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УДК 94(47) I.A. Uvarov
SOCIAL COMPOSITION OF MILITARY SCHOOLS IN RUSSIA at the end of the 19th - the beginning of the 20th centuries
The paper examines the social principle of recruitment for military schools in Russia at the end of the 19th - the beginning of the 20 centuries. Particular military schools are named; special features of formation of social composition in high schools are defined. The author demonstrates dynamics of liberalization of social composition in military schools in connection with changes in political system of the country.
Key words: military schools, social composition, political system.
И.А. Уваров
СОЦИАЛЬНЫЙ СОСТАВ ВОЕННО-УЧЕБНЫХ ЗАВЕДЕНИЙ РОССИИ в коние XIX - начале XX веков
В статье рассматривается процесс реализации социального принципа комплектования военно-учебных заведений России в конце XIX - начале XX вв. Называются конкретные военно-учебные заведения, определяются особенности формирования социального состава вузов. Показана динамика демократизации социального состава военных училищ в зависимости от изменения политической системы стран
Ключевые слова: военные училища, социальный состав, политическая система.
It is widely known that tsarist Russia's army was organized on social origin principles: noblemen were commissioned officers; peasants, workers and other common people were soldiers. For example, command positions in the noble cavalry were replaced in accordance with family origin. Sotnik, golova and colonel were not military ranks in the first half of the 17th century. These interim duties were entrusted with wellborn noblemen or boyars. When war or regular muster was over, the cavalry was disbanded and commanders' positions were abrogated. Though that rule had existed for two centuries, some exceptions were made from time to time. Family origin came before military science knowledge, when officers were appointed to commanding positions. The same situation was in the Streltsy regiments [1, p. 166 - 167].
But sometimes, because of war or political reasons, the authorities had to diverge from the established procedure. Representatives of different social classes became commissioned officers even in Peter the Great's time. In particular, in 1705 there were 171 representatives of lower social classes (huntsmen and stablemen, boyars, tradespeople, clergymen, soldiers and non-commissioned officers, etc.) out of 201 students of the nautical school; in 1705 there were 379 students out of 505; in 1715 there were 311 students out of 427 [1, p. 172]. There were a lot of students from lower social classes in Navigatskaya School. But they could get promoted by their chiefs and become commissioned officers after some time [2, p. 19 - 20]. Opening up
the Engineering School in Moscow in 1712, Senate decreed “to admit to this school 77 people of all sorts of social classes” [3, p. 9 - 10].
Peter the Great successors' foreign policy was sluggish. That's why they did not let representatives of lower social classes become noblemen through military service. Military schools became schools of the nobility. In particular, the Cadet Corps Service Regulations 1766 underlined the rule prohibiting “to admit to military academies boys without papers proving their noble origin and baptism” [4].
Those regulations were being kept till the 1860s -1870s, when the Milutin reforms took place. The governmental decision to have only noblemen in military schools had a bad effect on commissioned officers reinforcement. In fact, a lot of men were disentitled to make a career in military forces. Meanwhile, the representatives of lower social classes were actually the best “soldiers” and could be of benefit to Russia.
Various reforms, taking place in the 1860s - 1870s, made it possible for commons (people not of noble birth) to become officers. But social origin of students in different military schools considerably varied. In particular, social origin of students entering military schools largely depended on social origin of those boys graduating from military academies (the Cadet Corps) where children of commissioned officers (hereditary or personal noblemen) studied. Nevertheless social origin of students in military schools was substantially different from social origin of
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students in military academies. In 1881 in military schools 54.12% of students were sons of hereditary noblemen, 34.76% - sons of personal noblemen, commissioned officers and officials, 2.35% - sons of Cossacks, and 4.52%
- others. The number of commons was but about 7%. The data presented in table 1 proved the statement [5, p. 279].
* Including children of merchants and honorably freemen -13.78%, petty bourgeois - 12.27%, peasants - 6.19%.
As we can see, 95% of students were of noble birth in chartered military schools belonging to group 1, while there were 60% of such students in military schools belonging to group 2. But the latter had more than 32% of commons and 5.6% of Cossacks.
That trend continued and even became stronger in the 20th century. There were 57.81% of sons of noblemen, 38.83% of sons of commissioned officers and officials,
0.2% of sons of clergymen, 2.97% of sons of Cossacks, and 0.59% of sons of foreign people in all military schools except Moscow and Kiev military schools, according to the data for 1902. Meanwhile, there were 25.91% of sons of noblemen, 21.3% of sons of commissioned officers and officials, and 3.11% of sons of clergymen in Moscow and Kiev military schools.
All military schools were divided into two groups since 1905. The first group consisted of schools where the Cadet Corps rules of admittance (old schools) were preserved. The second group included the others. As a result, the social origin differences between two groups of military schools dramatically increased. The findings for 1906 are given in table 2 [6, p. 32].
T a b l e 2
Social origin of students of old and new (reformed junker) military schools in 1906, %
Social origin Old schools New schools
Children of hereditary noblemen 47,79 26,5
Children of personal noblemen, commissioned officers and officias 49,5 32,89
Children of clergymen 0,36 2,33
Children of mercha nts and honorably freemen 0,09 10,32
Children of Cossacks 2,43 3,56
Others 0,27 24,17
The data, presented in table 2, verifies the share of hereditary or personal noblemen in so-called “new schools” sharply decreased by 21.3% and 17.6%, respectively. But the number of merchants and honorably freemen increased 10 times. The share of representatives of “other” social classes rose by 25%. We can state that liberalization of social composition in military schools took place. The political system of the country changed and visible elements
of democracy appeared. State Duma was established; freedom of speech, unions and meetings was declared; legal political parties came into existence, etc. All these things had an enormous influence on social composition of military schools.
Military schools belonging to group 2 made up 80% of all military schools. Social origin of cadets of all military schools was close to social origin of cadets studied in military schools of the 2nd group. A share of hereditary noblemen did not seem to exceed 25%. While hereditary noblemen counted less than a half of people in group “noblemen, commissioned officers and officials”.
The wish of Ministry of Defense to raise educational level of senior commissioned officers was praiseworthy. Reorganization of military academies into militaries schools made it possible to increase number of students from 1800 to 5600 people. At the same time the government tried to protect the commissioned officers pool from representatives of lower social classes. At first it worked. The shares of social classes remained the same in 1902 and in 1906 [6, p. 32].
From the beginning of the 20th century, young men between the ages of 17 and 22 either the Cadet Corps graduates or civilians could be enrolled in military and special schools. The entrants could be representatives of all persuasions except the Jewish religion. Obligatory common demands for all entrants were physical health, unmarried status and secondary education (at least 6 grades). Secondary education was an obstacle for workers and peasants to enter a military school unlike to children of minor officials, merchants and bourgeois.
All entrants to military and special schools were supposed to submit “certificates of moral maturity issued by chiefs of the educational organizations, where applicants studied before; or by the people familiar with the chiefs of a school an applicant is going to enter” [7, p. 512]. Since 1864 there were no class limits to enter any military school including the Page Corps. There were some private limits. For example, Cossacks had a privilege to enter Cossack military schools. Besides the papers needed to be admitted to a military school, Cossacks submitted a permit to enter military school issued by an army Cossack chieftain. Special schools (artillery, engineering, and topographical) had the same admittance conditions as military schools (infantry cavalry, and Cossack).
Social composition of junker schools was different from social composition of military schools and the Cadet Corps. There was a prevailing number of noblemen in junker schools in the 1860s - 1880s. From 1865 till 1872 the percentage of hereditary and personal noblemen in junker schools was 86%. Junker schools kept their noble composition in the second half of the 1870s, when representatives of all classes were provided with ample opportunity to enter junker and military schools. There were 74% of noblemen in 12 schools in 1877. At that time a tendency to decrease a share of noblemen in junker schools began to show. Children of hereditary noblemen together with children of personal noblemen, commissioned officers and officials made up more than half the students in junker schools in the 1880s and less than 40% at the beginning of the 20th century. Meanwhile children of peasants, petty bourgeois and Cossacks made up a quarter of all students in the 1880s and a bout a half at the beginning of the 20th century. Table 3 demonstrates dynamics of social composition in junker schools [8, p. 333; 9. p. 243].
T a b l e 1
Social origin of students studied in military schools at the end of the 19th century, %
Social origin I group II group
Children of noblemen, commissioned officers and officials 95,39 59,81
Children of clergymen 0,53 2,1
Children of Cossacks 1,51 5,61
Othe rs 1,78 32,24*
Children of foreigners 079 024
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Noblemen predominated over other students of junker schools during the period under review. Nevertheless since 1895 the share of noblemen quickly reduced. It made up 39.8% in 1902. But on the other hand, the share of petty bourgeois and the share of peasants nearly doubled (as compared with 1886). The share of honorably freemen doubled as well, though the same number of honorably freemen entered junker schools in 1886 and in 1902.
It is not clear why military department provided information about students belonging to the clergy only in 1902. It is known that students belonging to the clergy were admitted to junker schools earlier. Most probably such students were listed as honorably freemen. We cannot understand why there is no complete information about Cossack admittance to junker schools. Then there were special Cossack junker schools, where Cossacks might study. The chiefs seemed to list Cossacks as peasants in that case.
Table 3 mostly lets us see a gradual decrease in the share of noblemen in junker schools as well as a galloping decrease at the turn of the century The share of noblemen fell by 66.7% for a quarter of a century The share of peasants and petty bourgeois substantially rose.
The history of a particular school could be different from other schools. Let's take a look at social composition of the Mikhialovsky artillery school in 1869-1877. We should mind that it was a privileged military school. There was no tendency of decreasing of noblemen in the school. Even if there was, it could hardly be noticed. Representatives of lower social classes began to rise and reached 10-12% only in the period of 1870 - 1872. Then later in the early 20th century social liberalization took place in that school too.
Social composition liberalization in the Cadet Corps was a bit different from the same process in other military schools. Initially the Cadet Corps supposed to have only children of hereditary noblemen and commissioned officers who earned officer rank along with personal nobility Since the early1880s the number of students fully supported by the government started accelerating while the number of external students began to fall. It resulted in increasing number of children of military men [2, p. 45]. In addition, sons of Cossacks, clergymen, and Slavonic countries natives (foreigners) could enter the Cadet Corps.
The Cadet Corps graduates often continued their education in military schools. It is known that 887 cadets out of
Social class representatives of military schools in 1886-1902
Years Noblemen Hono ra bly freem en Merchants Petty bou rgeo is Clergymen Pea sants Coss acks Ot hers
1886 63,45 8,63 2,95 12,35 - 6,75 4,76 1,79
1887 60,03 9.75 3.5 11,02 - 6,92 6,23 2,57
1888 62,5 9,2 3,8 12,4 - 9,1 3,0 -
1889 63,9 9,4 3,4 12,9 - 6,8 3,6 -
1890 60.2 11.3 2.9 12.5 - 9.3 3.8 -
1891 60,0 13,2 3,5 13,3 - 8,8 1,5 -
1892 60,0 11,2 4,0 15,0 - 9,8 - -
1893 60.0 9.5 3.9 16.0 - 10.6 - -
1894 60,0 9,9 3,4 16,8 - 9,6 0,3 -
1895 52,8 12,7 3,3 16,9 - 9,2 5,1 -
1896 50.6 14.4 2,6 16,7 - 9,7 6,0 -
1897 46,8 12,9 2,7 18,0 - 13,6 6,0
1898 43,9 16,1 2,6 17,9 - 6,3 6,3 -
1899 49.9 12.6 3,3 3,4 - 24,1 6,2 0,5
1900 35,2 16,4 3,9 20,0 - 18,9 5,6 -
1901 41,7 12,9 3,7 23,2 - 15,3 - -
1902 39.8 8.4 2,5 20,2 5,5 13,2 - 0,4
1005 entered military schools in 1901; 994 out of 1091 in 1905; 987 out of 117 4 in 1908; 1195 out of 1353 in 1911; 1041out of 1269 in1912; 1093 out of 1329 in 1914 [6, p. 29
- 31]. Graduates of the Cadet Corps took more than half vacancies in such elite military schools as the Pavlovsky and Alexandrovsky Infantry Schools, the Mikhialovsky and Konstantinovsky Artillery Schools, the Nikolaevsky Engineering School [10, p. 132].
Artillery, engineering and other special-purpose schools had specific social composition. In the last quarter of the 19th century and the early 20th artillery schools were manned mostly with graduates of the Cadet Corps. In particular, there were 279 cadets out of 337 entrants in 1903 [11, p. 53, 56]. Social composition of artillery schools seemed to be more aristocratic than in general military schools, although any social class limits couldn't be observed since 1859. There were prevailing number of graduates from military academies and the Cadet Corps in such schools, that's why so many noblemen studied there. Social composition of artillery schools began to change and turned out to be more socially liberal. For example, on January 1st ,1904 the Mikhialovsky and Konstantinovsky artillery schools counted 47% of children of hereditary noblemen, 50% of children of commissioned officers and officials, and 3% of others. There were 263 hereditary noblemen, 416 children of personal noblemen, commissioned officers and officials, and 121representatives of other social classes in 1906; in 1908
- 336, 401 and 154 respectively.
The Nikolaevsky Engineering School met the needs of army unlike artillery schools. In the late 19th century the number of engineering school students increased from 140 up to 250 [11, p. 74; 12, p. 23]. In artillery schools there was a bigger increase in students. Social composition of that school was less noble than in artillery schools due to non-military applicants. Up to 30% of entrants were people not of noble birth. Educational level of students in the engineering school appeared to be much higher than in infantry and cavalry schools. It could be easily explained as the most common students in the engineering school as well as in other schools had to make their way through without help of any noble privileges and property.
The Russian Army stopped being manned with officers of noble birth de jure and de facto in the years of the First World War. At the very beginning of the War urgent measures were taken to complete army with officers. The Page Corps, infantry, cavalry and Cossack schools were reformed into higher schools which provided four-month officer courses in October 1914. Study duration in artillery and engineering schools lasted 8 months. According to the legislation there were no differences in officers' rights and duties graduated from the schools before and during the War. Since then noble birth officers didn't get any privilege. Quality of education and army service experience became the determining criteria.
T a b l e 3
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During the War officers got differentiation on regular officers and wartime officers [13]. Term of study in military schools changed several times during the WWI [14, p. 356]. For example, term of study in the Page Corps, infantry and Cossack schools proved to last for four months according to the order of military department issued on February 18th, 1915. Meeting the request of the authorities of mentioned above schools, term of study in the Page Corps, infantry and Cossack schools was extended up to 5 months in April 1915 [15. O. 725. On. 48. fl. 970. fl. 34 06.].
Due to the military department order dated June 17th, 1916 term of study was shortened back to 4 months. When the Russian Provisional Government took the office, General Department of Military Schools issued the order in August 31st, 1917 to extend term of study up to 8 months [15. O. 1468. On. 2. fl. 145. f. 504]. Term extension also happened in cavalry and Cossack schools [16]. Social origin of future commissioned officers stopped being matter of importance.
Thus, military schools abandoned to be noble due to social structure change in Russia, educational level-up, transforming into bourgeois society, noblemen stand-down and, finally the WWI. Social liberalization in military schools started in the Milutin reforms period of the 1860s - 1870s and finished in the WWI. The old feudal system of officers' recruitment for the army was outdated because of the progress, and, finally, vanished in the early 20th century.
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цатипятилетия благополучного царствования государя императора Александра Николаевича. 1700 - 1880 . СПб., 1880.
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4. Полн. собр. законов. Т. XVII. Ст. 12741.
5. Бескровный Л.Г. Русская армия и флот в XIX веке. М., 1973.
6. Бескоровный Л.Г. Армия и флот России в начале XX в. М., 1986.
7. Всеобщий календарь. Педагогический отдел. СПб.: Изд. П.П. Сойкина, 1909.
8. Зайончковский П.А. Самодержавие и русская армия на рубеже XIX - XX столетий. 1881 - 1903. М., 1973.
9. Его же: Военные реформы 1860 - 1870 годов в России. М., 1952.
10. Месснер Е, Вакар С., Вербицкий Ф. Российские офицеры // Офицерский корпус Русской Армии: опыт самопознания. М., 2000.
11. Всеподданнейший отчет о действиях Военного министерства за 1903 г. Отчет Главного артиллерийского управления. СПб., 1904.
12. Всеподданнейший отчет о действиях Военного министерства за 1881 г. СПб., 1882.
13. Положение об ускоренной подготовке офицеров в военное время в военно-учебных заведениях с четырехмесячным ускоренным курсом (Пр. по В. в. № 689 от 1914 г.); Положение об ускоренной подготовке офицеров в военное время в военно-учебных заведениях с 8-месячным ускоренным курсом (Пр. по В. в. № 756 от 1914 г.).
14. Михайлов А.А. Руководство военным образованием в России во второй половине XIX - начале XX веков. Псков, 1999.
15. Российский государственный военно-исторический архив (РГВИА).
16. Приказ по военному ведомству № 689 от 20 октября
1914 г.; Приказ по военному ведомству № 81 от 18 февраля
1915 г.
удк 94(47) Ya.V. Shabanov
UNEMPLOYMENT IN THE 1990s: PROBLEMS AND SOLUTIONS
The article deals with some unemployment problems in the 1990s. Unemployment features of a period of transition are shown as well as its manifestations in particular regions. Economic and social consequences are described; forms and methods of coping with this problem are studied.
Key words: employment, unemployment, legislative issues, employment service, standard of living.
Я.В. Шабанов
НЕКОТОРЫЕ ПРОБЛЕМЫ ТРУДОВОЙ ЗАНЯТОСТИ НАСЕЛЕНИЯ И ПУТИ ИХ РЕШЕНИЯ в 90-е годы XX века
В статье рассматриваются некоторые проблемы безработицы 90-х гг. XX в. Показаны ее особенности в условиях переходного периода, проявление в отдельных регионах. Раскрываются экономические, социальные последствия, изучаются формы и методы борьбы с этим явлением.
Ключевые слова: занятость населения, безработица, законодательные акты, служба занятости, качество жизни.
Unemployment was one of the factors which had a significant influence on the social picture of the country. Being a part of the market economy, unemployment was not something unexpected. The problem was in its extent and the government readiness to contain it. It is known, that radical reforms made a great deal of people, including economically active population, feel risky. Even at the first stage unemployment became too vast, and it forced authorities to seek ways out. Employment Act of the Russian Federation 1991, per se, legalized unemployment. Legis-
lative act number 3 established order and conditions which allows to recognize people as unemployed. In particular, this act of law says, “Able-bodied citizens are considered as unemployed, if they do not have a job and earnings, but they are registered in employment placement agencies to find a right job, look for job opportunities and are ready to proceed to work. Severance pays and preserved average payments to employees, discharged from organizations (or from the military service) on grounds of dissolution or staff reduction irrespective of business entity and patterns
