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Philologia Classica. 2022. Vol. 17. Fasc. 1
Reflections on the Hesychian Lemma PoupiKunapiooo^
Elwira Kaczynska
University of Lodz, Faculty of Philology, Chair of Classical Philology, Department of Latin Studies and Linguistics,
171/173, ul. Pomorska, Lodz, 90-236, Poland; elwira.kaczynska@uni.lodz.pl.
For citation: Kaczynska E. Reflections on the Hesychian lemma PoupiKunapiaao^. Philologia Classica 2022, 17 (1), 60-76. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2022.105
The Greek grammarian and lexicographer, Hesychius of Alexandria (5th-6th c. CE) included a Pamphylian gloss: poupiKunapiaaoq ^ d|insAoq. nspyaioi in his dictionary of rare and dialectal words. Based on a microphilological and lexical analysis, I suggest that the Greek text should be read as follows: ^oupi- Kunapiaaoq ^ d|insAoq. nspyaioi ("bourt: cypress or grapevine. Citizens of Perge"). The Pamphylian gloss in question represents two different borrowings of terms originating in the Near East. The first item ^oupi- Kunapiaaoq ('cypress') seems to have been borrowed from Akkadian burasu(m) 'a kind of conifer tree; juniper or cypress' with a Lycian intermediary (Akk. bura.su ^ Luw. *burasis > Lyc. *burehi > *burhi — Pamph. ^oupi), whereas the second one ^oupi- [...] d|insAoq ('grapevine') reflects a separate loanword from an Anatolian source, cf. Hitt. and Luw. muris c. 'a grapevine, a vine, a cluster or bunch of grapes or other fruit'. The Pamphylian dialect of Ancient Greek represents an extraordinary idiom, which was used in the neighbourhood of numerous Anatolian languages such as Lycian, Milyan, Sidetic, Pisidian and Cilician. It is therefore not surprising that the Pamphylian Greeks borrowed a number of cultural terms for plants from an Anatolian Indo-European source, as well as from Akkadian or other West Semitic languages via Luwian and Lycian. Additionally, other possible Anatolian borrowings into Ancient Greek (e. g. Gk. dial. p«Ar|vf 'a type of grapevine', 'id.' vs. Hittite mahlas c. 'grapevine, Vitis vinifera L.') are mentioned
and reviewed.
Keywords: Hesychius' lexicon, Ancient Greek, Pamphylian dialect, Anatolian borrowings, language contacts, Egyptian, Semitic loanwords.
The extensive glossary compiled by Hesychius of Alexandria, an early Byzantine Greek grammarian, is an invaluable source of knowledge for modern linguists researching Ancient Greek dialects. It should be remembered, however, that the material collected by the lexicographer contains, apart from dialectal items, rare or obscure words, as well as a selection of peculiar inflectional forms and phraseological expressions, most often of a proverbial nature.
In this rich collection, which includes approximately 51,000 entries, our attention is drawn to an extremely curious gloss (Hsch. p-963): poupiKunapiaaoq- ^ d^nsAoc;. nspyaioi "bourikyparissos — grapevine. Citizens of Perge".1 The gloss with an ethnic qualifier Pergaioi, refers to the inhabitants of Perge, a city located in the southern part of the Asia Minor coast, and clearly indicates its Pamphylian origin.
1 Cunningham 2018, 458. See also Schmidt 1858, 391 (ß-969), Latte, 1953, 340 (ß-963). © St Petersburg State University, 2022
The Pamphylian idiom of Ancient Greek was a particular, idiosyncratic mixture of features characteristic of the dialects of the Arcado-Cypriot (also called Achaean) and (to a lesser extent) Doric and Aeolian groups.2 The peculiarities of the dialect in question stem from the fact that the first Greek inhabitants of Pamphylia, a fertile land located between Lycia and Cilicia, were probably the post-Mycenaean Achaeans (2nd half of the 2nd millennium BCE), related to later Arcado-Cypriot Greeks, who in turn were followed by users of Doric (including speakers from Argos, Laconia, and Rhodes) and Aeolian dialects (including speakers from Aeolian Kyme, and Lesbos) that came in two separate waves around the 8th century BCE or a little later.3 A number of phonological, morphological and lexical innovations developed in the Pamphylian dialect through transference from neighbouring adstrate languages. It should not be forgotten that the area in question, before the arrival of the first Greek settlers, was inhabited by the Anatolian people who spoke languages of the Luwian subfamily (Lycian, Milyan, Sidetic, Pisidian, and Cilician).4
1. Pamphylian glosses in Hesychius' lexicon
Moritz Wilhelm Constantin Schmidt, the nineteenth-century editor of Hesychius' lexicon, recorded a total of 31 Pamphylian dialect forms.5 The Pamphylian origin of the lemmas is indicated by the ethnic name na^uXioi ("Pamphylians") or by a prepositional phrase of the type uno na^uXiwv ("by the Pamphylians"), napa na^uXioic ("at the Pamphylians"). It can also be recognized by reference to one of the main cities of "Hellenic" Pamphylia, i. e. Perge, Aspendos and Side: nepyatoi ("inhabitants of Perge"), uno nepyaiwv ("by inhabitants of Perge"), ¿v nepyfl ("in Perge"), AanevSioi ("Aspendians"), napa ZiSrpraic ("at the Sidetians"). These latter glosses prove the existence within the Pamphylian dialect of several local varieties used in the major centers of Pamphylia.
In the Pamphylian lexical material collected by Hesychius, the most numerous are those termed the Perge glosses. Among the nineteen words attributed to the idiom of the inhabitants of Perge, the lexeme which stands out is ^oupiKunapiaaoc signifying 'grapevine / ^ a^neXoc'.6 This dialectal word — at first glance — seems to represent a complex formation, created by combining two words: an unclear ^oupi- and the noun known from the Greek language Kunapiaao; (Hom. Od. 5.64+), Att. Kunapirroc f 'evergreen cypress,
2 Pamphylian-Achaean isoglosses, in addition to Pamphylian-Doric and Pamphylian-Aeolian ones, are mentioned by Brixhe 1976, 145-146; Brixhe 2013, 185-203; Bartonek 2011, 63-65, 82-84; Filos 2014, 8-11; and Panayotou 2015, 427-432. The genetic diversity of the Pamphylian dialect is indicated by its very name, derived from the choronym Pamphylia (Gr. na^^uXia) 'the land of all tribes'; cf. Gr. nav n. 'everything, each' and the appellative cpuAri f. 'group of people united by common blood ties and origin, tribe' (or ^uXov n. 'bloodline, tribe, clan, race').
3 Filos 2014, 8.
4 Colvin 2007, 48; Skelton 2017, 104-129. The area of the later Pamphylia from the Bronze Age was dominated by the Luwians; see Popko 1999, 112. The Milyan language is alternatively called Lycian B, though there are numerous systematical differences between Lycian and Milyan; cf. Sevoroshkin 2013, 154-165. Sidetic represents a vernacular language of Side, the city of Pamphylia, situated on a small peninsula; see Kassian 2013, 175-177.
5 Schmidt 1864, 153 (s. v. AZnENAIOI), 163 (s. v. nAMOYAIOI, nEPrAIOI), 164 (s. v. ZIAETAI). See also Pisani 1973, 89-90; Brixhe 1976, 141-143. It cannot be ruled out that the Hesychian glossary contains more words of Pamphylian origin, that are not labelled with an ethnic qualifier.
6 Liddell and Scott 1996, 326: "poupiKunapiaao;- a^neXo; (Perga), Hsch.".
Cupressus sempervirens L. ',7 universally agreed to be an early Semitic borrowing; cf. Hebr. göper 'the type of wood used to build Noah's ark; fir' (Gen. 6.14).8
In relation to the Hesychius' gloss ßouptKunapiaaoq- ^ ацлеЛос;. Перуаюц the question is why the grapevine (Vitis L.), which is a deciduous shrub, was defined by a term containing (in the second part of the compound) the name of a coniferous tree, the cypress (Cupressus L.). This significant mismatch causes us to question the veracity of the gloss under review. It should be noted that reservations about the lemma ßoupiKunapiaao; had already been put forward by Schmidt over a century ago, who (in the critical apparatus) cautiously labelled his proposal for text restitution with a question mark: ßoupi- Kunaptaao; ^ ацпе\о;?9 Kurt Latte, a later editor of Hesychius' lexicon, inserts a comment: "ßoupi-кип. ^ ацп. Schm".10 Ian Campbell Cunningham, the editor of the first volume of the revised edition of Kurt Latte, does the same ("ßoupi- Kunaptaao; ^ a. Schm.").11 The editors thereby indicate the absurdity of the phytonym juxtaposition Kunaptaao; '(evergreen and coniferous) cypress' with ацпеХо; '(deciduous) grapevine'.
In all likelihood the gloss ßoupiKunapiaao;- ^ ацпеХо;. Перуаю1 was incorrectly restored and was originally: ßoupi- Kunaptaao; ^ ацпеХо;. nepyaiot ("bouri — cypress or grapevine. Citizens of Perge). This hypothesis implies that the lexeme ßoupi must have been a Pamphylic borrowing from a non-Greek source, probably from two different languages in which it either meant 'cypress' (Kunaptaao;), or 'grapevine' (ацлеЛо;).
2. The Near Eastern origin of the gloss ßoupi- кияарюао^
The postulated word ßoupi is isolated in Ancient Greek and its foreign origin seems likely. I believe we should focus on two alternatives: Egyptian and Anatolian. To this end, the following sections compare the gloss ßoupi- Kunaptaao; first with the Egyptian word brri, denoting the type of wood, and then with the Hittite appellatives gspura[- and gspuris / puriias (i. e., with the Sumerian ideogram GIS 'tree, wood, wooden equipment').12
The word brri is attested in Ancient Egyptian with the sense 'type of wood used to build carts / Art Holz als Material für einen Wagen'.13 The English Egyptologist and Orientalist Sir Ernest Alfred Wallis Budge (1857-1934) provisionally reconstructs the word as bari and with a clearer meaning 'cypress wood'.14 The quality of the root vowel in the Egyptian word remains unknown.15 Table 1 demonstrates that the Egyptian name brri
7 Cf. Gr. Myc. ku-pa-ri-se-ja adj. n. pl. (PY Sa 488) = *Kunapiaa£ia 'made of cypress'; see Aura Jorro 1985, 403; Kazanskene, Kazanskii 1986, 67. Linear B tablets also testify to the existence of a toponym [ku-] pa-ri-so (PY Na 514) (today Kyparissia) and the ethnic name ku-pa-ri-si-jo (PY An 657.8).
8 Beekes 2010, 803-804; Rosol 2013, 185; Blazek 2014, 99; Beekes 2014, 55.
9 Schmidt 1858, 391.
10 Latte 1953, 340.
11 Cunningham 2018, 458.
12 Friedrich 1991, 274.
13 Erman and Grapow 1971, 466, s. v. brri. See also Lesko 1982, 158, s. v. brrj ("wood") and s. v. brrj ("chariot, wagon box, body of chariot"); Hoch 1991, 128-129; 1994, 100-101 ("a type of wood used in chariots; chariot"); Hannig 1997, 256, s. v. brry, bry c. ("Holz (für Wagen); *Wagenkasten"), bryt f. ("Wagenkasten, Wagenkörper"); Hannig 2000, 1482.
14 Budge 1978, 204.
15 Hoch 1991, 128 gives the vocalized Egyptian word as *burraya. One can agree with the researcher on the root vowel -u-. It is worth mentioning here that all the proposed etymologies of the Egyptian word suggest the root vocalism -u-; see Takacs 2001, 258-259.
[bVri] overlaps in four important points with the revised lemma ^oupi of Hesychius' gloss recorded under the number p-963.
Table 1. Phonetic correspondence between Egyptian and Greek Pamphylian word meaning
'cypress / cypress wood'
Language Anlaut consonant Root vowel Inlaut consonant Auslaut vowel Meaning
Greek Pamphylian ß- -ou- [u] -P- -i 'cypress'
Egyptian b- unknown -rr- -i 'wood used to build carts', presumably 'cypress wood' (?)
The Egyptian word brri signifying 'wood used to build carts', probably 'cypress wood, is often juxtaposed with a phonetically similar Egyptian appellative brj 'a kind of stick or cane'.16 The latter word has exact cognates in Berber languages, e. g. Ghd. ta-buri-t f. 'stick, drumstick'; Ahg. a-buri m. 'thick stick (used in some traps)', ta-buti-t f. 'stick (of medium thickness)'; Twl. a-boray 'a stick attached to a trap with a rope to prevent the animal from escaping'; Ghat ta-buray-t 'stick, cane; piece of cloth used commercially as a unit of length'17. Further equivalents are attested in the Cushitic languages (e. g. Afar bura 'dry sticks or twigs for the fire'; Qwd. bel-ito 'firestick') and in the Chadic languages (e. g. Dng. bdrla 'spear shaft'; Pero bwar 'club').18 It is therefore highly likely that the original vowel of the Egyptian word brj 'a kind of stick or cane' was [u]. If, as we hypothesize, the Egyptian words brj and brri are etymologically related, then the word brri 'type of wood' should be vocalized as [buri].19
James E. Hoch views the Egyptian word brri 'type of wood used in chariots; chariot' as a Semitic borrowing and proposes to compare it with Akk. murranu 'a species of tree', perhaps 'ash-tree' (once recorded as burranu), TAram. murnayan 'ash trees' and Ar. myur-ran- 'beech tree'.20 This etymology is rightly considered as "unconvincing",21 because the Semitic items contain different consonants in both anlaut (m-) and a final position (-n-). The assumed Egyptian-Semitic correspondence would therefore be limited to the geminate -rr- and to the general semantics 'a kind of tree / a type of wood'.
A different etymology is adopted by Gabor Takacs, who assumes the native origin of the Egyptian word brri and the original meaning 'wooden frame, structure' based on the comparison of Brg. buburu 'bedstead', Alg. buburu 'id.', and Qwd. bul-iko 'id.'(< Rift or South Cushitic *bur- 'bedstead').22 It seems that these last words can be derived from the
16 Such a comparison is made by Takacs 2001, 258-259. It should be noted, however, that other Egyptologists separate these words from each other, cf. Erman and Grapow 1971, 465, s. v. brj ("Art Stöcke") and 466, s. v. brri ("Art Holz als Material für einen Wagen").
17 Takacs 2001, 258-259.
18 Diakonoff, Belova, Chetverukhin, Militarev, Porkhomovsky and Stolbova 1994, no. 123; Takacs 2001, 258-259.
19 Note that Egyptian writing recorded only the consonantal shape of the language.
20 Hoch 1991, 128-129; 1994, 100-101.
21 Takacs 2001, 258-259.
22 Takacs 2001, 259.
Afro-Asiatic root *bur- 'to build', cf. Hebr. br' 'to create', Aram. bera 'id.', Ar. br' 'id.' (< Sem. *bVra'- 'to create'); Kirfi buru 'to build', Galambu bar- 'id.'; Fyer bur 'hut', Paa mbura 'place', Siri bari 'id.', Buli ibari 'id.' (< WCh. *bur- 'to build; hut, place'); Mandara bare 'town', Mwu-lyen vura 'id' Bachama vura-to 'id.' (< CCh. *bur- 'town; fortified place'). 23
All the above-mentioned explanations of the Egyptian word brri assume [u] vocalism in the root syllable and unanimously suggest the reading [buri]. The comparison of Gr. Pamph. ßoupi [bu ri] ('cypress') with the Egyptian word brri [buri] ('type of wood') reveals that the words correspond phonetically very well. Only the semantics of the Egyptian lexeme brri requires commentary. Although we have no doubts about its general meaning ("Art Holz als Material für einen Wagen"), the precise definition of the wood material seems debatable. The Egyptologist Budge was of the opinion that the word could refer to the cypress wood. This solution is supported by a Mycenaean Linear B attestation from the 12 th century BCE which we will discuss in detail.
On a clay tablet from Pylos (on the Peloponnese), belonging to the Sa series (registering vehicles and weapons), there is a word ku-pa-ri-se-ja, accompanied by an ideogram denoting a circle (*243 = ROTA): (PY Sa 488) ku-pa-ri-se-ja ROTA + TE ZE 1 MO 1.24 The overwhelming majority of Mycenologists reconstruct the syllabic notation ku-pa-ri-se-ja as referring to the wheels of the chariot in the form *Kunapiaaeta and interpret it as a neuter plural adjective, formed from a dendronym Kunápiaao; f. 'cypress': Myc. ku-pa-ri-se-ja '(made) of cypress wood' (i. e. Myc. a-mo-ta n. pl. = Gr. *ap^oxa 'wheels').25 The Mycenaean document records three wheels made of cypress wood — strictly speaking, one pair of wheels (ZE 1: the acronym of the Greek word (eiyoq n. 'pair') and the single wheel (MO 1: the acronym of Gr. Myc. *^óvpov adi. n. 'single') — all of which are equipped with four wooden spokes attached to the rim with brackets (TE: *Tep^i8pévxa).26 From the context in which the word ku-pa-ri-se-ja appeared, it is clear that the wheelwrights from Pylos, bearing the Mycenaean name te-ko-to-ne (= Gr. téktovec; 'craftsmen who work with wooden objects'), made chariot wheels from cypress wood.27 However, on the island of Crete, different types of wood were used to make wheels: willow (with 11 attestations)28 or elm (with 8 attestations)29. It is worth noting here that scribes from Pylos, unlike the Knossian archivists, were not in the habit of specifying the species of wood used for wheels. The only exception in the group of 33 tablets belonging to series Sa is tablet No. 488 (i. e., the one under analysis). This fact is pointed out by Alberto Bernabé, who supposes that the
23 Orel, Stolbova 1995, 84, s. v. *bura 'build' and 87, s. v. bür- 'fortified place, building'.
24 Ventris and Chadwick 1973, 373; Kazanskene, Kazanskii 1986, 67.
25 Chadwick and Baumbach 1963, 215; Sali-Aksioti, 1996, 101-104, 212. The term Kunapiaaivo; 'of cypress wood', which has been known since the time of Homer (Od. 17.340), is the semantic equivalent of the presumed adjective *Kunapiaasio;, attested exclusively in Mycenaean Greek; see Montanari 2018, 1196.
26 John Chadwick emphasizes that "Mycenaean wheels always have four spokes"; see Chadwick 1958, 108. The fresco from Tiryns is the best example of this statement (13th century BCE), depicting two women riding a chariot equipped with four-spoke wheels (National Archaeological Museum, Athens).
27 Light chariots for two people were a very popular means of transport during the Mycenaean period. The iconographic evidence provides many depictions of two-horse chariots, which, according to researchers, the Mycenaean Greeks used in times of both war and peace, see Chadwick 1958, 107; Schofield 2007, 124.
28 Aura Jorro 1985, 244-245, s. v. e-ri-ka (= Gr. *eAíkcu; gen. sg.); Kazanskene, Kazanskii 1986, 67, 108; Sali-Aksioti 1996, 142-143; Aura Jorro, Bernabé, Luján, Piquero, Varias García 2020, 113.
29 Kazanskene, Kazanskii 1986, 67 & 108; Aura Jorro 1993, 165-166, s. v. pte-re-wa (= Gr. *nTE\épa; gen. sg.); Sali-Aksioti 1996, 266; Aura Jorro, Bernabé, Luján, Piquero, Varias García 2020, 285.
scribes from Pylos wanted to emphasize the preciousness of cypress wood.30 It should be added that the wooden wheels were protected against damage by hoops made from bronze (PY Sa 794; KN So 894.2), and even from silver (PY Sa 287).31
Tablet PY Sa 488 is thus a confirmation of Budge's conjecture that in antiquity, and certainly in the Mycenaean civilization, cypress wood was used to produce wheels. It cannot be ruled out that the same material was used for other construction elements of the cart, for example axles, body, and box. It is known that cypress wood is extremely hard and durable. The homogeneous structure of this raw material, as well as its resistance to pests and decay, guarantees the durability of items made from it.32 Cypress wood is resistant to deformation and relatively easy to process, so it is not surprising that in ancient times it was used in construction, boat building and furniture making.33
The evergreen cypress, native to the eastern Mediterranean, is not limited to Greece.34 The tree grows in, among others, northern Egypt, the Near East, as well as in the southern part of Asia Minor (including the area of ancient Pamphylia). In ancient Egypt, structural elements (e. g. monumental doors, and supports), furniture, sculptures, boats and coffins were made of cypress wood.35 It seems likely that the ancient Egyptians, like the Mycenaean Greeks, also used cypress wood to make wheels and other parts of carts or chariots.
In the light of the Mycenaean evidence (cited above) which documents the use of cypress wood in the manufacture of chariots (carts), especially wheels (PY Sa 488), and because of the phonetic closeness of the Egyptian word brri with the Hesychian gloss Poupí- Kunáptaaoq, Budge's assumption that the lexeme brri meant 'cypress wood' seems quite convincing.
Since the Hesychian gloss poupí- Kunáptaaoq fully reflects the consonant notation of the Egyptian word and its supposed meaning and since Greek and Egyptian belong to separate language families (Indo-European and Afro-Asiatic, respectively), the nature of this correspondence should be elucidated. There is no doubt that we are dealing here with a loanword. There are three possible interpretations. Firstly, the Pamphylian word may have been borrowed from the Egyptian language. Secondly, the Egyptians could have borrowed the term from the Pamphylian Greeks. Thirdly, the two words under discussion could have been borrowed from a third Mediterranean language.
If we accept that the Pamphylian gloss documents a borrowing from the Egyptian language, then the question which arises is how did the Egyptian word brri ('cypress wood') find its way into the language of the inhabitants of Perge. It seems that the Egyptian name for cypress wood could have been borrowed either by Pamphylian sailors or boat builders whose services could have been used by Egyptian rulers, or by merchants, or by Pamphylian mercenaries whose presence in Hellenistic Egypt is confirmed by four short
30 Bernabé 2016, 520. Cypress wood, according to the Italian scientist, was very valuable in antiquity, as it is today ("molto pregiato").
31 Sali-Aksioti 1996, 101, s.v. ap|o.
32 Theophrastus of Eresos, the Greek philosopher and botanist (c. 371-287 BCE), emphasizes (HP 5.4.2) that cypress wood is hard, does not rot, and is excellent for polishing. Cf. also Vitr. 2.9.13.
33 The ancient Greeks believed that the cypress, like the fir, the pine, the juniper, the oak and the Phoenician juniper, was perfect for building houses (Thphr. HP 5.7.4). Cypress wood was also used for artistic purposes, such as carving statues (Thphr. HP 5.3.7).
34 Segura Munguía and Torres Ripa 2009, 117-119, s. v. El ciprés.
35 Gale, Gasson, Hepper and Killen 2000, 350-351, s. v. Cypress [Cupressus sempervirens L.]; Lucas and Harris 2011, 434, s. v. Cypress.
inscriptions written in the Pamphylian dialect. It is believed that the graffiti, carved on the walls of the temple of Pharaoh Seti I in Abydos, popularly known as Memnonion, was the work of Pamphylian soldiers serving in the Egyptian Ptolemaic army.36 On the other hand, the acquisition of the Egyptian word may have occurred in Pamphylia. We know that in 309 BCE the Egyptian fleet, led by Ptolemy I Soter plagued the Pamphylian coast. At that time, the port city of Phaselis (west of Perge) was seized and used as a stationing site for the Egyptian fleet.37
The phonetic correspondence between Eg. brri ('cypress wood') and Gr. Pamph. Poupi- Kunapiaao; ('cypress') can also be explained as a result of the influence of the Pamphylian language on the Egyptian language. Since craftsmanship was highly developed in Egypt, but the country suffered from a lack of forests, large amounts of wood were imported from Nubia, Crete, Cyprus, Lebanon, Syria and probably Asia Minor.38 It is therefore possible that the Egyptian word brri is a borrowing, as some researchers have assumed.39 It should be noted that in the 7th century BCE the inhabitants of the Pamphylian city of Phaselis took an active part in establishing the Greek colony of Naucratis in Lower Egypt.40 Perhaps the Pamphylian colonists then passed the term for cypress wood to the Egyptians. Therefore, if we assume that the direction of the borrowing was the opposite and that the Egyptian language was not the source of the borrowing, the problem which still remains is where the inhabitants of Perge got the name of the cypress, unknown to other Greeks.
I believe that in the case of the Pamphylian noun ^oupi ('cypress') a borrowing from an Asia Minor source cannot be ruled out and that therefore possible references to den-dronyms attested in the ancient Anatolian languages should be discussed. The Hittite texts bring two similar-sounding appellatives which are labelled with an ideogram GIS 'tree, wood, wooden object': Hitt. GISpura[- (in cuneiform writing GISpu-ra-x[-) 'a kind of tree or a wooden object / ein Baum oder holzener Gegenstand' (KUB 54.93 obv. 2)41 and Hitt. gi§ puris (puriias) c. 'a wooden object, existing in sets, for supporting pitchers, etc.; probably a tray'.42 The word-initial p- in Hittite can render both the voiceless labial [p], and the voiced [b].43 Unfortunately, we are not able to establish the voicing of the labial consonant on the basis of the Anatolian material. In this regard, the lexical documentation of other ancient languages spoken in the Mediterranean region can prove very helpful.
36 Brixhe 1976, 291-293.
37 Grainger 2009.
38 W^sowicz 1975, 183; Gale, Gasson, Hepper and Killen 2000, 350-351; Alimpertis 2006, 16.
39 Hoch 1991, 128-129; 1994, 100-101, opts for borrowing from a Semitic source. In turn, the Egyptologist Hannig (1997, 256) recognizes the Egyptian word as a probable borrowing, which he signals with the abbreviation *ext (the symbol [*] means " unsicher", while [ext] represents a "fremdsprachlich" item).
40 Grainger 2009, 20.
41 Guterbock and Hoffner 1997, 382; Tischler 2001, 655.
42 Guterbock and Hoffner 1997, 386; Tischler 2001, 659.
43 Melchert 1994, 92-93. Note that the initial sign PU in the Hittite cuneiform script may stand for phonetic [bu] or [pu]. Compare e. g. two Akkadian borrowings in Hittite quoted in 2.1 and 2.2, as well as Hitt. puris (c.) 'lip', Luw. puris (c.) 'id.' < PIE. *bhurh2s, cf. Lith. burna (acc. sg. burnq) f. 'mouth, oral cavity; face, mug, muzzle', Bulg. 6ipna f. 'lip, Arm. beran 'mouth'. Moreover, the Anatolian languages seem to have generalized voiced stops at the expense of voiceless stops in word-initial position, cf. Melchert 1994, 18-19. It is possible to assume that IE. *bh became voiceless initially, but preserved the voiced value in the medial position, like in Latin faba f. 'bean' (< IE. *bhabha).
The partially preserved form GlSpu-ra-x[- appears in some ritual context. It is impossible to concretize the original form and semantics of the word above on the basis of the Hittite text. It is not known whether it is a tree species, a type of wood, or an object made of wood. However, it seems that the written form may reflect the Sumerian-Akkadian ideogram giSBURASU (alternatively written as GISLI, SIMLI) 'juniper / Wacholder', attested in the Hittite texts,44 cf. OAkk. burasum (bu-ra-su-um) 'pine',45 As. burasu (bu-ra-su) 'juniper tree'46, Aram. berat 'cypress',47 Hebr. beros 'conifer; cypress' (< Sem. *b-r-t 'conifer; cypress'). The Akkadian word could refer to a variety of coniferous trees of the cypress family, as the authors of the Assyrian dictionary emphasize:
"The designation burasu for the conifers used in Urartu for roof beams may represent a transfer from the real juniper whose wood is not usable for such purposes. Since the juniper is ubiquitous in the hills to [the] west and north of Mesopotamia, the frequent references "mountain of buràsu-trees" could indicate that several conifers were designated by this term".48
The proposal of this paper is that the Assyrian term burasu 'juniper' was borrowed into the ancient Anatolian languages and then, through their intermediation, found its way into the Pamphylian dialect of Ancient Greek as ^oupi with a meaning changed to 'cypress'. It can be assumed that the Lycian language, which significantly influenced the phonology, morphology, syntax and vocabulary of the Pamphylian dialect, played the role of intermediary in the borrowing process.49 It is known that the regular transformation of the Anatolian spirant *s into the phoneme [h] took place exclusively in the Lycian language, e. g. Lyc. kbihu, Mil. tbisu 'twice' (< PIE. *duisu); Lyc. ehbi 'one's own' < *ebhi < *ebe-hi < Luw. apasi 'belonging to one; one's own'.50
A further argument in favour of the Semitic-Anatolian genesis of Gr. Pamph. ^oupi 'cypress' comes from the fact that the same Semitic root *b-r-t 'conifer; juniper' has been borrowed independently (and repeatedly) into Ancient Greek in the form pôpaxov n. 'the stinking juniper, Juniperus foetidissima Willd.' (D. S. 2.49) or PpaGu n. 'the savin juniper, Juniperus sabina L.' (Dsc. 1.76).51 The Semitic word also found its way into Latin in the form boratos f. 'a kind of juniper' (Ps.-Apul. 86.13), bratea f. / brathy n. 'the savin juniper' (Scr. Larg. 154; Plin., NH 24.102; Ps.-Apul. 86.14; Val. 1.38) and bratu n. 'a species of Asia Minor cypress' (Plin. NH 12.78).52
Although the Hittite word G1^puris (puriias) bears a clear phonetic resemblance to the Pamphylian appellative ^oupi 'cypress', the former cannot be considered a source of
44 Hoffner 1967, 91, s. v. TREES; Friedrich 1991, 306; Tischler 2001, 275, s. v. Gfsburasu '(phonikis-cher) Wacholder' (= Phoenicean juniper, Juniperus phoenica L., a species of tree or shrub belonging to the conifer family Cupressaceae). It should be emphasized that Beekes (2010, 235) translates the Assyrian word as 'cypress'.
45 Gelb 1957, 101.
46 Gelb, Landsberger, Oppenheim and Reiner 1965, 326-328.
47 Lewy 1895, 34.
48 Gelb, Landsberger, Oppenheim and Reiner 1965, 328.
49 Skelton 2017, 111-117. The Lycian language is epigraphically attested in the 5th and 4th centuries BCE (about 500-330 BCE). It is believed to have fallen into disuse in the first century BCE.
50 Neumann 1969, 379; Danka 1986, 337-338; Melchert 1994, 288; 2008, 49.
51 Lewy 1895, 34; Schrader and Nehring 1917-1923, 671; Carnoy 1959. 52, s. v. boraton and 53, s. v. brathy; Beekes 2010, 234-235.
52 Schrader and Nehring 1917-1923, 671; André 1985, 37, s. v. boratos, 38, s. v. brathy and bratus; Beekes 2010, 234-235.
borrowing. There was also a similar word in the Hittite language: GIpuris, with a separate ideogram GI 'reed, arrow, object made of reeds'.53 The authors of the Hittite dictionaries discuss both of these terms under one entry GIS(GI)puris (puriias).54 On this basis, it is assumed that the word referred to some utilitarian object that could be made from wood (GIS), or from reeds (GI), or even from metal (AN. BAR 'iron' on the inscription KUB 42.11 v. 8). However, we should clearly distinguish the object called G1puris, which probably meant 'reed mat' from the quasi-homonymous word GlSpuris / puriias, denoting some wooden object, probably a '(pub) counter' or 'tray'. For both Hittite forms, we can easily indicate separate Akkadian equivalents, differing in terms of onset and semantics, cf.
2.1. Hitt. G1puris c. 'reed mat' As. buru '(reed) mat', Bab. buru ~ burru 'id.' < OAkk. bura'um 'reed mat.55
2.2. Hitt. GlSpuris (puriias) c. '(wooden) shallow bowl, tray, platter, counter' As. puru (purru) 'a shallow bowl or platter', Akk. puru, purru 'bowl'.56
The two Akkadian words listed above were independently adopted into the Hittite language and adapted as nouns of the personal-animate gender (genus commune), as an i-stem (or -io-stem)57. It can be assumed that in the case of the discussed pair of words, the Hittite language retained the word-initial opposition between the voiced and voiceless labial consonant ([b] vs. [p]), although cuneiform writing obscured this distinction.
For semantic reasons, the Pamphylian name |3oupi 'cypress' cannot be identified either with Hitt. G1puris c. 'reed mat', or with Hitt. G1^puris (puriias) c. '(wooden) shallow bowl, tray, platter, counter'. The Hittite-Luwian word *burasis c. 'a kind of conifer tree; juniper or cypress' should be considered a likely donor (possibly attested in a partially preserved record GISpu-ra-x[-; KUB 54.93 obv. 2), which represents the typically Anatolian adaptation of the Akkadian word burasu(m) 'id.'. It is worth emphasizing that Akkadian words ending in -u(m) become accommodated as -i-stems in Hittite, e. g. Hitt. halzis c. 'fortress' ^ Akk. halsu 'id.'; Hitt. kirinnis c. 'a precious stone' ^ Akk. girinnu 'id.' (^ Sum. girin); Hitt. lahan-nis c. 'bottle' ^ Akk. lahannu(m) 'drinking vessel'; Hitt. tuppi n. 'clay tablet' ^ Akk. tup-pu(m) 'tablet, document, letter' (^ Sum. dub); Hitt. zuppari n. 'torch' ^ Akk. tiparu 'id.'58
There is no doubt that numerous Semitisms in Anatolian languages emerged through the mediation of the Akkadian language, and from there, reached the Greek dialects widespread in Asia Minor. Therefore, I assume the following path of borrowing of the Wanderwort at issue:
2.3. Sem. *b-r-t 'a kind of conifer tree; juniper or cypress' > OAkk. burasum 'pine' > As. burasu 'juniper' — Hittite-Luwian *burasis c. 'a kind of conifer tree' > Lyc. *burehi, syncopated into *burhi 'id.' — Gr. Pamph. |oupi- Kunapiaao; 'cypress' ■ Eg. brri [buri] 'cypress wood'.
53 Sturtevant 1936, 77; Friedrich 1991, 273.
54 Guterbock and Hoffner 1997, 386; Tischler 2001, 659; Puhvel 2013, 129-133.
55 Gelb, Landsberger, Oppenheim and Reiner 1965, 339 ('reed mat'); von Soden 1965: 141; Black, George and Postgate 2010, 49, s. v. buru(m) ('(reed)mat').
56 Roth 2005, 526-528 ('a shallow bowl or platter'); Black, George and Postgate 2010, 279, s. v. puru, purru (with the suggested meaning '(stone) bowl').
57 I cannot accept Puhvel's explanation of both Hittite words (denoting 'reed mat' and '(wooden) shallow bowl, tray, platter, counter, respectively) as native (with reference to Hitt. puri- 'lip, rim. edge, border'), cf. Puhvel 2013, 231-233. The Akkadian origin of these two cultural borrowings is evident.
58 Gusmani 1968, 30. One of two anonymous reviewers suggests that Hittite i-stem borrowings of Akkadian origin "could be due to Luwian intermediacy".
The form of the Egyptian word brri [buri] convincingly indicates that the Semitic borrowing did not find its way into the Egyptian language directly from the Semitic languages, but through the Lycian language or the Pamphylian dialect of Ancient Greek. The correspondence of the Hesychian gloss poupi- Kunaptaaoc; ('cypress') with the Egyptian word brri 'cypress wood' is so striking that it allows us to confirm the validity of Schmidt's decision to recreate the handwritten lemma pouptKunaptaaoc; in the form of Poupi- Kunaptaaoc;.
3. The Hittite origin of the Pamphylian name for the grapevine
The second part of the gloss poupi- [...] d^neXoq. nepyaiot ("buri — [...] grapevine. Citizens of Perge") most certainly refers to the inhabitants of the polis city of Perge, the main settlement center of the Pamphylian area. The Greek settlement in Pamphylia absorbed the population of Anatolian origin, so it is reasonable to consider the local vocabulary pertaining to the cultivation of the vine. We have the Hittite word muris c. meaning 'a grape bunch, a bunch of grapes', attested in the second millennium BCE registered in cuneiform writing as nom. sg. mu-u-ri-is (KUB LVII 110 II 8), mu-ri-es (KUB XXXVI 89 rev. 58), acc. sg. mu-ur-in (KBo XI 32 obv. 21), nom.pl. mu-u-ri-e[-es] (KUB XXXIX 7 I 17), acc. pl. mu-u-ri-us (KUB XLIII 23 rev. 21). There is also an alternative form mu-riian- c. probably meaning 'a bunch of grapes' (instr. sg. mu-u-ri-ni-it; KUB XXX 19 I 6; KUB XXXIX 7 I 11; acc. pl. mu-u-ri-ia-nu-us; KUB XXX 19 I 17), which seems to represent a collective name derived from the Hittite word muris by a collective suffix *-an-(< PIE. *-on-)59, a suffix that was productive in Greek as well.60 Lexical material relating to the vine can be found in numerous studies of the Hittite vocabulary.61
An identical noun muris c. appears in Luwian (in the record, mu-ri-i[s]; KBo XXIX 34 I 5), although the unclear context in which this word appears does not allow us to concretize the meaning.62 Nevertheless, the genealogical closeness of the Hittite and Luwian languages suggests semantic compatibility of both appellatives.63 In one of the Luwian texts (KBo VII 54 I 4) we also meet the form mu-u-ra-an-za, preceded by a Sumerian ideogram SISKUR.SISKUR ('sacrifice, ritual gifts') and interpreted by Hittitologists as nom-acc. sg. neut. muran,64 combined with the postpositional demonstrative pronoun zas 'this' (the element -za also represents nom.-acc. sg. n. 'that').65 It can therefore be assumed that
59 See Puhvel 2004, 128: "muri(yan)- is a collective of grapes rather than a single grape".
60 Cf. Gr. Att. d|iHe\wv m., Dor., Ion. a^neXewv m. 'vineyard' (^ a^neXoq f. 'vine'), Gr. Sacpvwv m. 'laurel grove' (^ Sacpvri f. 'laurel'), ¿\aiwv m. 'olive garden; the area covered with olive trees' (^ ¿Xaia f. 'olive tree'), Kunapiaawv m. 'cypress grove' (^ Kunapiaaoc; f. 'cypress'), auKwv m. 'a place planted with fig trees, an orchard, a fig grove' (^ auKsa f. 'fig tree'); cf. Schwyzer 1939, 488.
61 Sturtevant 1936, 165, s. v. *muris 'cluster of grapes'; Friedrich 1991, 145, s. v. muri- (muriian-, murin-) 'Traube'; Guterbock and Hoffner 1989, 333, s. v. muri-, murin-, muriyan- 'cluster of grapes or other fruit'; Tischler 1990, 233-234, s. v. muri(yan)- 'Traube'; Puhvel 2004, 192-194, s. v. muri(yan)- 'grape(s)! It is worth emphasizing that Michael Weiss connects the Hittite noun muris denoting 'a cluster or bunch of grapes or other fruit' with Gk. |upioq adj. 'countless, innumerable, numerous, |iupioi pl. 'ten thousand', cf. Weiss 1996, 199-214.
62 Melchert 1993, 150. See also Laroche 1959, 72, s. v. mura/i-.
63 Laroche already suggested such an interpretation in 1959, 72. Cf. also Puhvel 2004, 193.
64 Melchert 1993, 150; Puhvel 2004, 193. It should be noted that Laroche 1959, 72, presumed the form of the accusative plural.
65 Laroche 1959, 112; Melchert 1993, 274. A different interpretation of the form muranza (an adjective qualifying a ritual) is given by Bawanypeck 2005, 133 (with references).
Luw. mu-u-ra-an-za meant literally 'this grapevine'. Since we are dealing with cult gifts, Luwian neuter lexeme doubtless referred to the fruit of the vine. The main difference between the Hittite-Luwian name muris c. and Luwian muran n. consists in a disparity of the gender representing an essential semantic difference. In Anatolian languages there is a personal-animate gender (genus commune), specifying the plant itself (or its part), while the Luwian language additionally exhibits an inanimate form (genus neutrum) signifying 'the fruit of the vine'. Plant names (especially of trees) in Indo-European languages are usually feminine, whereas fruit names are neuter, cf. Lat. malus f. 'apple tree' vs. malum n. 'apple', Gr. f. 'apple tree' vs. ^A.ov n. 'apple', Pol. jabton f. 'apple tree' vs. jabtko n.
'apple'. Anatolian languages present a similar alternation, with the Hittite word mahlas c. which means grapevine, Vitis vinifera Lat.' and probably represented an inherited cognate related to Lat. malus f. 'apple tree'.66
The Pamphylian name for the vine ^oupi shows great semantic and phonological similarity to Hittite muris c. 'id.' and Luwian muris c. 'id.' (see Table 2). Two differences that will be explained below concern the anlaut and auslaut.
Table 2. Phonetic correspondence between the Pamphylian, Hittite and Luwian names of the grapevine
Language Anlaut consonant Root |vowel Inlaut consonant Stem vowel Auslaut consonant Meaning
Pamphylian Greek ß- -ou- [u] -P- -i 'grapevine'
Hittite m- -u- -r- -i- -s 'grapevine, a vine, a bunch of grapes'
Luwian m- -u- -r- -i- -s 'grapevine' ?
The variation ß ~ (i occurs very often in Greek loanwords taken from neighboring adstrate languages. It can be found both word-initially and word-internally, e. g.
3.1. Gr. Att. ßöXußSo;, Delph. & Epid. ßöA.t(oq, Rhod. ßöXißoc; m. 'lead, plumbum vs. Myc. mo-ri-wo-do [moliwdos], Hom. (6A.tßo;, Ion. (öXußSoc;, dial. (öXißSoc;, (ö\ußo; m. 'id.';67
3.2. Gr. Att. ßuaxa^ vs. Dor. (uaxa^ m. 'upper lip; moustache';68
3.3. Gr. dial. ßuxxo; vs. (utto; m. 'female sexual organ';69
3.4. Gr. Att.-Ion. dpßu^n f. 'shoe, boot' vs. Cypr. ap(u\a n. pl. 'id.';70
3.5. Gr. Att.-Ion. ßapßtTo; vs. Aeol. ßäp^tTo;, Aeol. & Del. ßap^o; m./f. 'a multi-stringed musical instrument, a kind of lyre';71
3.6. Gr. KußtvSt; m. 'bird species' (whence Lat. cybindis; Plin. NH 10.24) vs. Hom. KU(tv8t; m. 'a species of bird of prey, possibly a sparrowhawk'.72
66 Danka 1978, 38; Danka 1983, 165.
67 Danka 1978, 38; Danka 1983, 165; Beekes 1999, 7-14. Craig Melchert suggests that the Greek term for 'lead' derives from Lyd. marivda adj. 'dark', cf. Melchert 2008 [bis], 153-157; Beekes 2010, 964-965.
68 Furnee 1972, 218.
69 Furnee 1972, 218.
70 Furnee 1972, 211. Note that Günther Neumann argues an Anatolian origin of the Greek term, cf. Neuman 1971, 482-485; Neumann 1994, 609-612.
71 Furnee 1972, 212.
72 Furnee 1972, 203-237; Beekes 2014, 15.
The change b < m appears incidentally in some Anatolian languages spoken in the first millennium BCE, e. g. Lycian; cf. the Lycian personal name Ipre-ziti (= Luw. Imma-ra-zitis); Lyc. xahba 'grandson' vs. Luw. hamsas c. 'id.' (see 4.16). It cannot therefore be ruled out that such a change also took place in other words. The variation m - b might well have occurred in the Anatolian languages of the post-Luwian era. Günter Neumann points out the interchangeability of the phonemes /m/ and /b/ in the Greek adaptation of Lycian proper names, e. g. Lyc. purihime[te] vs. Gr. nupi(aTi; / nupißaT^c; Lyc. Telebe-hi vs. Gr. TeX(naaoc;.73
It is worth noting that the instantiation of Anatolian *m- as Greek ß- occurs in another Greek viticultural noun of Anatolian origin:
3.7. The Greek (Ionic) appellative ßwX^v^ f. 'a type of grapevine growing in Bithy-nia' was compared by Edzard J. Furnee and Robert S. P. Beekes with a Lydian name («Xa^ 'vine'.74 The Lydian name is attested in the lexicon of Hesychius of Alexandria (Hsch. (-2030): («Xa^- eiSo; o'ivou. ol Se to ¿v Tot; opKioi; anevSo^evov, ano xoi T(6Xou. wc Tive; AuSoi tov oivov75 ("mölaks — a type of wine, allegedly poured out on the sacrificial victim during the oath ceremony, [named so] after [the city of] Tmolos. In this way some Lydians [call] wine"). There is no doubt that both the Bithynian grapevine (ß«Xr|v^) and the Lydian name for the wine ((«XaO ultimately are descended from the Hittite term mahlas c. 'grapevine, Vitis vinifera H76
The above example confirms that it was possible for word-initial Anatolian m- to be borrowed as Greek ß, which was pronounced as [b] in the archaic era, and later as [v]. The variation between Ion. ß«Xr|v^ 'a species of grapevine' and Lyd. («Xa^ 'wine', Hitt. mahlas c. 'grapevine' is analogous to the pair: Pamph. ßoupi 'grapevine' vs. Hitt. (and Luw.) muris c. 'a grapevine, a vine, a bunch of grapevines'.
It is noteworthy that the alternation of ß ~ ( appears in two other Greek terms which refer to viticulture and represent borrowings from some foreign source:
3.8. Gr. dial. aßiXXiov-oivov [acc. sg.] (" abillion — wine") vs. Boeot. a(iXXaKav-oivov. ©nßaiot [acc. sg.] ("amillakan — wine. Thebans").77
3.9. Gr. dial. äyeppaKaßoc- aTa^uX^ ('cluster of grapes; wild grapevine'), dyparaßoc;-aTa^uX^ ('id.') vs. ayyepaKoiov- aTa^uX^ ('id.').78
The auslaut of the postulated lemma ßoupi should also be explicated. It can be easily explained based via Anatolian languages used around Pamphylia in the ancient era, such as Lycian, Sidetic and Pisidian. The Hittite-Luwian ending of the nominative *-s. disap-
73 Neumann 1969, 377. It is worth adding that Onofrio Carruba associates the Lycian local name Tele-behi with the town Kuualapassis (KUB XXXII 83 1), located in Pisidia; cf. Carruba 1997, 107.
74 Furnee 1972, 2~19; Beekes 2010, 250, s. v. ß«Xr|vr| and 991, s. v. (wXa^; Beekes 2014, 93.
75 Latte 1966, 691; Gusmani 1964, 276.
76 Tischler 1990, 89.
77 Tischler 1990, 89. Both glosses were recorded in the lexicon of Hesychius of Alexandria; see Latte 1953, 7 (Hsch. a-122) and 128 (Hsch. a-3667); Cunningham 2018, 8 (Hsch. a-122) and 171 (Hsch. a-3667). Both editors spell the lemma of the first gloss with a capital letter ÄßiXXiov- oivov (Hsch. a-122), juxtaposing it in a critical apparatus with another Hesychian gloss (Hsch. a-3675): A(ivaiov- Si' evo; v tov oivov Xsyei. ^ yap üeuKeTia A^ivaia XsyeTai. The editors assume an identical variation ß ~ (, based, however, on a different pair of equivalents. See also Furnee 1972, 221.
78 Furnee 1972, 221; Beekes 2010, 10-11, s. v. dyeppaKaßo;; Beekes 2014, 92. These three glosses are recorded by Hesychius of Alexandria; see Latte 1953, 18 (Hsch. a-458), 29 (Hsch. a-748) and 16 (Hsch. a-394); Cunningham 2018, 23 (Hsch. a-458), 36 (Hsch. a-748) and 20 (Hsch. a-394).
peared in all these languages. For comparison, let us quote the most obvious examples of this phenomenon:
3.10. Lyc. eni 'mother' < Luw. annis c. 'id.' vs. Lyd. enas c. 'mother', Hitt. annas c. 'id.'79
3.11. Lyc. %nna 'grandmother' < Luw. *hannas c. 'id' cf. Hitt. hannas c. 'id.';80
3.12. Lyc. neni 'brother' < Luw. nanis c. 'id.';81
3.13. Lyc. neri 'sister' < Luw. nanasris c. 'id.';82
3.14. Lyc. tedi 'father' < Luw. tatis c., HLuw. tati- 'id.', cf. different kinship terms attested in the Hitt. language attas c. 'father' and Pal. papas 'id.';83
3.15. Lyc. yuga 'grandfather' < Luw. huhas c. 'id.', HLuw. huha- (= AVUS-ha-) 'id', Hitt. huhhas c. 'grandfather' (< PIE. heuhids m. 'grandfather');84
3.16. Lyc. xahba 'grandson' < Luw. hamsas c. 'id.'; cf. HLuw. hamasi- 'id.', Hitt. hassas c. 'id.';85
3.17. Lyc. kbatra 'daughter' < HLuw. tuwataras 'id.' (< PIE. *dhugh2ter-s f. 'daughter');86
3.18. Lyc. tideimi 'child, son' < Luw. *titaimis c. 'infant'; cf. Luw. titai- 'to suck';87
3.19. Lyc. mahai 'god' < Luw. massanis 'id.', cf. Sid. masara dat. pl. 'for gods';
3.20. Lyc. izri 'hand' < Luw. issari 'id.' vs. Hitt. kessar n. 'hand' (< PIE. *ghesr).88
The disappearance of the ending *-s [s] in the nominative singular in the position after the stem vowel also occurred in the Sidetic language, used in Pamphylia, especially in the city of Side.89 The same process is documented by tombstone inscriptions from Pisidia. As Maciej Popko emphasizes, "in the nominative [Pisidian] names end in a vowel or -r, which means that the old ending -s of the nominative was lost".90
Since the auslaut consonant *-s disappeared in the neighboring Anatolian languages used in the first millennium BCE (i. e. in Lycian, Sidetic and Pisidian), there is no doubt that the Greek colonists in Pamphylia must have come across the Hittite-Luwian noun muris c. ('a grapevine, a vine, a bunch of grapes') with already simplified pronunciation, i. e. without a word-final spirant. No wonder then that Pamphylian speakers borrowed this lexical item in the form which ended in the vowel -i, i. e. ^oupi 'grapevine'.
4. The issue of accentuation of the lemma
Finally, it is worth returning to the analyzed gloss poupi- Kunaptaaoc; ^ a^neXoc;. nepyaiot, in order to assess the correctness of the oxytone (Poupi) which was postulated by Schmidt. In my opinion, the reason for the merger of the original lemma ^oupi with
79 Gusmani 1964, 106; Danka 1983, 175; Weeks 1985, 26; Oshiro 1990, 90.
80 Danka 1978, 28 and 32; Weeks 1985, 29; Neumann 2007, 125.
81 Weeks 1985, 28; Popko 1999, 128.
82 Carruba 1969, 271; Carruba 1997, 301; Weeks 1985, 28.
83 Weeks 1985, 26; Oshiro 1990, 88.
84 Danka 1978, 28, 30 and 32; Weeks 1985, 28; Oshiro 1990, 88.
85 Oshiro 1990, 87.
86 Weeks 1985, 27; Oshiro 1988, 50; Kimball 1994, 80.
87 Weeks 1985, 27; Oshiro 1988, 49.
88 Kimball 1994, 77.
89 Popko 1999, 114. In the argument, the author cites two examples borrowed from Greek: Sid. Por-dor < Gr. personal name AnoAAoSwpoi; (in a Greek-Sidetic bilingual inscription), Sid. istratag 'chief' < Gr. arparnyo^. The Sidetic language demonstrates — as one of two reviewers correctly admits — both the disappearance of the final consonant and the apocope of the stem vowel.
90 Popko 1999, 115.
the beginning of the gloss Kunapiaaoc, which is attested in the only surviving codex containing the Hesychian lexicon (ßoupi- Kunapiaao; ■ ßoupiKunapiaao; cod. Marc.), was the scribe's overlooking the accent mark. From a palaeographic point of view, failure to spot a circumflex (~) over the letter upsilon in the initial syllable (ßoü) is much less likely than missing a relatively small acute sign (') in the final syllable (pi). It is thus to assume the postulated lemma ßoupi than its alternative in the form of **ßoüpi.
An oxytone accent seems highly probable for the alleged Egyptian source (if Pamph. ßoupi 'cypress' Eg. brn 'cypress wood'), as well as the Anatolian borrowing (Pamph. ßoupi 'grapevine' Hitt.-Luw. muris c. 'a grapevine, a vine, a bunch of grapes'). In the Egyptian language, the word stress most often fell on the final syllable. This is evidenced by the Egyptian names of plants written in the work of Pseudo-Dioscurides, e. g. vapi 'Florentine iris, Iris florentina L.' (Ps.-Dsc. 1.1), Xißiou( 'juniper, Juniperus L.' (1.75), ßpexou 'lupine, Lupinus L.' (2.109), aoßep 'turpentine pistachio, Pistacia palaestina Boiss.' (4.49), axiv^i 'oleander, Nerium oleander L.' (4.81).91 Moreover, the Anatolian borrowing in Pamphylian documents the oxytone accent. It is worth recalling that in Lycian the stem vowel is clearly preserved, and examples of apocope are rare and late ("sind selten und spät").92 On the other hand, the Lycian texts contain very numerous and early examples of vowel syncope in initial syllables, e. g. Lyc. qla c. 'fenced area; sanctuary' < Luw. *htlas (cf. Hitt. htlas c. 'farm, fence, cowshed'); Lyc. hri 'above' < Luw. sarri 'id.'; Lyc. hrzzi 'higher' < Luw. *sarazzi (cf. Hitt. sarazzi 'id.'); Lyc. pdde 'place' < HLuw. *peta- [=LOCUS-ta-] (cf. Hitt. pedan n. 'place', Ved. padäm n. 'id.' < PIE. *pedom).93 The observed inclination towards syncope in the second or third syllable from the end, with the simultaneous lack of apocope of the final syllable, seems to document unambiguously that in Lycian the stress could have stabilized on the final syllable. In the current state of research, it is impossible to rule out an alternative solution that the Lycian accent remained free, but the numerous examples of syncope, as well as the occasionally observed phenomenon of aphaeresis, suggest stabilization of the stress in the oxytone position. It seems certain, at least, that stress in many Lycian words must have fallen on the last syllable. In other words, the available Lycian (as well as the Egyptian) material points to the oxytone accentuation of the restored lemma, that is, the form ßoupi. We cannot, however, be completely certain from which Anatolian source the inhabitants of Pamphylian Perge borrowed the name of the vine, but the nearby non-Greek languages (e. g. Milyan, Sidetic or Pisidian) are closely related to the language of the Lycians and show similar or the same features as the ones known from numerous epigraphic documents of Lycian.
5. Summary
The above reflections on one of the Pamphylian glosses recorded by Hesychius of Alexandria lead to the following conclusions:
5.1. The Pamphylian gloss ßoupiKunapiaaoc^ a^neXo;. nepyaioi was incorrectly printed by the editors of Hesychius of Alexandria's Lexicon. The analysed gloss can be reproduced in the following form: ßoupi- Kunapiaao; ^ a^neXo;. nepyaioi ("bouri: cypress or grapevine. Citizens of Perge").
91 Wellmann 1958, I 6, 74, 95 and 184, II 206 and 243.
92 Neumann 1969, 376.
93 Melchert 1994, 219.
5.2. The Pamphylian term ßoupi in the sense of 'cypress' (Gr. Kunáptaaoq) is a Wanderwort of Semitic origin, which was borrowed via a Lycian intermediary. The available lexical data permit reconstructing the following sequence of events: Semitic *b-r-t 'a kind of conifer tree; juniper or cypress' > OAkk. burasum 'pine' > As. burasu 'juniper' — Hittite-Lu-wian *burasis c.'a kind of conifer tree' > Lyc. *burehi, syncopated into *burhi 'id.' — Gr. Pamph. ßoupi 'cypress'. It cannot be excluded that Eg. brri [buri] 'a kind of wood used in chariots', presumably 'cypress wood', represents a Pamphylian Greek or Lycian borrowing.
5.3. The Pamphylian word ßoupi in an alternative sense 'grapevine' undoubtedly represents an Anatolian loan (cf. Hitt., Luw. muris c. 'grapevine, bunch of grapes'), which was probably taken over via a Lycian intermediary.
Abbreviations
Aeol. — Aeolic; Ahg. — Ahaggar; Akk. — Akkadian; Alg. — Alagwa; Ar. — Arabic; Aram. — Aramaic; As. — Assyrian; Att. — Attic; Bab. — Babylonian; Boeot. — Boeotian; Brg. — Burunge; CCh. — Central Chadic; Cypr. — Cypriot; Del. — Delian; Delph. — Delphic; Dng. — Dangla; Dor. — Doric; Eg. — Egyptian; Epid. — Epidaurian; Ghd. — Ghadames; Gr. — Greek; Hebr. — Hebrew; Hitt. — Hittite; HLuw. — Hieroglyphic Luwian; Hom. — Homeric; Ion. — Ionic; Lat. — Latin; Luw. — Luwian; Lyc. — Lycian; Lyd. — Lyd-ian; Mil. — Milyan (or Lycian B); Myc. — Mycenaean; OAkk. — Old Akkadian; Pal. — Palaic; Pamph. — Pamphylian; PIE. — Proto-Indo-European; Pol. — Polish; Qwd. — Qwadza; Rhod. — Rhodian; Sem. — Semitic; Sid. — Sidetic; Sum. — Sumerian; TAram. — Talmudic Aramaic; Twl. — Tawllemmet; Ved. — Vedic; WCh. — West Chadic.
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Received: 05.06.2021 Accepted: 20.08.2021
