CC BY
31
UDC 159'99 Research article
LBC 81
DOI 10.30982/2077-5911-2021-47-1-62-75
POST-EVENT INTERNET DISCOURSE AND ITS PECULIARITIES IN THE CONTEXT OF COVID-19 PANDEMIC
Natalya D. Pavlova, Tina A. Kubrak
Institute of Psychology of Russian Academy of Sciences, Moscow, Russia
Olga M. Kochkina
MGIMO University, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation
Moscow, Russia
Abstract
The article is devoted to post-event discourse which plays a major part in comprehending experience and forming the image of reality in one's mind. The aim of the research is to define the peculiarities of post-event internet discourse in the context of the COVID -19 pandemic, that has affected all the aspects of human and social activity in an unprecedented way. The approach applied was approbated earlier and comprises the description of the main referential objects of discourse and their qualitative changes in the process of discussion, as well as the characteristic of intentional content and discourse structure.
Diversity of message sources and internet platforms has determined the variability of intentional characteristics of post-event discourse during the pandemic. In translating opinion and seeking support of the audience, prime significance is attached to dialogical intentions, e.g., asking for information, clarifying, finding out an opinion. Negative intentions, linked with the expression of emotional states and criticism of the discussed objects, are also relevant. At the same time, positive directionality of communicants is revealed, with the focus on the intention to support the interlocutor and express gratitude to those who distinguished themselves throughout the pandemic. Considerable modification of referential objects in the course of the discussion, their generalization and replacement and increase in number as compared to the initial message have also been uncovered.
Keywords: internet discourse, post-event discourse, COVID-19 pandemic, intent-analysis, speech intentions, referential objects of discourse
Introduction
Vigorous development of information technologies in the last decades has led to the fact that people now function in a qualitatively new information environment. A huge role in its formation is played not only by instant expansion of information, but also by involvement of millions of people into communication and information transferring. Participants of communication provide information and respond to the most significant events in public life. Taking part in the discussion of events, a communicant attempts to become noticeable in social activity, he/ she sets the view on what is going on and contributes to the transformation of the image of reality in people's minds. Communication in the Internet shapes views of the world, values, relationships, attitudes, personal and group identity (Y. Kim, S. J. Ball-Rokeach, D. Chau, C. Lee et al.). The impact of assessments and opinions from the Internet
on political and social life is growing thanks to instant propagation all over the world (M.T. Bastos, H.G. Zuniga, D. Halpern et al.). Thus, post-event Internet discourse draws attention of those researchers who study users' posts and comments.
Post-event discourse represents an inalienable part of every person's life comprising reactions to a certain event or information about it. In daily communication people constantly participate in discussions about current developments, comment on the events covered in radio and TV programs, printed media, films. However, it is web resources and social networks that are acquiring the dominating part in post-event functioning, corresponding to the "anytime, anywhere" principle of getting information (Y. Zasurski) and open for readers' interactive commentaries on multiple thematic forums. The most active part of society is impacted by the Internet while evaluating socially important events, and their evaluation is not only the result of the influence of opinions of parties with high social status (bloggers, media-persons, government officials, etc.), but also the result of following discussions in social networks, on Internet forums, information portals etc. Post-event discourse, in which people are involved throughout their life, plays a most important role in comprehension of experience and generation of the image of reality in individual minds. It reflects and interprets current events, and at the same time it creates the view of the world, which is transferred within and beyond Internet and, moreover, serves as a source of collective action [Theocharis et al. 2017]. Study of post-event discussions as discourse practices, happening in modern conditions and adjusting to solving topical tasks, is relevant in order to comprehend the current social processes and determine psycho-emotional state, relationship and values of social groups.
The COVID-19 pandemic has become the major event of 2020 that has affected and continues to exert unprecedented influence on all aspects of the activity of both society and individuals worldwide. Knowledge, opinions and views concerning COVID-19, both versions about its origin and long-term forecasts of the pandemic's consequences, are reflected in Internet discourse, which makes a considerable contribution to their development. At the same time, the content of Internet discussions does not always allow generating an adequate view of the actual uncertain and unpredictable situation of the pandemic. This fact makes it vital to carry out comprehensive analysis of post-event discourse. There arise the tasks of determining the role of discussions, taking place in social networks and Internet communities, in people's realization of the new experience and the shaping of views on COVID-19, as well as the task of studying their impact on people's emotions and behavior during the pandemic. Positive and negative aspects of free and instant exchange of information during the crisis need to be carefully analyzed since the Internet discussions referring to COVID-19 affect people's psychological well-being as well as efficacy of the struggle against the pandemic.
The aim of this research is to reveal the peculiarities of post-event Internet discourse triggered by the COVID-19 pandemic: do there exist specific peculiarities of discussion during a pandemic or does post-event discourse occur only in a more intense and chaotic crisis mode?
Related works
The problems stated presuppose comparing the results with those of the other studies, and the latter are to be discussed further on.
It is revealed that post-event discourse in the Internet is quite varied. It embraces a wide range of phenomena pertaining to people's public and private life. The discussion may be initiated by the events referring to any public and private sphere of life discussed on Internet forums. At one extreme, post-event Internet discourse merges with personal (personality-oriented) discourse, at the opposite extreme - with institutional discourse, when the subjects of communication reflect the position of a certain social institution [Karasik 2000].
The variety of specific forms in post-event discourse presupposes correlation of two components: (1) the event itself and/or its description (informational cause) and (2) the corresponding post-event discussion. In the course of the discussion referential objects are transformed and increase in number - this is the process that proves that the events are not only comprehended during the discussion, but also constructed (T. van Dyke, A.A. Tarnavsky, O.G. Filatova, T.A. Grebenschikova, etc.). Many researchers point out the predominance of evaluation and effect over balance and strive for an objective analysis in this discourse, prevailing emotional assessments over rational judgments (N.K. Radina, G.V. Gradoselskaya, M.A. Pilgun). While discussing events and news, the communicant expresses his/ her attitude and often chooses an expressive form (so-called 'new sincerity'). Evaluative interpretation is inherent in post-event discourse [Kirilina 2015; Gradoselskaya, Pilgun 2015, etc.] and refers both to the discussion subject and the interaction process. This determines preference towards such discourse strategies as the self-presentation strategy and more particular strategies of antagonism with regard to the opponent's position, domination, etc. (I.G. Sidorova, A.V. Romantovsky, D.A. Popova). Although the network activity under certain conditions may transform into collective action [Theocharis et al. 2017; Bastos et al. 2015; Sutherland 2016], intention to promote one's own world view and suppression of other users' activity become domineering. The intention to self-promotion brings in aggressive online behavior: trolling, flaming, cyber-bulling [Kuryanovich 2018; Heirman et al. 2015, etc]. At the same time, interaction in the social media is regulated by certain norms [Stroud et al. 2015; Benamar et al. 2017], and is characterized by a specific communicative script on different forums [Santana 2014; etc.].
Methods and material
The study of post-event discourse implies the use of various research methods exploring different aspects of the phenomenon. The peculiarity of discourse is revealed not only through its thematic content and basic concepts; a most relevant determinant of discourse organization is intentionality. What contributes to promoting research in this direction is the method of intent-analysis, which allows bringing out the subject's intentions, linked with their inner world, wishes, needs and attitudes [Ushakova et al. 2000; Pavlova, Grebenschikova 2017a]. When such an approach is applied, communication subjects' feelings, initiated by the initial message, become the centre of attention in the course of post-event discourse analysis. The communicant's transmission of their own opinion and search for the support of the internet audience, which shares similar values and norms, can be considered as the global intention of such discourse.
The application of intent-analysis as an expert method for assessing the psychological content of speech allowed identifying a qualitative shift of intentional composition of post-event discourse in relation to the initial presentation of the event and modification of its referential objects: substitution, generalization, blurring of the boundaries [Pavlova,
Grebenschikova 2017b]. The data have been obtained that display differences in the types of post-event discourse ranging in conflictness, composition of intentions, referential objects' characteristics, etc. [Grebenschikova, Pavlova 2019; Kubrak 2019]. For instance, post-event discourse linked with the discussion of current political issues is characterized by considerable transformation of initial referential objects and asymmetry in its intentional composition towards negative intentions with high degree of an emotional-evaluative component (expressing indignation, malevolence, accusing, deriding etc.), as well as intentions of distancing and demonstrating superiority. At the same time, postevent discourse in the Internet does not show a mandatory shift of intentional composition towards negative intentions. Positive potential of Internet communication is demonstrated by many types of post-event discourse (cinema discourse, urban and family discourse), where neutral analytical intentions prevail. The latter are linked with the problem situation and the exchange of a great variety of opinions [Pavlova et al. 2018; 2020].
A special research was devoted to the peculiarities of post-event discourse while discussing in Runet popular information messages about "Megzit", which were published in January, 2020. Study of 37 posts with comments on various Internet forums has revealed blurring of the initial referential objects of the messages and appearance of additional objects, connected both with the process of interaction and the topic of the discussion ("Russian power", "Interlocutor", "I"); besides, the number of the categories of the intentions has grown multifold, adding emotionally charged ones. It has been shown that intentions of distancing and discrediting prevail in responses to the messages, while negative emotions are not typical for the major part of the initial messages. The shift towards negative intentions is observed with regard to the majority of topic-objects, both initial and added in the course of the discussion. The development of the discussion is prompted by the subject's focus on interlocutors' comments, which correlates with the high dialogic structure of discourse and need for shared understanding of the event.
The current analysis of post-event Internet discourse in the COVID-19 situation realizes the previously tested approach involving the description of the main referential objects of discourse and their qualitative changes in the course of the discussion, as well as the evaluation of the intentional content and the structure of discourse. The material of the research is 14 posts and messages on the topic of COVID-19 and their subsequent discussion (a total of 679 comments, М = 49, min = 21, max = 90), placed on different internet platforms: Facebook, Instagram, YandexDzen, LiveJournal, online news sites, city portals in November-December 2020.
Intentional content of post-event discourse and modification of its referential objects in the context of the pandemic
The issue that is being analysed is the changing number of referential objects and their modification while discussing urgent problems of the pandemic. Thus, at the very start of COVID-19 it could be observed that 'coronavirus' was turning into «смертельный вирус» ("deadly virus"), «вирус - убийца» ("virus-killer"). A similar transformation had been noted before, during the previous epidemics, for instance, when in 2003 SARS became the «убийца» ("killer") in media discourse. Metaphorical substitution, that gives the object additional meanings, happens in the unfolding discourse not only with respect to the virus, but also to other objects, directly related to it: «маска» ("mask") becomes
«намордник» ("muzzle"), «вакцина» ("vaccine") - «чудесный порошок» ("miraculous powder"), «лекарства» ("medications") - «фуфломицин» ("falsified medicine"), «масочныйрежим» ("maskmode") - «маскарад» ("masquerade"), etc. The modification of the image of the initial objects may shift the focus of the problematic situation in the course of the discussion: «Для чего на самом деле нас заставляют носить маски? - Ну, если исходить из того, что "гигиеническая маска" это "трикотажно-декоративное изделие ", то наверно для красоты» ("Whatfor are we made to wear masks? - Well, if we assume that hygienic mask is a knitwear decorative product, then it must be for beauty"). Oftentimes generalization of objects can be witnessed in the process of the discussion. Thus, the description of the situation in a certain polyclinic in the initial message or a summary of a certain doctor's recommendations leads to generalizations in the subsequent comments: «Сколько по стране больниц закрыли и сократили штат медперсонала и количество коек. Оптимизаторы ... Рыба гниет с головы» ("So many hospitals closed and medical staff laid off and beds cut. Optimizers... A fish stinks at the head"), «Медицина у нас убита. Поэтому люди предпочитают слушать советы знакомых» ("Our medical service is destroyed. That's why people prefer to listen to their friends' advice"), «Медицина в полном коллапсе, о чем мы говорим!» ("Medicine is collapsing, what are we talking about!"). Additional objects, that expand the set of the initial ones and add details to the consideration, are introduced by the discussion participants: «Койко-места, возможно, есть в достаточном количестве, койка без медперсонала не вылечит больного, а вот как с медперсоналом в этих отделениях обстоят дела...??????? думаю, что вся проблема в том, что не хватает врачей и медсестер в этих отделениях, где лечат пациентов с коронавирусной инфекцией» ("There may be enough in-patient beds, but they won't cure patients without medical staff, and the point is - how are things with medical staff...???????I think the problem is that doctors and nurses lack in those departments where patients with coronavirus are being treated"), «Мазки сугубо для статистики. Нет мазков - нет вируса» ("Swab tests are purely for the sake of statistics. No swab tests - no virus").
Among the referential objects, repeatedly mentioned in the discourse, there appear social groups and their representatives who distinguished themselves during the epidemic (Doctors, Officials, Volunteers etc.), public authorities in Russia and abroad (Government, Local authorities), as well as people sick with coronavirus and those suspected of infecting others (Travelers, Chinese). Interactive objects, related to the communication process, are also widely represented: I, Interlocutor, Third persons.
There is reason to speak about considerable rise in emotionally charged intentions while discussing COVID-19, which differ by essential criteria from those identified earlier in the analysis of post-event discourse. Fear and anger are known to have been dominating emotions in the discourse of social networks during previous Ebola and MERS-2015 epidemics, as they were used to express affective reactions [Song et al. 2017; Do et al. 2016]. To date, a substantial number of studies have established that fear has also become predominant in the current COVID-19 situation: «Кто не верит в опасность вируса ваше дело. С вводимыми ограничениями согласен. НО ВОПРОСОВ БОЛЬШЕ, ЧЕМ ОТВЕТОВ. 1.ПОЧЕМУ НЕ ПРОВОДИТСЯ ДЕЗИНФЕКЦИЯ ВХОДНЫХ ДВЕРЕЙ, ПЕРИЛ, ЛИФТОВ И ДРУГИХ МЕСТ ОБЩЕГО ПОЛЬЗОВАНИЯ В ЖИЛЫХ ДОМАХ? 2. ПОЧЕМУ МЫ НЕ ВИДИМ ДЕЗИНФЕКЦИИ ДОРОГ, ... ВЫ ТАМ ЧТО БЕССМЕРТНЫЕ?» ("It's up to
you not to believe in the danger of the virus. I agree to the introduced restrictions. BUT THERE ARE MORE QUESTIONS THAN ANSWERS. l.WHY ARE ENTRANCE DOORS, BANISTERS, LIFTS AND OTHER COMMON AREAS IN RESIDENTIAL BUILDINGS NOT DISINFECTED? 2.WHY DON'T WE SEE ROADS BEING DISINFECTED? ARE YOU THOSE OVER THERE IMMORTAL?"). This implies manifestation in discourse of the following intentions: to express anxiety, complain, express dissatisfaction, and also the more negative ones - to criticize and blame. At the same time, data have been obtained concerning presence in discourse of a considerable number of positive intentions, targeted at the partner: to agree, to express sympathy, praise, support, etc. Commentators strive to soothe the author of the post or each other: «Все в порядке. У бол-ва мужчин имеется склонность к психосоматическим реакциям. В медвузах это называют «синдром 3-го курса», когда студенты изучают симптомы болезней и находят их у себя. У Джером Джерома это состояние описано как «болезнь коленной чашечки», когда герой читал Медицинскую энциклопедию и обнаружил у себя все болезни, кроме воспаления коленной чашечки. Так что. не волнуйтесь — это не Ковид». ("All is fine. Most men are apt for psychosomatic reactions. In medical academies they call it '3d year syndrome', that s when students study symptoms of diseases andfind them in themselves. Jerome Jerome described this phenomenon as "a housemaid's knee", when the main character was reading Medical Encyclopaedia and found out he had all the diseases except a housemaid's knee. So, don't worry, - this is not Covid.") People are eager to express their opinion, share their experience: «Уже все понятно: вирус вброшен для сокращения численности населения, коронобесие - заказ транснациональных финансовых корпораций», «Много знакомых болеет сейчас, все с температурой высокой и без запахов. Ни у кого тесты не берут, говорят, что нет показаний. Маму подруги не хотели везти на КТ, скорая бесилась». ("All is clear: the virus was thrown in to reduce the population, Corona madness was ordered by transnational financial corporations", "Many people I know are ill, they all have a fever and have lost sense of smell. No one is tested, they say there are no indications for this. They wouldn't take my friend's mother for CT test, emergency doctor was furious.") Debates following professional medics' posts may serve as an example of relatively neutral discussions. Such discourse does not reveal a considerable modification of referential objects - colleagues verify the information from the author of the post, exchange and modify opinions: «Прекрасные новости. Осталось понять, когда она (и будет ли вообще) у нас будет доступна. Ну и для кого. - Думаю, что вопрос времени и цены», «Вот меня второе пугает куда больше. У тебя какие мысли на этот счёт? - Думаешь, сертифицируют?», «Сколько больных приходится на l реаниматолога? - от 4 до 8» ("Great news. What is left is to make out when (and if) it will be available. Well, and for whom. - I believe that's the question of time and price", "It's the second that spooks me far more. What are you thinking about it? - Do you think it'll be certified?", "How many patients are there for one resuscitator? - From 4 to 8.") Other interlocutors, not medics, ask the author of the post for information, express their gratitude to him, and also share their worries and experience: «Статья просто супер. Все так грамотно изложено», «Всем здоровья, сил и стойкости! Спасибо огромное!» ("The article is just super! Everything is stated correctly"), «Дорогой доктор, благодарю!!! Надо нести в массы правду, иначе «коронабесие» и безграмотность будут превалировать над правдой. А как известно, чем красивее ложь подана, тем охотнее в неё верят» ("Dear doctor,
thanks! It's necessary to give people the truth, otherwise "corona madness" and illiteracy will prevail over truth. And it is common knowledge that the nicer a lie is, the more eagerly people believe in it"). However, existing polarization of opinions does not exclude showing negative intentions even in such discussions: «Сил нет смотреть и читать весь этот бред от врачей. Не слушайте таких докторов», «Хорошо из кабинетов Московских рассуждать и советы раздавать» ("I'm sick and tired of watching and reading all this rubbish, don't listen to such doctors", "It's all so good to discuss and give advice from Moscow authorities").
The presence of a great number of positive messages, e.g., in Twitter [Bhat et al. 2020] is believed to be due to appreciation of the work of doctors and other specialists at the "front line", a positive attitude towards the measures undertaken, and also due to the fact that people have started to spend more time with their families, acquire new skills etc. Besides, at least the Russian segment of the Internet demonstrates the affirmative mindset, created by the intention to joke, express one's attitude to the problems of the COVID-19 pandemic in an ironic or humorous way: «Существование таких плато еще Терри Пратчетт обосновал». «В той части плоской Земли не было нужды в обширных ровных плато. Проблема была лишь в том, что все они располагались вертикально» ("It was Terry Pratchett who proved such plateaus exist." "There was no need in vast even plateaus in that part of the flat Earth. The problem was just that they all were situated vertically. " "If turned by 90 degrees, it will be the very plateau Myasnikov pointed.") Using a great number of memes, cartoons, different kinds of jokes must have contributed to adapting to severe stress.
Another tendency that is revealed in Internet discussions of COVID-19 is that of "heroization" and "blaming" [Atlani-Duault et al. 2020]. People who distinguished themselves in a crisis situation, may arouse admiration, praise, pride. Simultaneously, negative intentions play a considerable role in unfolding discourse: to blame, to expose, to make fun of, etc. The existing polarization of opinions, common distrust of the authorities in the situation of uncertainty enhance criticism and discreditation of the officials in discourse: «При полностью разваленной, оптимизированной медицине, о каких анализах, кт, посещениях участкового врача можно говорить. Одно вранье. И многие люди столкнулись с этим кошмаром» ("When medicine is completely destroyed, optimized, what's the use talking about analyses, ct, visiting your local physician. Just lies. Lots of people ran into this nightmare "), «ВОЗуничтожает людей, кто-то еще верит этой преступной организации?» ("WHO is killing people, can anyone still believe this criminal organization?").
Stigmatization of certain population groups becomes a serious problem during an epidemic. People who are prone to increased perception of infection risk often blame any group of people beyond their social community for a new disease outbreak. Now, in the COVID-19 situation, there are manifested many such episodes - thus, the ethnic Chinese, who have never been to China, have become the first victims of virus racism [Depoux et al. 2020]. Stigmatization may also concern people who have contracted coronavirus or are suspected of infecting others with it. In general, discreditation may refer both to those who deny the pandemic and refuse to follow assigned preventive measures, and those who demand that they be adhered to: «ковиддиссиденты» ("covid-dissidents"), «геройствующие юродивые» ("heroic fools'"), «ковидидиоты» (" covid idiots'"), «баранобесы» ("dullards") etc. With reference to this, negative intentionality of discourse may increase due to expressed menaces, insults and distrust towards discriminated groups and their representatives.
At the same time, in the conditions of uncertainty intentions to inform, to report, to clarify one's opinion occupy a considerable place in the intentional composition of discourse. In crisis situations "request for information" becomes highly important. Besides receiving information from the official bodies or representatives of the professional community, people communicate with one another actively, thus realizing such intentions. During the previous infection outbreaks social networks also functioned as "first-hand" information sources, with the help of which it was possible to get information about the diseases and exchange it with one's family and friends in real-time mode [Jang, Paek 2019]. The communication is "horizontal", when the information about the existing situation comes not from the official bodies or competent persons, but rather from the participants directly or indirectly involved in it: «Построенная военными больница не пустует, она заполнена до предела. -Знакомая сказала ... пустая! - У меня информация реальная, соседка там работает. Больница заполнена» ("The hospital built by the military is not empty, it S filled to the limit. - An acquaintance said.empty! -I have real information, my neighbour works there, the hospital is full.")
However, as information about the epidemic in social networks is generated by users, it is not always accurate and adequate, it may reflect rumor or misinformation. Oftentimes such messages comprise appeal to third parties, unchecked links are used: «мнерассказали» ("I was told"), «я слышал» ("I've heard"), «соседка сказала» ("my neighbour said") etc., for instance: «Кстати, в Швеции я слышал с этим маскарадом обратная ситуация, никто маски не носит, а на исключения смотрят как на дебилов. Правда вроде пока не штрафуют» ("By the way, I hear that the situation with this masquerade in Sweden is reverse, nobody wears masks, and those who do are treated as if they were morons. But no fines yet"). Peculiarities of communication in the web make it possible to leave sources of information hidden, if necessary, and fast spread of information eases the blurring of authorship, reducing the liability for its accuracy. Verification of information is also hampered by the prevailing number of virtual acquaintances among communicants, which is characteristic of online communication. In a crisis situation generation and active dissemination of inaccurate information ("fakes") is an inevitable phenomenon, which can affect the emotional state and behavior of the users [Ho et al. 2020]. Discussions on social networks and Internet sites can distort the scale and intensity of the epidemics, causing fear and thus preventing people from acting adequately. To counteract propagation of the distorted picture of reality among Internet users, the WHO, for instance, appeals to doctors, journalists and the wide public to enhance their presence in the Internet in order to circulate official and verified information about the epidemic. In this respect, the intensity of intentions aimed at the author of the message which contains topical information increases. In case the authorities are responsible for the post, this way of communication is extremely relevant in a crisis situation: on the one hand, it allows the receipt of first-hand information and prompt reaction to it, on the other, it provides users with feedback and the opportunity to feel themselves part of the process of taking decisions when expressing their view [Depoux et al. 2020]. Thus, intentional space of discourse is filled with a multitude of various dialogical intentions: to express an opinion, to clarify, to share, to suggest, to object etc. An example of these is the discussion in response to the governor's address to the residents of the region on his social network page «по поводу уже введенных ограничений и ситуации по дальнейшему предотвращению распространения новой коронавирусной инфекции»
("concerning the introduced restrictions and the situation on further prevention of the spread of the new coronavirus infection"): «Я один услышал только об ограничениях и . не услышал о помощи тем, кого лишают куска хлеба? Или мне так показалось? - Показалось. Мы уже более миллиарда, только из регионального бюджета, на поддержку выделили для бизнеса» ("Was I the only one who heard just about restrictions . and not a word about helping those who are deprived of their loaf of bread? Or did it seem to me? - It did. We have already allocated over billion, only from the regional budget, to support business"), «Наши родственники лежат сейчас в больнице и они говорят, что лекарств не хватает, на вопрос, что нужно, сказали о лекарствах за 60000 р, и нужно две пачки. Это было на этой неделе. - Кто такое мог сказать? В каком лечебном учреждении?» ("Our relatives are in hospital now and they say there are not enough medicines, and when asked what is necessary, said 2 packs of pills, 60000 roubles a pack. It s been this week. - Who could have said that? At what medical institution?"), etc.
Besides circulating fakes, social networks can create "echo-cameras", where the users' ideas are validated and opposing ideas are blocked [Sands et al. 2019 and many others]. This might lead to the formation of limited conceptions of the pandemic and their further consolidation in the process of the discussions, and, as a result, inadequate behavior. A similar case promotes the increase in special cooperative intentions, aimed to support the interlocutors: to express sympathy, calm down, thank, praise etc. Commentators can unite in their positions: «Поддерживаю. Учитывая количество информации, демонстрирующей бесполезность и бессмысленность «масок», считаю «маски» ничем иным как «символом веры». Этаким современным Знаменем «Идиотов всего Мира», наконец, нашедших предлог «объединиться» ("I'm for. Considering the amount of information demonstrating uselessness and senselessness of 'masks', I regard 'masks' nothing less than a symbol offaith. A kind of modern Banner of "Idiots of the Whole World", who found at last the pretext to 'unite'"). Yet, there exists an opinion that in a crisis situation active exchange of information, warnings about risks and dangers, and people's mutual support may cause the burst of information bubbles and rapid growth in the speed of dissemination of various information, and, as a result, a change in habitual patterns and established representations of reality.
Conclusion
The diversity of sources of COVID-19 messages and types of internet sites, as well as the topicality and multi-aspect of the problem, determine greater variability of intentional characteristics of the unfolding post-event discourse as compared to the discussion of other events. Along with the major directionality on the transmission of views and search for support from the audience of the internet community with similar values and norms, such dialogical intentions as asking for information, clarifying, finding out opinions prevail, which in the pandemic situation probably contributes to the decrease in typical uncertainty and promotes understanding of the current situation. At the same time, negative intentions that are linked with the expression of emotional states, caused by the pandemic, or related to criticism or, in a stronger version, to blaming and discrediting, are also relevant. Positive directionality of communicants, as a rule, refers to the intention to support the interlocutor, show sympathy, calm down, as well as to the expression of gratitude, approval or solidarity with social groups and/ or their representatives, who distinguished themselves in the pandemic situation.
The pandemic reveals peculiar to post-event discourse modification of referential objects, their generalization and substitution, rise in their number as compared to the initial message. Considerable modification of topic-objects during the discussion indicates not only comprehension of what is going on, but also generation of a version of events, which might bring about the distortion of the scale and intensity of the epidemic, causing fears, or vice versa, decreasing threat level. The probability of the propagation of untrustworthy information, which may hamper adequate actions aimed at preventing the spread of the epidemic, accounts for the necessity to study post-event internet discourse in order to deal with scientific and practical problems related to COVID-19.
© Natalya D. Pavlova, Tina A. Kubrak, Olga M. Kochkina, 2021 References
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Article history:
Received: 24.12.2020 Accepted: 15.03.2021
Bionotes:
Natalya D. Pavlova - Doctor Sc. of Psychology, Head of the Laboratory of Psychology of Speech and Psycholinguistics, Institute of Psychology of Russian Academy of Sciences Contact information:
13 Yaroslavskaya ul., Moscow, Russia, 129164 e-mail: pavlova_natalya@mail.ru
Tina A. Kubrak - Ph.D. in Psychology, Researcher of the Laboratory of Psychology of Speech and Psycholinguistics, Institute of Psychology of Russian Academy of Sciences Contact information:
13 Yaroslavskaya ul., Moscow, Russia, 129164 e-mail: kubrak.tina@gmail.com
Olga M. Kochkina - PhD in Psychology, Associate Professor, Deputy Head of Directorate of Language training and the Bologna process, MGIMO University, Ministry of Foreign Affairs of the Russian Federation
Contact information:
76 Vemadskogo Pr., Moscow, Russia, 119454 e-mail: olkochkina@yandex.ru
For citation:
Natalya D. Pavlova, Tina A. Kubrak, Olga M. Kochkina Post-Event Internet Discourse and Its Peculiarities in the Context of COVID-19 Pandemic // Journal of Psycholinguistics №1(47) 2021, P. 62-75. (In Russian). DOI 10.30982/2077-5911-2021-47-1-62-75
УДК 159'99 Научная статья
ББК 81
Б01 10.30982/2077-5911-2021-47-1-62-75
ПОСТСОБЫТИЙНЫЙ ИНТЕРНЕТ-ДИСКУРС И ЕГО СПЕЦИФИКА В УСЛОВИЯХ ПАНДЕМИИ COVID-19
Павлова Наталия Дмитриевна, Кубрак Тина Анатольевна
Институт психологии РАН, Москва, Россия Кочкина Ольга Михайловна МГИМО МИД РФ, Москва, Россия
Аннотация
Статья посвящена постсобытийному интернет-дискурсу, играющему важнейшую роль в осмыслении опыта и формировании образа реальности в сознании. Цель работы состояла в выявлении специфики постсобытийного интернет-дискурса в условиях пандемии COVID-19, оказавшей беспрецедентное за последние десятилетия влияние на все аспекты жизнедеятельности человека и общества. Реализовывался ранее апробированный подход с описанием основных референциальных объектов дискурса и их качественных изменений в ходе обсуждения, а также характеристикой интенционального содержания и структуры дискурса.
Разнообразие источников сообщений и типов интернет-площадок определило вариативность интенциональных характеристик постсобытийного дискурса в условиях пандемии. На первый план, наряду с ведущей направленностью на трансляцию мнения и поиска поддержки аудитории, выходят диалогические интенции - запросить информацию, уточнить, узнать мнение и др. Значительную роль играют негативные интенции, связанные с выражением эмоциональных состояний и критикой обсуждаемых объектов. В то же время обнаруживается позитивная направленность коммуникантов, проявляющаяся в стремлении поддержать собеседника или выразить благодарность тем, кто проявил себя в условиях пандемии. Выявляется значительная модификация референциальных объектов в процессе обсуждения, их обобщение и замена, увеличение числа по сравнению с исходным сообщением.
Ключевые слова: интернет-дискурс, постсобытийный дискурс, пандемия COVID-19, интент-анализ, речевые интенции, референциальные объекты дискурса
© Павлова Н.Д. Кубрак Т.А., Кочкина О.М., 2021
История статьи:
Дата поступления в редакцию: 24.12.2020 Дата принятия к печати: 15.03.2021
Сведения об авторе:
Павлова Наталия Дмитриевна - доктор психол. наук, заведующая лабораторией психологии речи и психолингвистики, Институт психологии РАН Контактная информация: 129164, Москва, Россия, Ярославская ул., д. 13 e-mail: pavlova_natalya@mail.ru
Кубрак Тина Анатольевна - кандидат психол. наук, научный сотрудник, лаборатория психологии речи и психолингвистики, Институт психологии РАН
Контактная информация:
129164, Москва, Россия, Ярославская ул., д. 13
e-mail: kubrak.tina@gmail.com
Кочкина Ольга Михайловна - кандидат психол. наук, доцент, заместитель начальника Управления языковой подготовки и Болонского процесса, МГИМО, МИД РФ Контактная информация: 119454, Москва, Россия, Вернадского пр., д.76 e-mail: olkochkina@yandex.ru
Для цитирования:
Pavlova N.D., Kubrak T.A., Kochkina O.M. Post-Event Internet Discourse and Its Peculiarities in the Context of COVID-19 Pandemic // Вопросы психолингвистики №1(47) 2021, С.62-75. DOI 10.30982/2077-5911-2021-47-1-62-75
