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0ИСТОРИЯ МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫХ ОТНОШЕНИЙ / HISTORY OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS
Научная статья / Research article
Russia and the United States: Searching for Common Ground in History
Maria V. Butina
The State Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian Federation, Moscow, Russian Federation
E-mail: butina@duma.gov.ru
Nickolay P. Parkhitko
RUDN University, Moscow, Russian Federation ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7678-5735; e-mail: scharnchorst@mail.ru
Abstract. The article analyzes the historical, political, military and strategic consequences of the Russian military support of the Northern states during the American Civil War. Over 160 years ago, in June 19th 1862 American President Abraham Lincoln declared the complete and final emancipation of American slaves. This declaration was published in newspapers across all states and was the result of the victory of the Northerners in the Civil War against the secessionists of the South. The Russian Empire, and specifically Emperor Alexander II, not only supported the government of Lincoln but also sent two Russian squadrons of sail-screw ships to the American shores in accordance with the highest permission of the Russian Emperor on 25 June 1863, a few days before the great Battle of Gettysburg. The purpose of the squadron was to protect the United States from possible aggression by France and Great Britain. It is important to note that, in light of events in the western provinces of the Russian Empire at the time, the leading European powers had openly threatened St. Petersburg with possible military intervention because of supported by Britain and France rebellion, which broke out in January 1863 in the western provinces of the Russian Empire. The leaders of the uprising advocated the restoration of an independent Polish-Lithuanian Commonwealth and secession from the Russian Empire. In such an event, Russia provided support to the northern states and dispatched the A. Popov and S. Lesovsky squadrons to American shores. Russian ships arrived in New York and San Francisco in 1863, thereby demonstrating to the world that Russia and the United States were allied. In the event that England aligned with the Confederacy, Russian ships could have threatened Britain's maritime communications. Consequently, England never decided to support the South. The study also includes a retrospective analysis of the Russian political position towards USA in the mid XIX century. The article uses methods of historical, political and psychological sciences: historical and analytical method, historical and comparative method, method of political analysis, method of structural psychological analysis and method of forecasting in the context of amicable beginnings in interstate relations, viewed in historical retrospect.
Keywords. Russian Empire, USA, Civil War, England, France, Russian Navy.
For citation: Maria V. Butina, Nickolay P. Parkhitko Russia and the United States: Searching for Common Ground in History // Postsovetskie issledovaniya = Post-Soviet Studies. 2024; 4(7):409-414 (In Russ.)
Россия и США: в поисках объединяющего исторического начала
М. В. Бутина
Государственная Дума Федерального Собрания Российской Федерации, Москва, Россия
E-mail: butina@duma.gov.ru
Н. П. Пархитько
Российский университет дружбы народов им Патриса Лумумбы, Москва, Россия ORCID: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-7678-5735; e-mail: scharnchorst@mail.ru
Аннотация. В статье анализируются исторические, политические и военно-стратегические последствия военной поддержки, оказанной Российской Империей северным штатам США в годы Гражданской войны. Более 160 лет назад, 19 июня 1862 г., президент США А. Линкольн объявил об отмене рабства. Эта декларация была опубликована в газетах всех штатов и во многом обусловила победу северян в Гражданской войне над мятежным рабовладельческим Югом. Российская империя в лице императора Александра II, не только поддержала правительство Линкольна, но и направила к берегам США две эскадры 25 июня 1863 г., за несколько дней до битвы при Геттисберге. Целью эскадр была защита Соединенных Штатов от возможной интервенции со стороны Франции и Великобритании. Важно отметить, что в свете событий в западных губерниях Российской империи в то время ведущие европейские державы открыто угрожали Петербургу возможной военной интервенцией из-за поддержанного Великобританией и Францией восстания, вспыхнувшего в январе 1863 г. в Польше. Лидеры восстания выступали за восстановление независимой Речи Посполитой и выход ее из состава Российской империи. В этом случае Россия оказала поддержку северным штатам и направила к американским берегам эскадры А. Попова и С. Лесовского. В 1863 г. русские корабли прибыли в Нью-Йорк и Сан-Франциско, тем самым продемонстрировав всему миру, что Россия и США являются союзниками. В случае если бы Англия присоединилась к Конфедерации, русские корабли могли бы угрожать морским коммуникациям Британии. Данные обстоятельства побудили Англию отказаться от прямой военной поддержки Юга. Статья также включает ретроспективный анализ политической позиции России по отношению к США в середине XIX в. В материале используются методы исторической, политической и психологической наук: историко-аналитический метод, историко-сравнительный метод, метод политанализа, метод структурного психологического анализа и метод прогнозирования в контексте дружественных начал в межгосударственных отношениях в исторической ретроспективе.
Ключевые слова: Российская империя, США, Гражданская война, Англия, Франция, российский флот.
Для цитирования: Бутина М. В., Пархитько Н. П. Россия и США: в поисках объединяющего исторического начала // Постсоветские исследования. 2024; 4(7):409-414.
Historical background. By 1860-s Russia and the United States had developed a favorable and trusting relationship. The neutral and supportive position taken by Washington during the Crimean War was highly appreciated in St. Petersburg. Within the framework of histor-icism, we propose in my article to consider this lesser-known but significant example of diplomatic relations between Russia and the United States. The bilateral relations serve as an example of effective establishment of diplomatic bridges between the two countries.
It is important to note that the war was effectively contained for a considerable period of time due to the fact that the Southern states enjoyed a distinct advantage in the highest levels of government and were able to advocate for their interests at the federal level. Indeed, of the 12 Union presidents between 1809 and 1860, seven were Southerners (Madison, Monroe, Jackson, Harrison, Tyler, Polk, Taylor) who did not seek to oppress their countrymen. Moreo-
ver, Northern presidents such as Franklin Pierce and James Buchanan attempted to cultivate cordial relations with Britain, while maintaining diplomatic ties with the South.
In December 1860, Abraham Lincoln, a staunch supporter of centralizing the states, was elected president. South Carolina declared secession. It should be noted that the laws of the Union did not prohibit secession from the United States. Believing that the new president's political program threatened the South, in early 1861 South Carolina was followed by six additional states: Mississippi, Florida, Alabama, Louisiana, Texas, and Georgia. The secessionist states convened a convention in Montgomery, Alabama, at which they created the Confederate States of America (CSA) on February 4, 1861. Jefferson Davis, a Mississippi planter and a former senator from this state was elected as the president of the Confederacy. Virginia, Arkansas, North Carolina, Tennessee, and North Carolina also joined the CSA.
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Twenty-three states remained within the United States, including three slave states, as well as several western Virginia counties that refused to recognize Davis's authority. Most importantly, the Federals retained a significant advantage in industry, with 110,000 plants and factories in the North versus 18,000 in the South. They also retained a substantial advantage in railroads, with 70% of the total, 22 million people, and an army and navy.
President Buchanan did not prevent Southerners from seizing federal property in their states until Lincoln's inauguration in March 1861. Prior to this, Southerners occupied arsenals, forts, and other military installations without a fight. The only exception was Fort Sumter, which was located in the harbor of Charleston, South Carolina. This occurred on April 12, 1861. The commandant refused the offer to surrender: the fort was shelled, and the fort responded with its own fire. This incident was perceived by both sides as the provoking of a full-scale war.
International aspect. In the meantime, the American Civil War approached the threshold of becoming an international conflict. The textile industry in Great Britain, which had been devastated by the North's blockade of southern ports, was willing (in conjunction with France) to recognize the Confederacy. At the same time, the possibility of naval assistance to the rebels from these countries was not ruled out, including the provision of arms and ammunition.
It's worth mentioning that the North had been engaged in a prolonged campaign to shape public opinion, employing information warfare tactics. They constructed an image of "damned slave-owning plantation owners" who oppressed blacks, despite the fact that the situation of blacks in the "free" states was not significantly better. Northerners were presented as the "good guys." This phase was so successful that these images were adopted by the world community of the time. The progressive public in Europe generally supported the North. Those on the side of the North included recent immigrants (up to a quarter of the entire army), Germans, Irish, British, and Canadians. The Swiss Riflemen, Garibaldi's Guard, the Polish Legion, and the Lafayette Guards made their mark in the war, but the Irish were the most ef-
fective fighters. Northern masters threw their bodies (white migrants) at the desperately fighting Southerners.
The passage of the law abolishing slavery on June 19, 1862, was a decisive political, economic, and military move on Lincoln's part. By the start of the Civil War, the rebellious states covered 40 percent of the United States, but were more than twice as populous as the North. Of the roughly 9.2 million Southerners, more than a third of them were slaves. The Slavery Abolition Act and the Emancipation Proclamation, which were widely circulated in enemy territory, not only transformed the nature of the war from a conflict over slavery to a struggle for liberation but also allowed the Yankee army to be replenished with new recruits. By the end of the war, 180,000 former slaves had joined the Northern forces.
Consequently, European countries were reluctant to provide substantial assistance to the Confederacy. It was perceived as an unpalatable act to provide aid to slave traders. Nevertheless, the underlying motivation remained the pursuit of economic and political gain. In the summer of 1863, a squadron of 5 ships of Her Majesty Queen Victoria's navy arrived at the Canadian port of Exmolt, showing willingness to support in the conflict opponents of the federal authorities in Washington. France was engaged in its own geopolitical maneuvering, with plans for Mexico in the contiguous American South. In an effort to secure the loyalty of the Confederates, Paris unofficially supplied them with arms.
In June 1863, the European powers sent a secondary protest to St. Petersburg, demanding the convening of a congress of European powers to resolve the Polish problem [Shirokorad 2003:149].
At this juncture, the cabinet of Alexander II made a political decision that could be described as "asymmetric" in the context of modern strategic theory. Two groups of Russian warships were dispatched to the shores of the Civil War-stricken United States.
Russian engagement. The institution of serfdom in Russia and the huge slave segment in economy of the United States are not directly comparable historical phenomena. In political terms, the ground for the Russian position towards US is provided by the fact that Russia,
which had just abolished serfdom, from the very beginning of the Civil War in the United States sided with the Northern States fighting against the Southern States (Confederates) for the abolition of slavery.
The entire operation was conducted with the top secrecy. On September 24th, 1863, the Russian squadron under the command of Admiral S. Lesovsky arrived at the roadstead of New York. On September 27, the second squadron, under the command of Admiral A. Popov, anchored at the roadstead of San Francisco [Bolhovitinov 1996: 201].
The Oslyabya was the inaugural vessel to traverse the Atlantic Ocean from the Mediterranean Sea, embarking on a solo voyage. On July 18, the Alexander Nevsky departed from Kronstadt, accompanied by other vessels en route. On September 12, 1863, the Oslyabya became the first to arrive in New York Harbor. On September 13, the "Peresvet" and the "Alexander Nevsky" arrived, followed by the "Varyag" and the "Vityaz" that same evening.
The Pacific Squadron's ships departed from the Russian Far East. On August 26, the clipper "Abrek," accompanied by the corvette "Bo-gatyr" (flagship of the squadron commander), departed from St. Olga Bay for San Francisco. The first vessel to arrive in San Francisco was "Gaydamak" on September 19. The corvette Novik was wrecked on the approach to San Francisco on the night of September 14-151.
The St. Andrew's flag of the Russian Navy was displayed to London and Paris off the coast of the United States in the context of their potential military support for the opponents of President Lincoln's government [Sobolev 2002:98].
The American public greeted the arrival of Russian sailors in American ports with enthusiasm. They were accompanied by the attention of U.S. Secretary of State Seward and Maritime Secretary Welles. Numerous meetings were
1 Tanya Schevitz Wills. Mare Island honors sailors who died in 1863 fire. 130 years after S.F. blaze, a memorial service points out new era of friendship // San Francisco Examiner, Wednesday, January 26, 1994.. URL: https://www.holy-trini-
ty.org/history/1994/1994.01.26%20SF%20Examiner.htm l (Date of access: 22.03.2024)
held with the Congressional leadership, parliamentarians, and their families.
An interesting fact: a member of the crew of the clipper "Almaz", which was part of Lesovsky's squadron, was N. Rimsky-Korsakov, at that time a young midshipman and in the future a famous Russian composer. From his letter to his homeland: "Our squadron was received here in a friendly manner, even to the extreme. You can't even show up on the shore in a military dress: you will not be looking, but looked at! They will come up (even ladies) to express their respect for the Russians and their pleasure that they are in New York" [Benjamin F. Gilbert 2009: 17-19].
For nearly 9 months, the Russian naval expedition was at sea. At the end of July 1864, when St. Petersburg considered its objectives achieved, the commanders of both squadrons were ordered to leave American waters and return home.
Conversely, at the at the turning point of the Civil War, the squadrons under the St. Andrew's flag assumed the role of a guarantor of security for Washington against external interference. In politics, it is not always necessary for guns to be fired; it is sufficient that they are present and aimed at the enemy.
As a result, the North emerged triumphant in all three arenas of conflict: information, political, and economic. The Confederacy was diplomatically isolated during the war, despite its hopes for assistance from England and France. The South was unable to secure loans for the war effort. The presence of the Russian fleet in U.S. ports influenced the decision of England and France to refuse both to recognize the CSA and to provide it military aid [Ko-zhevnikov 2009: 72].
Instead of conclusion: political consequences. The political outcome of the Russian ships' visit to the United States was considered as "absolute success" both in St. Petersburg and Washington. The potential for impeding the vulnerable maritime communications of England and France enabled the cabinet of Alexander II to adopt a more assertive stance towards the Western European powers. Consequently, the "Polish question" was removed from the international agenda. By the summer of 1864, the rebellion in the western regions of Russia had been quelled.
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In the summer of 1863, French Foreign Minister Edouard Drouin de Luys proposed a joint occupation of Poland with his British counterpart. However, the British declined the offer. The reason for this refusal can be attributed to two events. In early August of that year, the United States made a statement. Lincoln wrote that an agreement had been reached with St. Petersburg, according to which, in the event of any action against Russia or against the North, the Russian fleet (which had already put to sea on June 25, 1863, and had passed the Baltic and the North Sea) would come under Yankee command. The fleet would then, in conjunction with the North, begin a systematic extermination of British and French trade by all possible means (sink, capture or burn).
In the fall of 1863, Russia and the United States jointly announced that they were suspending wheat imports to Britain. Combined, this was 51% of England's food imports (16.3 million quintals out of 30 million). It turned out that London had to urgently find a substitute for these supplies, or they were going to starve. And inflation on the background of the famine, for bread prices would skyrocket catastrophi-cally.
Besides, during the stay of Russian naval forces in America, the federal army achieved significant military successes, increased the authority of the Lincoln administration and bolstered the country's international standing.
On October 31, 1863, diplomatic representatives of England and Russia were informed by the French government of a project proposed by France for joint action by the three powers. The plan involved offering an armistice for six months, lifting the blockade, and opening American ports (including southern ones) for European trade. However, Russia rejected the French proposal. The English government, in turn, replied in disagreement, citing Russia as the reason for its stance.
This conclusion is supported by the words of William Henry Seward, the former U.S. Secretary of State: "although the Russian fleet came for its own reasons, the advantage of its presence was to convince England and France that it came to protect the United States from interference." Strictly observing the principles of neutrality and the laws of war, the Russian sailors, following the instructions received, did
not take part in hostilities against the rebels, but expressed their readiness to render any possible assistance in protecting the coasts of the northern states from possible attacks by the Confederate fleet.
At a reception for the returning Russian sailors at the American Embassy in St. Petersburg, U.S. Secretary Henry Bergh said: "There is a friendship between us that is not marred by any bad memories. It will continue under the firm rule of not interfering in each other's internal affairs. It is not difficult to imagine the tremendous advantages which such a policy would confer upon all the governments of the globe if it were carefully adhered to in international relations." We believe this is the approach that should guide the leadership of the United States and Russia in building bilateral relations at the present stage!
СПИСОК ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ
Benjamin F. Gilbert Research Papers, , San José State University Library Special Collections and
Archives, MSS-2009-02-07. - 1212 p. Болховитинов Н. Н. Русские эскадры в США в 1863-1864 гг. // Новая и новейшая история. -
1996. - № 5. - С. 195-216 Кожевников М. Операция русского флота в Северной Америке. 1863-1864 гг. // Морской
сборник. - 2009. - № 10. - С. 69-79 Соболев В. С. Андреевский флаг на рейде Сан-Франциско. // Гангут. - 2002. - Вып. 32. - С. 96-100.
Широкорад А. Б. Россия-Англия: неизвестная война, 1857-1907 /А. Б. Широкорад. - М: ООО «Издательство ACT», 2003. - 512 с.
REFERENCES
Benjamin F. Gilbert Research Papers, San José State University Library Special Collections and
Archives, MSS-2009-02-07. - 1212 p. BolhovitinovN. N. Russkie jeskadry v USA v 1863-1864 gg. // Novaja i novejshaja istorija. - 1996.
- № 5. - S. 195-216 (in Russian). Kozhevnikov M. Operacija russkogo flota v Severnoj Amerike. 1863-1864 gg. // Morskoj sbornik. -
2009. - № 10. - S. 69-79 (in Russian). Sobolev V. S. Andreevskij flag na rejde San-Francisko. // Gangut. - 2002. - Vyp. 32. - S. 96-100 (in Russian).
Shirokorad A. B. Rossija-Anglija: neizvestnaja vojna, 1857-1907 /A. B. Shirokorad. - M: OOO «Izdatel'stvo ACT», 2003. - 512 s. (in Russian).
ИНФОРМАЦИЯ ОБ АВТОРАХ / INFORMATION ABOUT THE AUTHORS
Бутина Мария Валерьевна - депутат Maria V. Butina - Deputy of the State
Государственной Думы Федерального Со- Duma of the Federal Assembly of the Russian
брания Российской Федерации, член Коми- Federation, member of the Committee on In-
тета по международным делам. Москва, ternational Affairs. Moscow, Russia. E-mail:
Россия. E-mail: butina@duma.gov.ru butina@duma.gov.ru
Пархитько Николай Петрович - кан- Nickolay P. Parkhitko - PhD in History,
дидат исторических наук, доцент кафедры Associate Professor of the Theory and History
теории и истории журналистики Филологи- of Journalism Department, RUDN University.
ческого факультета РУДН. Москва, Россия. Moscow, Russia. E-mail: scharn-
E-mail: scharnchorst@mail.ru chorst@mail.ru
