentary lifestyle. As a result, 16827 farms were deployed, 37415 hectares of irrigated and 12233 hectares of arable land were obtained. During the reform of 1927-1928, the land fund received 46 thousand hectares of irrigated land and 2.3 million hectares of land. 18.6 thousand hectares of arable land were seized. 75 percent of all gulls and poor people received land, agricultural tools. They were also granted tax benefits. During the reform, the area of arable land increased. The area of arable land has also increased in the republic. The area of irrigated land has also increased. The table below shows an increase in the area of irrigated land [3,137 p.]. In the southern region of Kyrgyzstan, the reform has led to political and at the same time socio-economic changes. After the reform, the peasants began to move to collective farming. Their property was confiscated and distributed to the peasants [p. 4.10].
As a result of the reform, the first steps of the collectivization process began to be implemented. Land and water reform has led to an increase in the activity of productive forces in Kyrgyzstan and a change in old relations. The reform contributed to an increase in the share of small-scale production in the villages. The increase in the share of small-scale production is associated with the elimination of the rich layer. It is noted that these changes undermined the foundations of tribal life and contributed to the transition of the national economy to a higher type.
Peasants were exempt from paying rent for large amounts of land. First of all, the number of tenants of land and livestock decreased, and wider layers of peasants were exempted from paying rent for land. Many of the previous kettles have become small and medium-sized manufacturers. The population of the village began to be mainly middle peasants.
This meant an increase in the share of a small commodity structure in agriculture in Kyrgyzstan. The fund received 198602 rubles. with the seizure of land from the wealthy and foreigners. the land fell, and these lands were allocated to the poor.
As a result of the land and water reform of 1921-1928:
* the land of landless farmers has increased fivefold;
* the peasants were provided with agricultural tools along with the land.;
* the nationalization of the land was completed [p. 5,54].
In the course of the reform, along with political successes, economic successes were achieved. Firstly, the principles of the decree of the soviet government "on land" were implemented here. Secondly, the provision of land to peasants accelerated their unification into collective farms. Thirdly, the reform to some extent solved the land issue and united the land with the peasants as the main productive force. As a result, favorable conditions are created for the development of the productive forces of agriculture.
The reform was socialist and pursued the goal of the peasants' transition from individual land use to collective land use. According to the decision of the soviet government, every peasant had the right to choose the forms
of individual or joint cultivation of the land. Agricultural implements, transport, seeds were distributed to peasants who switched to a sedentary lifestyle for a period of ten years, in addition, materials for the construction of a house and yard were provided free of charge.
Settled peasants were exempt from state and local taxes for five years. They receive agro technical and other assistance.
Along with this, land and water reform has led to economic and political changes. The working peasants had land and the necessary tools, which contributed to the further development of agriculture. As a result of the reform, the transition to a sedentary lifestyle of nomadic and semi-nomadic Kyrgyz farms began. Thus, in 1927, 62% of Kyrgyz people led a nomadic and semi-nomadic lifestyle.
Along with this, there have been significant changes in the cultivation of land among social groups. For example, if before the reform in the Osh region, 30% of the Land was in the hands of wealthy aristocrats, then due to the policy of eliminating wealthy people as a class, 9% of the land share remained in their hands.
Before the reform, the poorest strata of the population owned 5.2% of the Land in the parish, and after the reform, 26.3% of land plots were transferred to them [6.59 p.]. The number of existing farms decreased by 3 times, and the number of middle-class peasants increased by 4 times.
The course of the land and water reform led to a change in public consciousness among the peasant strata. This can be traced by the results of the elections to the aiyl kenesh. Peasants began to participate in elections to local councils.
The reform contributed to an increase in the share of small-scale production in the villages. The increase in the share of small-scale production is associated with the elimination of the rich layer.
It is noted that these changes undermined the foundations of tribal life and contributed to the transition of the National Economy to a higher type. Peasants were exempt from paying rent for large amounts of land. First of all, the number of tenants of land and livestock decreased, and wider layers of peasants were exempted from paying rent for land. Many of
the previous kettles have become small and medium-sized manufacturers. This meant an increase in the share of a small commodity structure in the agriculture of Kyrgyzstan.
Along with the effective results of the reform, there were also negative results. At the same time, since the reform was carried out in a hurry, the land registration was not fully clarified. In addition, the account of landless and small-land peasants was not clarified. There have been many cases when self-created Russian villages have been completely eliminated and replaced by Kyrgyz villages. At the same time, the interests of individual peasants were not taken into account. During the reform, the commissions formally implemented land management projects without the consent of the local population. Although, according to the instructions of the reform, the economy of the local rich was to be liquidated only by Russian ushaks, in practice there were cases when, in addition to the ears of the rich and aristocrats, the economy of the middle class was also liquidated.
They were deprived of civil rights and ex-
land, the agriculture of the rich strata of the population decreased by 3 times [11, p. 12]. Therefore, opponents of the reforms united with the rich elite of the villages. The result was political tension between the indigenous population and the newcomers. This situation had a negative impact on the region's economy, disrupting the process of restoring agriculture [12, p. 98].
Property exceeding the norm was not exactly taken into account in Russian villages. Places of more than an eye are roughly marked cases have occurred. As a result of unplanned land withdrawal, the area of pastures has sharply decreased. The issue of water use was not fully resolved, which led to conflicts between villages. The work on the liquidation of land plots has not been done enough. There were cases when farms that were granted land in the area could not be accurately registered.
The facts of repeated seizure of allocated lands by the rich have been recorded, since the population of some areas where the Kyr-gyz live does not fully realize their rights. This is stated in archival sources.
iled to other areas [10, p. 62.]. In the southern
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СОЦИАЛЬНО-ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКИЕ И ПОЛИТИЧЕСКИЕ ПОСЛЕДСТВИЯ
ЗЕМЕЛЬНО-ВОДНОЙ РЕФОРМЫ В КЫРГЫЗСТАНЕ (1921-1922 ГГ., ХХ ВЕК)
Г.А. Атаканова, преподаватель Ошский государственный университет (Кыргызская Республика, г. Ош)
Аннотация. Цель статьи - анализ социально-экономических и политических результатов земельно-водной реформы 1921-1922, 1927-1928 гг. в Кыргызстане. Отмечается, что основной целью реформы было осуществление национализации земельной политики и ликвидация бай-манапов как сословия. Реформа 1921-1922 годов охватила северные районы, в результате которой были национализированы земельные участки бай-манапов и земли, принадлежавшие русским переселенцам, освобождено 197 тысяч десятин земли, а на их месте организовано около шести тысяч крестьянских хозяйств. В 1927-1928 годах в южных районах в земельный фонд было изъято 46 тыс. га орошаемых и 2,3 млн га богарных земель, в результате земельными участками обеспечено 186 тыс. крестьян. В результате земельно-водной реформы усилился процесс оседлости кочевников; к 1927 г. 62% кыргызских дворов перешли к оседлому образу жизни. В результате ликвидации бай-манапов как сословия в 1929 г. из 190 тыс. киргизских дворов 3,5 тыс. считались кулаками и были высланы за пределы республики. С сокращением бай-манапских хозяйств в обществе начались социальные изменения.
Ключевые слова: земельно-водная реформа, сельское хозяйство, колхоз, крестьянские и фермерские хозяйства, рента, орошаемые земли, бай-манапы.