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Вестник Томского государственного университета. 2023. № 497. С. 134-142 Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta - Tomsk State University Journal. 2023. 497. рр. 134-142
ПЕДАГОГИКА
Original article
UDC 378.2+159.922.1
doi: 10.17223/15617793/497/14
Prospects for the development of science and higher education in the Republic of Kazakhstan: Gender patterns
Adilbek K. Bisenbaev1, Aigul E. Bizhkenova2, Aiman S. Aktanova3, Anastasia V. Fakhrutdinova4
12•3 National Academy of Education named after Y. Altynsarin, Astana, Kazakhstan 4 Kazan Federal University, Kazan, Russian Federation
1 eldarknar@gmail.com; ORCID: 0000-0002-7490-8375
2 Abizhkenova@inbox.ru; ORCID: 0000-0002-4869-7973
3 aktanovaaiman71@gmail.com; ORCID: 0000-0002-0444-5336 4 avfach@mail.ru; ORCID: 0000-0001-7872-7507
Abstract. Gender equality is a fundamental catalyst for economic development and societal prosperity. This study is undertaken to explore gender patterns within the academic community of Kazakhstan. The research employs statistical data to quantitatively assess the representation of women and men, analyzing age-related characteristics of individuals who have obtained a PhD in Kazakhstan with the aim of identifying gender differences within the academic community. The results indicate that gender equality has been achieved at institutional and organizational levels, yet pervasive "social barriers" still hinder the full recognition of women's accomplishments. A notable phenomenon observed in the scientific system of Kazakhstan is the trend of feminization, which emerged in 2012 when the number of female researchers (9,316) surpassed that of their male counterparts (7,776). However, in this landscape characterized by gender and social inequality, a parallel effect of gender inversion emerged. Women scientists face specific challenges in transitioning from a PhD to the subsequent Doctor of Science (DrS) degree, as recognized in Kazakhstan. While the number of female researchers with a PhD degree is nearly twice that of male researchers, the number of female researchers with a DrS degree significantly lags behind their male colleagues. This gender inversion effect is explored through the prism of social factors, shedding light on a complex issue that requires further investigation and intervention to promote true gender equality in science and academia. As a recommendation to mitigate the effects of gender inversion and "social barriers" in the field of science, the authors propose a restructuring of the scientific metric system. This involves reducing the dominance of quantitative (numeric) and temporal (time-based) assessments while increasing the importance of qualitative (humanitarian) assessments of potential, productivity, and research efficiency. Additionally, the authors suggest the development, adoption, and implementation of specialized programs aimed at improving the social life of researchers to achieve family ergonomics. Furthermore, qualifications should be taken into account, with grants, memberships, hierarchical positions, and recognition in the scientific system considering only a PhD degree (or candidate of sciences) within the Bologna Process, diminishing the value of academic degrees such as "Doctor of Sciences" and "Doctor of Proficiency". Lastly, quantitative stimulation of diverse scientific groups is recommended through appropriate regulatory acts and supervisory functions.
Keywords: higher education, gender equality, science, gender patterns, feminization of science
Financial support: This article was prepared within the programme trust fund study OR 11465474 "Scientific foundations for modernization of the education system and science" (2021-2023, National Academy of Education named after Y. Altynsarin).
Research limitation: The research findings are relevant to national scientific systems where the effect of feminization, characterized by the long-term and sustainable prevalence of female researchers over male researchers, is evident. The observed inversion effect in the research holds relevance for countries in which the effect of feminism in a specific domain (a local social anomaly) intersects with gender inequality across society as a whole.
Acknowledgments: The authors express gratitude to Professor A.K. Aringazin and Academician S.Zh. Tokmoldin for discussing the issues of scientific cooperation, epistemology, and social dynamics.
For citation: Bisenbaev, A.K., Bizhkenova, A.E., Aktanova, A.S. & Fakhrutdinova A.V. (2023) Prospects for the development of science and higher education in the Republic of Kazakhstan: Gender patterns. Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta - Tomsk State University Journal. 497. pp. 134-142. doi: 10.17223/15617793/497/14
© Bisenbaev A.K., Bizhkenova A.E., Aktanova A.S., Fakhrutdinova A.V., 2023
Introduction
In the pursuit of prosperity and global competitiveness, societies increasingly recognize the imperative of nurturing the full spectrum of talents within their citizenry. To this end, many nations have adopted policies promoting diversity, inclusiveness, and the empowerment of women in the workplace. However, despite these commendable efforts, gender representation remains persistently skewed in various sectors. The UNESCO Science Report of 2021 [1] highlights a sobering statistic: only one in three scholars globally is a woman, with certain critical fields like engineering and artificial intelligence witnessing female representation as low as 28% and 22%, respectively. Paradoxically, the quantity of women scholars has risen steadily in recent decades, yet these gains have, in some instances, exacerbated gender disparities, as demonstrated by Huang et al. In 2020 [2].
While numerous studies have probed the causes of this gender imbalance, the contextual roots of this complex issue remain inadequately explored [1-4]. Empirical evidence suggests that contextual factors, encompassing culture, political systems, economic development, social structures, and education, exert a profound influence on gender differences within the academic community [5, 6]. More specifically, investigations into gender equality at the societal level offer insights into underlying issues that elude explanation in other contexts. Based on empirical data on gender bias in STEM and six key academic contexts, it has been observed that social structural factors may still impede the advancement of women in academic science [7].
This study, therefore, delves into the gender dynamics of the scientific landscape of Kazakhstan, a nation positioned at the crossroads of Central Asia, sharing borders with China, Russia, Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, and Kyrgyzstan. Emerging from the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, Kazakhstan boasts universal compulsory secondary education and high adult literacy rates. Guided by policies that incentivized foreign investment, particularly in the energy sector, the nation has achieved remarkable stability and economic growth, elevating it to the status of an upper-middle-income society. Over three decades, Kazakhstan's population has evolved into a tapestry of diverse ethnicities and religious communities, with Kazakhs and Islam emerging as dominant forces. This diversity, deeply rooted in the nation's Soviet legacy and geographical placement at the convergence of cultural civilizations, defies simple categorization into the conventional paradigms of the Global North or the Global South.
Central to this research is an exploration of the dimensions of masculinity (masculine) and femininity (feminine), integral components of the five-dimensional cultural space elucidated by Hofstede et al. in 2005 [8]. These dimensions extend their influence beyond mere societal norms, occupying a pivotal role within the scientific realm, subsocial spheres, and subcultural intricacies. Of particular significance is their impact on "human potential" and the "gender factor", two linchpin parameters in the arena of science. These dimensions wield
substantial influence, dictating the effectiveness and inclusiveness of scientific endeavors, especially when viewed through the lens of gender dynamics, which, in turn, shape the composition and dynamics of scientific teams.
Significantly, research has demonstrated that, as a rule, heterogender research teams tend to outperform their homogeneous counterparts, especially in domains such as medical sciences, as indicated by Yang et al. In 2022 [9]. Consequently, gender issues in the realm of science in Kazakhstan transcend mere social considerations, evolving into predominantly methodological considerations within the field of epistemology.
In light of these complex dynamics, this research embarks on a comprehensive examination of gender factors within the quantitative distribution of academic degrees, specifically focusing on the distinctions between PhD and DrS degrees within the Kazakhstani scientific community. Notably, Kazakhstan has adopted a nuanced two-level system of scientific degrees, with the candidacy of sciences equating to the esteemed status of a candidate of sciences. Further ascension within this academic hierarchy culminates in the prestigious Doctor degree, a pinnacle of scholarly achievement earned through the rigorous defense of dissertations in accordance with the Law on Science [10].
This study aspires to illuminate the intricate tapestry of gender dynamics within Kazakhstan's scientific landscape, thereby contributing to the broader discourse on gender equality in academia and society, particularly in regions situated at the crossroads of the Global North and the Global South.
The aim of this research is to investigate the gender patterns and disparities within the Kazakhstani scientific community, considering the contextual factors of culture, political system, economic development, social structure, and education. This study aims to understand the influence of gender dynamics on the distribution of academic degrees (PhD and DrS) in Kazakhstan's academic landscape, with a focus on identifying the contextual roots and underlying issues contributing to gender inequalities in science, and exploring the potential impact of gender diversity on scientific effectiveness and inclusiveness within this unique cultural and geographical context.
Materials and Methods
Empirical evidence to support the arguments are developed from the statistical data. In other words, this secondary research involves aggregation of existing data and their analys in order to found gender differentials in Kazakhstan's academic society. The research methodology was designed based on the fundamentals "Principles and structures of scientific recommendations: a general plan. ISC and INGSA Special Report, March 2022".
Main numerical facts are summarized and collated from the government statistics. More specifically, statistical tables and graphs were based on the data from of the Bureau of National Statistics of the Agency for Strategic Planning and Reforms of the Republic of Kazakhstan (BNS ASPR RK) in the science field.
BNS ASPR RK has enormous statistical data on this issue, and they are regularly updated. In addition, numerical data from other government agencies were also considered. The quality of statistical data was checked based on compliance of data on science and innovation with the law of anomalous numbers (Benford's law) [11].
The correlation coefficient between the anomalous distribution of numbers and tabular numerical parameters of data in the field of science was 0.9547, with a logical conclusion about a strong positive relationship between Benford's law and the statistical data of the BNS ASPR RK in the field of science.
The methodology of collecting, storing and visualizing statistical data of the BNS ASPR RK was conducted based on a comparative and recursive analysis between their data [12] - Methodology for the formation of statistical indicators of research, development work and innovation", "Report on the quality of research and development work in the Republic of Kazakhstan for 2021", and the documents, principles, and criteria of international statistics. The documents for comparison and recursion included the United Nations Principles Governing International Statistical Activities; the ECC Quality Statement, the European Code of Statistical Practice; the Legal Framework for European Statistics. Statistical law. Eurostat Compact Guide 2010; Special Data
Dissemination Standard (SDDS): a Guide for Subscribers and Users; General Assessment of Data Quality (CQA) (2003), and the Generic Law on Official Statistics developed within the framework of the United Nations Development Account Project for Countries Eastern Europe, the Caucasus and Central Asia.
Recent research on gender issues in the R&D process indicates a high level of bias against women researchers in the field of science [13]. Some researchers note a "gender equality paradox," wherein gender imbalance is paradoxically stronger in more developed/gender-equal/individualistic countries [14]. Successful practices are being developed to achieve gender equality in science, assisting women researchers in advancing through academic levels [15].
Results
In the social sphere of gender equality, Kazakhstan is in the middle zone of the world community. According to the World Economic Forum, in 2022, Kazakhstan ranked 65th on the Gender Gap Index (between Botswana and Tanzania) with an index of 0.719 among 146 countries in the world.
Since 2018, we can note the unstable dynamics of the Gender Gap Index with a negative trend in the "place" parameter and a positive trend in the "index" parameter:
90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0
80
0,719
65
0,712
0,71
0,71
2
Ряд1
0,72
0,718
0,716
0,714
0,712
0,71
0,708
0,706
0,704
■Ряд2
•Linear (PLACE)
Fig. 1. Dynamics of the Gender Gap Index in Kazakhstan
1
3
4
Figure 1 depicts the dynamics of the Gender Gap Index for the Republic of Kazakhstan. Here we can note the explosive nature (after a decrease) of the improvement in the situation with gender inequality in Kazakhstan during the period from 2021 to 2022 - a sharp transition from the 80th to the 65th place with an improvement in the position
by as much as 15 points. This is associated with active political transformations in the personnel matters of the civil service and gender policy during the post-Nazarbayev period (since 2019), when President Tokayev began actively involving women in the governance of the state, sectors, and regions. In particular, for the first time in the
history of Kazakhstan, a female researcher became the President of the National Academy of Sciences of the Republic of Kazakhstan.
Nevertheless, for now, without future medium-term data, it makes no sense to talk about a cardinal and strategic improvement of the situation in the field of gender equality, considering the possibility of the situational nature of the "gender jump".
Gender equality is observed most of all in the fields of education, medicine and economics, least of all in the field of politics. We should add that, according to the Gender Inequality Index (GII) in 2021, Kazakhstan ranked 41st with an index of 0.161.
As for employment in the field of science, the situation with gender equality is quite positive. First, there is no discrimination based on gender in the field of science in Kazakhstan if not theoretically, then practically. The amount of remuneration in the dominant grant system of R&D financing among female and male scientists is the same according to the current standards in scientific policy, which do not provide for any gender segregation under the same conditions. This is primarily due to the dominance of state participation in the financing of science. At the same time, in
grant projects, where public-private partnership is provided, conditions are also guided by the labor legislation of the Republic of Kazakhstan.
In general, gender discrimination on the wage fund in the economy exists in Kazakhstan. The ratio of the average monthly salary of women to men is 21% as of the end of 2021 [12]. That is, on average, across the entire economy of Kazakhstan, women's wages are 21% less than men's wages. However, this is mainly in the field of private business, entrepreneurship, and commerce.
The average monthly nominal wage across all types of activities was 116 108 tenge for women and 169 352 tenge for men (according to 2016 data). Notably, the most significant wage disparity is observed in the "Professional, Scientific, and Technical Activities" sector, with 217 698 tenge for women and 402 091 tenge for men. The smallest wage gap is in the education sector, with 93 293 tenge for women and 98 381 tenge for men.
As we are looking for the quantitative gender composition in science, there has been a clear parity in the last decade.
Table 1 presents the total number and gender composition of the employed population in Kazakhstan.
Table 1
Total number and gender composition of people in Kazakhstan employed in the field of science, including researchers
YEAR INVOLVED IN R&D, people among them RESEARCHERS, people TOTAL, people
women men women men
2012 10 178 10 178 6 576 6 918 20 404
2013 12 257 11 455 8 849 8 346 23 712
2014 13 427 12 366 9 766 9 338 25 793
2015 12 883 11 852 9 592 8 862 24 735
2016 12 220 10 765 9 282 8 139 22 985
2017 11 436 10 645 8 991 8 214 22 081
2018 11 602 10 776 9 217 8 237 22 378
2019 11 332 10 511 8 979 8 145 21 843
2020 11 993 10 672 9 738 8 490 22 665
2021 11 583 10 034 9 316 7 776 21 617
16 000 14 000 12 000 10 000 8 000 6 000 4 000 2 000 0
2012
2013
2014
2015
2016
2017
2018
2019
■TOTAL NUMBER OF WOMEN WOMEN-REEARCHERS
TOTAL NUMBER OF MEN MEN-RESEARCHERS
2020
2021
Fig. 2. Total number and gender composition of people in Kazakhstan employed in the field of science, including researchers
Figure 2 presents the total number and the gender composition of the population in Kazakhstan engaged in the field of science, including researchers.
In general, the percentage of women engaged in scientific research is 53.6%, the percentage of men is 46.4%. Regionally, the highest proportion of female researchers is in Pavlodar (64%), Mangystau (58.6%), and Aktobe (58.5%) regions of Kazakhstan. The lowest proportion of female researchers is in Atyrau (43.1%) and Turkestan (43.7%) regions. On average, the highest share of women's participation in R&D is in the northern regions, the lowest in the south of the country.
Thus, we can hypothesize about differing levels of gender relations and gender policies in the northern and southern regions of Kazakhstan within the realm of science. Naturally, this is influenced by the social conditions of life within the framework of the traditionalism of Kazakh society. For example, the different numerical composition of families in the northern and southern regions determines the possibility of women's involvement in the field of science, which requires irregular working hours and increased dedication. In particular, the birth rate in the southern regions is on average twice as high as the birth rate in the northern regions.
In general, traditionally, at least since 2006, there have been more women in Kazakhstani science than men. Given the just small difference between the gender numerical compositions, we can talk about optimal gender equality in Kazakhstan in the field of science.
From Table 1 and Figure 2, two effects can be stated: the marked effect of gender parity and the effect of feminization of science.
Young males and females in Kazakhstan have almost the same or identical conditions for entering the system of higher and postgraduate education. Here, "social elevators" work quite properly. In this sense, gender parity
creates optimal conditions for the creation of heterogender research teams among young researchers.
The number of women in science is not only in a state of gender parity, but is constantly growing. Gender equality in science is more pronounced than in some other industries. For example, in politics, where the percentage of women among political civil servants of local executive bodies is presented only by 4.5 %.
It should be noted here that there may be separate professions or specialties that are usually called "female" or "male". In general, in an integral sense, there are no specific "female" or "male" spheres of activity or industries.
Initially, it can be assumed that, in the public sector, gender segregation is implemented by gender and is becoming more and more relevant as women move up the hierarchical ladder: in society on racial (national) grounds, in community on the level of cultural differentiation. In addition, in the economy and in private business, all kinds of segregation and discrimination are eclectically collected - by gender, race, culture, subculture and other characteristics. Of course, segregation patterns are diffused between sectors, but each sector has its own dominants, its own aggregate stable gender state.
In the field of science, the dominant aggregate state is gender equality and the practical absence of gender discrimination.
Therefore, in a certain sense, the sphere of science opens up for women an increased range of opportunities for self-realization and self-actualization, which leads to the phenomenon of feminization of Kazakhstani science, as it can be noticed on the example of highly qualified researchers.
It would be logical to consider the social dynamics of the gender composition of researchers with an academic degree by age categories. To do this, we will compile tables of age-related gender pyramids for professionals (researchers) with academic degrees:
20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-69 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85-89 90-94 95-99
women 71 155 145 163 215 243 262 240 157 117 74 36 31 9 8 2
men 65 88 103 150 163 296 430 470 458 381 297 126 65 22 5 2
Fig. 3. Age pyramid of the gender composition of Doctors of Sciences (BNS ASPR RK) by years (as of 2021 )
20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-69 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85-89 90-94 95-99
women 261 691 110 126 102 110 961 760 605 484 425 209 128 55 6 1
men 145 500 679 679 770 976 1040 996 855 660 669 283 130 41 7 3
Fig. 4. Age pyramid of the gender composition of Candidates of Sciences by years (as of 2021)
20-24 25-29 30-34 35-39 40-44 45-49 50-54 55-59 60-69 65-69 70-74 75-79 80-84 85-89
women 88 195 133 113 97 89 67 48 31 17 17 3 4 0
men 85 120 119 81 81 73 55 57 40 30 24 13 5 2
Fig. 5. Age pyramid of PhD gender composition by years (as of 2021)
Among men, the largest number of candidates of sciences is in the age segment of 50-54 years, among women in the segment of 35-39. Among men, the largest number of PhDs is in the age segment of 25-29 years, the same for women. Among men, the largest number of doctors of sciences (including doctors by the profile) is in the age segment of 5559 years, among women in the segment of 50-54 years.
Having a pronounced amphoric form, the age-based gender pyramid of doctors of sciences belongs to a regressive type typical for both women and men. In other words, the number of doctors of sciences among men and women is equally stable at older ages and the age
composition of doctors of sciences is close to the gerontological type.
However, it is necessary to consider the age attrition of researchers. With this in mind, the rate of decline of doctors of sciences among men is slightly higher than that among women. In the hypothesis that the productive age of female scientists and male scientists is about the same, it should be expected in the medium term that the number of female doctors of sciences would exceed the number of male doctors of sciences.
In turn, the age-based gender pyramid of candidates of sciences has a different character for men and women.
For women, it is a progressive type, expressed in the form of a triangle. For men, it is a stationary type in the form of a bell-shaped curve. The general type of pyramid can be characterized as a progressive-stationary type.
That is, if the number of candidates of sciences among men is fairly stationary, then the number of candidates of sciences among women is in dynamics. Therefore, the number of candidates of sciences among women will only progress.
The same social conditions for women and men in the field of science are characteristic of the fact that men and women have the highest density of PhD degrees at the same age - 25-29 years.
At the same time, women become candidates of sciences at an earlier age than men do: 35-39 years and 5054 years, respectively, as well as become doctors of sciences at an earlier age than men: 50-54 years and 55-59 years, respectively. This is related to the fact that men in Kazakhstan more often work and support their families. Meanwhile, women, in their younger years, give birth to and raise children while simultaneously pursuing doctoral studies. Men typically commence their dissertation research after the age of 35; by then they have already secured housing and all other necessary life conditions for their families.
Thus:
A regressive type of the age-related gender pyramid characterizes the group of doctors of sciences and doctors by profile;
A stationary type of the pyramid characterizes the candidate of sciences group;
A progressive type of the pyramid characterizes the PhD group.
It can be noted that the age pyramid reflects not only the age dynamics, but also the chronology of the achievement and receipt of academic degrees. Therefore, it is also a temporal dependence.
It reflects two types of dependencies: how quickly the maximum value of the state is reached and/or how long the group of subjects is in this state.
In other words, women achieve maximum success faster and realize the transition from one state to another (for example, from the PhD state to the Doctor of Sciences state) faster on the timeline.
The age-gender pyramid for PhD has a pronounced progressive (triangular) shape for both women and men. It means that increasing numbers of young researchers are becoming PhDs among both women and men. Here we can note the positive dynamics of improving the quality and professional composition of young researchers within the scientific sphere.
However, in the group of doctors of sciences and doctors by profile, there is a clear predominance of males over females. In fact, the two-fold predominance of doctors of sciences among men over the number of doctors of sciences among women is asymmetric to the situation in the other two groups.
This issue belongs to one of the most gender-sensitive problems - the contextual parameter "Combining Professional and Family Responsibilities". It is well
known that Kazakh women have much more family responsibilities than men do, because patriarchal traditions are still quite strong in Kazakh society.
As accurately noted in Gender Pay Gap [16]: "the role of the "breadwinner" is a normative male model and does not imply equal participation of men in doing housework, caring for children and their upbringing ".
Obviously, women who combine science and family will a priori lose to male researchers who have more opportunities to conduct studies and spend less time on family. Therefore, "two key differences between men and women lie in the greater role that women play in childcare and housework in most families, and in a narrower role of female fertility" [17].
These differences between female and male researchers are particularly noticeable at the stage of the qualification transition from the PhD degree to the degree of Doctor of Sciences and Doctor by Profile, associated as the result with a large amount of labor and time.
Scientific work and qualification achievements in science directly depend on the individual potential maximum and the time to achieve the final scientific or qualification result.
If, in the first case, the parity is maintained, then, according to the time factor, women, as they become involved in science, definitely lose the scientific marathon in terms of strategic scientific results and effectiveness.
At the stage of transition between scientific states and qualification states, social influence on research work plays a significantly greater role than scientific factors. To put it simple, the "social brakes" are starting to turn on in place of social elevators in science at higher levels.
Therefore, in the Doctor of Sciences chain, it is very likely to observe the effect of gender inversion. In the case of Kazakhstani science, the effect of gender inversion is expressed quite transparently from a comparison of Figures 1, 2, and 3.
Discussion
Women are more hardworking, stress-resistant, organized in research work; they tend to strictly follow methodological principles and standards, and have creative heuristic thinking. The results of conducted interviews (involving more than 50 female scientists) allow us to discern a genuine interest among 62% of female scientists in the advancement of the field of science, which they have dedicated their entire professional lives to. Meanwhile, 15% of female scientists are more involved in managerial activities and primarily maintain their status as researchers through periodic publications in the field of science.
Several qualities can be attributed to women, such as their responsibility for the outcomes of their work, which is subsequently rewarded. In this regard, research outcomes are primarily linked to maternal responsibilities, such as providing for children's material needs and facilitating their diversified development (covering the cost of children's extracurricular activities). This explains their resilience to stress; the labor of female scientists is rewarded with the positive emotions of their children. Over 12% of the surveyed women work in research institutions, where their main work
is connected with research, leading to significant results. In contrast, the majority of women engage in scientific pursuits during their free time or in addition to administrative roles, especially in multifaceted educational institutions. These institutions incentivize women with academic degrees to engage in research work by assessing their performance based on results over a specific period of work. In terms of the intellectual research work of over 50% of women, it can be explained by their desire to confirm their existing status within the educational institution (professor, associate professor, etc.), as the educational process consumes a significant amount of their time and energy. The respondents also highlighted an interesting aspect regarding the effectiveness of their research: women are often engaged in household chores, childcare, and have other commitments. This allows them to manage their work time effectively, freeing up time for creative research activities. Men, on the other hand, have less diversity in their activities, which could relax them.
Female researchers' heuristic thinking allows them to increase the effectiveness and efficiency of the work of a research team or group. Although, this does not mean that heuristic thinking is more valuable in collective research than in individual scientific work. However, heuristic thinking clearly creates some kind of synergy as a cooperative effect in a research group, where female researchers play the role of connectors, practitioners and supervisors of the scientific process.
This reflects a particular aspect of female psychology - the need for emotional support. The exchange of opinions and the consideration of all "pros" and "cons" help women anticipate potential mistakes, gain confidence in their decisions, and they also seek positive emotions from their surroundings. In contrast, men tend to be more self-assured, communicate less when making various decisions, relying on plain facts. This conclusion is drawn from a survey of 100 scientists, 50 of whom are male and 50 are female (9% of the surveyed women and 75% of men did not feel the need to discuss their results).
At the social micro-level, gender inequality persists as a consequence of residual phenomena and effects associated with a certain level of patriarchal attitudes of Kazakh society in family relations. Consequently, as the level of women's involvement in science increases, "social brakes" are activated due to the lack of time resources.
In general, in Kazakhstan, the problem of gender equality in the scientific field has definitely been solved at
the institutional and organizational levels. In particular, the number of women in science and the number of women with academic degrees are equal in relation to the corresponding indicators of male researchers.
However, due to the increasing role of "social brakes", as they become involved in the scientific process, the individual potential maximum of a female researcher is not achieved due to the lack of time required to achieve it. Low-yielding growth phases especially manifest themselves at higher stages of transition from the PhD and Candidate of Sciences degrees to the Doctor of Sciences and Doctor by Profile degrees.
Transitions from one scientific or qualification stage to another higher one become high-risk enterprises. This is reflected not only in the results of research, personnel or qualification phases of growth, but also in scientific insignia. For example, among the 50 winners of the Kazakhstan contest Best Researcher-2022, there are clearly fewer women (19) than men (31).
In these cases, there is a marked effect of gender inversion, when a larger number passes into a new lower quality of scientific effectiveness and productivity.
Conclusion
To level the effect of gender inversion and "social brakes" in the field of Kazakhstan's R&D the following measures may be required:
1) Restructuring of the scientometrics system with a decrease in the dominance of quantitative (digital) and temporal (time) assessments to increase the importance of qualitative (humanitarian) assessments of the potential, productivity and effectiveness of research activity;
2) Development, adoption, and implementation of special programs to improve researchers' social life in terms of achieving family ergonomics;
3) In the qualification requirements within the framework of grant programs, membership, hierarchical positions and insignia in the system of science, due account only of the PhD (or Candidate of Sciences) degree within the framework of the Bologna Process with the loss of the values of the Doctor of Sciences and Doctor by Profile academic degrees;
4) Quantitative stimulation of heterogeneous scientific groups through appropriate regulations and regulatory functions.
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Information about the author:
A.K. Bisenbaev, PhD, leading researcher, National Academy of Education named after Y. Altynsarin (Astana, Kazakhstan). E-mail: eldarknar@gmail.com; ORCID: 0000-0002-7490-8375
A.E. Bizhkenova, Dr. Sci. (Philology), chief researcher, National Academy of Education named after Y. Altynsarin (Astana, Kazakhstan). E-mail: Abizhkenova@inbox.ru; ORCID: 0000-0002-4869-7973
A.S. Aktanova, Cand. Sci. (Philology), leading researcher, National Academy of Education named after Y. Altynsarin (Astana, Kazakhstan). E-mail: aktanovaaiman71@gmail.com; ORCID: 0000-0002-0444-5336
A.V. Fakhrutdinova, Dr. Sci. (Pedagogics), head of the Department of Foreign Languages in International Relations, Kazan Federal University (Kazan, Russian Federation). E-mail: avfach@mail.ru; ORCID: 0000-0001-7872-7507
The authors declare no conflicts of interests.
Информация об авторах:
Бисенбаев Адильбек Кнарович - PhD, ведущий научный сотрудник Национальной академии образования имени И. Алтынсарина (Астана, Казахстан). E-mail: eldarknar@gmail.com; ORCID: 0000-0002-7490-8375
Бижкенова Айгуль Ермековна - д-р филол. наук, главный научный сотрудник Национальной академии образования имени И. Алтынсарина (Астана, Казахстан). E-mail: Abizhkenova@inbox.ru; ORCID: 0000-0002-4869-7973
Актанова Айман Советовна - канд. филол. наук, ведущий научный сотрудник Национальной академии образования имени И. Алтынсарина (Астана, Казахстан). E-mail: aktanovaaiman71@gmail.com; ORCID: 0000-0002-0444-5336 Фахрутдинова Анастасия Викторовна - д-р пед. наук, зав. кафедрой иностранных языков в сфере международных отношений Казанского федерального университета (Казань, Россия). E-mail: avfach@mail.ru; ORCID: 0000-0001-7872-7507
Авторы заявляют об отсутствии конфликта интересов.
Статья поступила в редакцию 16.11.2023; одобрена после рецензирования 05.12.2023; принята к публикации 29.12.2023.
The article was submitted 16.11.2023; approved after reviewing 05.12.2023; accepted for publication 29.12.2023.
