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POLITICAL PARTICIPATION OF CHRISTIAN MINORITY IN PAKISTAN: A
CASE STUDY OF SINDH PROVINCE
1TOOBA AHMAD, 2DR. ANWAR ALI, 3DR. GHULAM MUSTAFA, 4ASAD ALI AKRAM, 5ISRAR RASOOL,
1PhD Scholar/ Visiting Lecturer, Government College University Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan. 2Assistant Professor, Department of Political science, Government College University Faisalabad,
Punjab, Pakistan.
3Associate Professor, Department of International Relations, Government College University
Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan. 4BS Scholar, Department of International Relations, Government College University Faisalabad,
Punjab, Pakistan.
5Visiting Lecturer, Department of International Relations, Government College University
Faisalabad, Punjab, Pakistan. Correspondence: ghulammustafa@gcuf.edu.pk
Abstract
When Muslim Leaders of the Subcontinent of India were trying to create an independent state for Muslims, the Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah repeatedly used the phrase "Separate state for the Minorities of India". He demanded a state where all types of minorities could live freely according to their religious teachings and norms. These demands were very pleasing for all types of religious minorities of the Subcontinent, so few of them supported the idea of Pakistan, where anyone could live freely. The Christian community supported the idea of Pakistan and made efforts to become part of it. In different speeches, Quaid-e-Azam praised Christian leaders who supported the Muslim leadership. However, the demise of the Quaid changed the future of the Christian minority of Pakistan. The political leadership became more focused on Islam and made it the religion of the state the in Objective Resolution of 1949 which made the Christian community a marginalized section of the state. To understand the political awareness and rights of the Christian minority in Pakistan the research focused on the Christian community of the Sindh province for data collection. Key Words: Political Participation, Christians, Minority, Sindh Province, Pakistan
INTRODUCTION
According to Minority Rights Group, a minority is
"a group numerically inferior to the rest of the population of a State, in a non-dominant position, whose members - being nationals of the state - possess ethnic, religious or linguistic characteristics differing from those of the rest of the population and maintain, if only implicitly, a sense of solidarity, directed towards preserving their culture, traditions, religion or language" (Minority Rights: A Primer, 2015).
So, according to the definition, any group of a minority has four qualities. Such as minorities are a numerically small group of people, under the dominance of another group, have distinctive ethnicity, culture, caste and creed, language, and religious affiliation from which make it unique from the rest of the population, and have a sense of solidarity for their unique quality.
Substantially minority also refers to a marginalized group of the population who suffer because of social norms, the weak rule of law, structural violence in society, identity issues, issues with civil liberty, effective participation, and other socio-economic rights.
Political leaders of the Subcontinent Indo-Pak used religion in their political campaigns before and after partition. Before partition, the slogan Pakistan ka Matlab Kiya? La Illaha Illal Allah gathered hundreds of thousands of people under one flag. After partition, the slogan of the Islamic Republic or Islamic State replaced the old slogan. It leaded state towards majoritarianism in the state and society. Majoritarianism, antagonistic nationalism, and the struggle for a homogeneous society in the state make religious minorities strive for their political rights. Religious nationalism was constructive to assemble people under one flag and one slogan before partition. But after the
1977
partition religion based nationalism divided the population into different religious groups and made religious minorities politically and socially marginalized.
Although all three constitutions of Pakistan develop fundamental rights according to the UN Charter of Human Rights and Fundamental Rights and Islamic teachings for all citizens, including all type of minorities, however, there is a massive gap in the practice of these rights. Lack of social acceptance of religious minorities is a significant hurdle in the practices of fundamental rights. The social norms and values of the state are strong and based on caste, creed, and religion. Constitution of 1973 defines rights, gives the right of identification, civil liberty, right of effective political participation to every citizen, including all kinds of minorities, as per Islam and UNO Charters. Still, rigid and strict societies do not follow the rights and do not appreciate them.
The de-jure and de-facto state of affairs in Pakistan makes the situation complex and hard to covenant. The Constitution and government promise equal political rights based on nondiscrimination, but social norms and systems break the Constitution's promise. In Pakistan, the Christian minority is marginalized and suffers at the political level, and faces structural violence. As the demography shows under the recent censuses, Pakistan tends to become a homogeneous society. The dream of becoming a homogenous society creates aggressive nationalism and majoritarianism. Research Questions
• Whether or not the religious minorities, primarily the Christians, being politically demoted in Sindh Province of Pakistan?
• Does the Christian population of Sindh Province face religious minorities in Pakistan regarding political rights and practices?
• Does Christian Community from Sindh Province well aware about their political rights? Literature Review
Alam wrote in the latest report of the organization of The South Asia Collective under the Minority Rights Group International. She discusses that the state of security and freedom of expression is a deep concern in Pakistan. It shrinks the space for civil society, which indicates the heightened threats to Pakistan's human rights defenders and free thinkers. The civil society of Pakistan feels the systematic elements of coercion, the voices of society suppressed and unheard. She connects the symptoms with the disease to the non-democratic traditions of the state. These non-democratic traditions can develop into the failure of the Constitution and suppression of the political rights of any community of the state (Alam, 2020). This report solely deals with the anti-democratic traditions and norms of the region and state. Further elaborates on the impact of anti-democratic tendencies on the civic spaces of the various states of the region. This research article indirectly deals with the political rights of any type of minority, including religious and ethnic.
Alam wrote in the third report of the organization of The South Asia Collective under the Minority Rights Group International. In this report, the author discussed the migrants, refugees, and the stateless. The report focuses on the direct and indirect violence against the migrants, refugees, and the stateless, in the introduction, definition, rights, and UN Charter of human rights discussed regarding these communities. This context report discussed the negligence of the Afghan refugees regarding rights in Pakistan. The writer discussed that the laws of citizenship and equal identities in Pakistan are rigid. That is why Afghan refugees are still refugees even though they have been living in the state for almost a half-century (Alam, 2019). This report discusses the political rights and status of refugees in Pakistan. The author missed out on the political status of the Christian minority living in the state from its creation and contributed to its creation.
Ahmad wrote in the second report of the organization of The South Asia Collective under the Minority Rights Group International. In this report, the writer explores the roots of discrimination against religious minorities in Pakistan. The author spread the canvas on the different minorities and ratified treaties. This report uses the indicators of UN Human Rights to examine the situation. It focuses on Hindus, Sikhs, Christians, Shias, Hazaras, and the people of Bangladesh in Pakistan. According to the report, poverty, lack of power, social and legal standing, and decision-making access is the leading cause of the vulnerabilities of minorities in South Asia (Ahmad, 2018). This report explored the current reason behind the current situation of minorities. The report did not search about the
1978
structural violence against Christian minorities that develops because of social norms and social teaching.
Khaliq and Aslam wrote in the first report of the organization of The South Asia Collective under the Minority Rights Group International. This report solely focuses on South Asia. In this report, six states of the region are discussed, including Afghanistan. The report searches for mapping terrain for the minorities in the region for all kinds of minorities, including religious, ethnic, lingual, and indigenous people. Definition of minorities and their rights UNO discussed, then elaborate their situation in respective states via indicators of identity, culture, discrimination, participation in public life, and access to socio-economic rights. The report concludes that it is the rough road of citizenship for minorities in Pakistan. The report discussed the vulnerabilities of minorities, and Pakistan needs to go back to the founding principles. (Khaliq & Aslam, 2016). The report also discussed the current issues of the minorities, not the historical background and future aspect for the religious minorities in the state.
Schaflechner, Oesterheld and Asif edited the book, which has chapters written by Jacob, Schaflechner, and Maqsood. Jacob wrote in his chapter that during the struggle for Pakistan, Muslims and Christians of west Punjab stood side by side. Mr. Jinnah always appreciated the efforts of NonMuslims and promised them equal rights and freedom in his famous speech of 11th August 1947. During the British Government, Mr. Jinnah always demanded minority rights and minority protection, but after his death, the state he created for minorities failed to do so. The Islamization of the government and state, madman laws on blasphemy, inequality, and injustice social sector, making it a challenging country for minorities. Schaflechner explored the reason behind the forced conversion of Hindu women in Sindh. According to him, there are few cases of forced conversion, which have religious and political factors behind them. During his media analysis and field study, many forced conversion cases are a reaction against the rigid patriarchal behaviours of Sindh. Masood also studied interfaith relationships but in metropolitan city Karachi. The relationship between Hindu women and Muslim men do base on care and intimacy in the city. Some couple keeps their relationship open, and some prefer secrecy. The work of Masood is essential for the urban point of view on interfaith marriages and forced conversion (Jacob, Schaflechner, & Masood, 2020). This book is very crucial for an alternative narrative on the issues of forced conversion and minorities rights. Pakistan government mentions that it gives equal rights to every citizen, including minorities, but Jacob disagrees with the statement. On the other hand, media and representatives of civic societies fought against forced conversion, but Schaflechner and Masood explored the other reasons behind interfaith marriages. Manchanda discusses in her book that the rights of marginalized people challenge the rights of the leading population. It is not unusual that the conflicts between majoritarianism and discrimination result in revolt and violence. In all states of South Asia except the Maldives, people face the issues of minority rights. As a result, it increases the population of the refugees within the states, resulting from post-colonialism. Liberal politics demand equal rights and political recognition. Some minorities have the platform to discuss their rights and political recognition, but most are busy meeting daily needs. The government in the region are poor in providing justice and mechanism to protect the minorities. According to the author, now minorities of South Asia are growing, fighting for their rights, and enlightening their children's future (Manchanda, 2010). The edited book by Manchanda gives a groundwork on the minorities issues in South Asia. For this purpose, the authors studied the status of Hindus in Bangladesh, the Chittagong Hill Tracts of Bangladesh, minorities of Sindh and Baluchistan in Pakistan, political choices of Sri Lankan minorities, and issues of inclusion of minorities in Nepal. However, unfortunately, her discussion on religious minorities is limited and does not cover the whole map of South Asia.
Massey wrote about the minorities and religious freedom in democracy. He explains democracy as Plato and Aristotle explained it i-e democracy is mobocracy. After that, the author argues about new forms of democracy which focus on equality of rights and duties, equalization of rights and duties, and distribution of power. He said that democracy is the last place where minorities can get their rightful place. Furthermore, he describes the British policies and liberties. He argues that steps like "separate electorate" united the minorities and gave them a voice and platform to connect and
1979
discuss their problems. Although liberty helped the minorities for the state's majority population, it created difficult demand. Now majority population has to prove that it can use democracy rightly and give rights to every community (Massey, 2004) The author studied the religious minorities of India and gave a very detailed overview of it, and discussed the constitutional amendments. Jacob provided grounds to examine the political participation of religious minorities in Pakistan. While giving his viewpoint about the plight of rights of minorities in Pakistan, he expressed that the quality of political representation is linked to political culture, which further depends on how the political culture developed. Suppose the political culture gets nourished in democratic norms. In that case, the participation of minorities can be claimed as active participation. The minority has the authority to influence the decision related to the day-to-day affairs of their social life. Otherwise, it would be only limited for the sake of representation, not for actual participation (Jacob, 2017). Khan further provided the ground to assess the marginalization of vulnerable segments of society in the context of the historical development of constitutions in Pakistan. According to him, Pakistan's painful history defines democratic and military rule experiences. No outsider can feel the worse feelings of insiders who have suffered the taste of pseudo-democracy and quasi-dictatorship. He further exposed that the ruler who used Pakistan's land as a laboratory where the rulers are managing all kinds of constitutional experiments in different eras. His detailed study on political events in Pakistan shared the findings that helped us discuss the empowerment of marginalized communities in the context of Pakistan's Constitution (Khan H. , 2017). Research Methodology Mixed Method Approach
The dissertation titled "Political rights of Christian minority in Pakistan since 1973" consists of primary and secondary data. That's why this dissertation is an amalgamation of both the Qualitative and the Quantitative approaches. So, the research adopted the "Mixed-Method Approach" while conducting this research. The combination of primary and secondary data for the research make this dissertation unique as well as challenging. The definition of Political Rights may be the same in every state of the world, but the application of political rights is different in every state. The ICCPR gives the universal definition of political rights, but every state adopts its own version of the rights according to its constitution. So, defining political rights in the state of Pakistan was one of the challenging tasks. The other challenging task was to define minorities and the status of the minorities because the universal definition of the minority is not so straightforward.
Furthermore, key interviews were conducted to learn what minorities consider political rights. For this purpose, panel discussions were also conducted with advocates, political activists, civil society members, human rights commissions, clergy of the Christian community, government workers, and university students. Apart from the interviews and panel discussion, a survey was also conducted in all provinces of the state to collect information from lay people via questionnaire. Element of the Study
The Christain community of the state is the primary element of the study for data collection. Sampling Frame
The National Database and Registration Authority (NADRA) and the Election Commission of Pakistan are the primary sources to get lists of registered populations and voters to collect data through a survey.
Sampling Procedures And Sample Size
The "probability sampling" technique used stratified random sampling to collect the data from the target population. The technique is more scientificand objective. Sampling Technique
To collect representative data from the Christian citizen of Pakistan, the researcher has used a proportionate random sampling technique to give equal representation to selected districts. Technique for Data Collection
This section deals with techniques for data collection through surveys that include a tool for data collection, such as Monkey Survey and Google Survey, and data coding. Tool for Data Collection
1980
A well-structured questionnaire comprising 15 questions about political issues, voter behavior, and political awareness was used to collect data. Coding of Data
The questionnaire comprises five close-ended questions and four identification questions such as age, gender, province, and qualification. Ten closed-ended questions have scale points, one question have yes and no as options, and one question is open-ended. At the same time, one was coded as 1 for Punjab and 2 for Sindh, 3 for Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, and 4 for Balochistan. The remaining were coded after data entry. The educational qualification is ranged from 0 to 16 plus years of education. In Qualification 1 for Under Matric, 2 for Matric, 3 for Intermediate, 4 for Batchulars, 5 for Masters, 6 for M.Phil, 7 for PhD, and 8 for LLB. The remaining; Age is kept open-ended and was coded after data entry.
Furthermore, the remaining 15 questions were in the form of statements bearing an attitudinal scale of an agreement to disagreement. Every item was assigned codes from 1 strongly agree to 5 strongly disagree point scale. For some questions, Y is the code for Yes, and N is for No. The codes for a preferred political party, 1 was used for PTI, 2 for PMLN, 3 for PPP, and 4 for Others. The data consists of around 1100 forms, so the data entry takes about one week to finish. Informed Consent Form and Ethical Consideration
The study followed all the informed consent forms and ethical considerations as per the tradition. A paragraph has been written before the questionnaire in English and Urdu, which promises secrecy of personal detail and allows respondents not to answer uncomfortable questions. It is pertinent to mention that the respondent was adequately informed about the aims and objectives of the survey and research and that they were assured that data would only be used for academic purposes. Data Collection
After finalizing the questionnaire, the researcher translated the questionnaire into the Urdu language, which is the state's national language communicated by the majority of the people of the state. Then data were collected from all four provinces proportionally through questionnaires. The respondents were from different educational capacities, ages, professions, political backgrounds, and economic statuses. The researcher explained the questionnaire to the respondents. If respondents were illiterate, the researcher filled out the forms for them. The researcher herself collected the survey conducted from different cities in Pakistan. Comprehensive data collection took place in 2022. Response Rate
In total, 1500 questionnaires were printed and distributed proportionally to Christian Voters in different parts of Pakistan. Complete the questionnaire also upload it on the Monkey Survey and Google Survey. Fifty people responded online. 1100 printed forms were returned. Due to the flood and uncertain situation in Sindh and Baluchistan, the response was low. Fifty forms were rejected for incomplete data, and 1050 printed forms were used for final testing. Total online and printed 1100 forms received. The response rate was 73.33%. Data Entry
Data entry is an essential task before any further testing. Before data entry SPSS, all the statements were entered into the variable view of SPSS. Questions were assigned common understandable names such as Q1, Q2, Q3..., types (numeric or string), width (8), decimals (0 for current research), and label (complete name of question or statement). Furthermore, the measures, e.g., scale, ordinal, and nominal, were assigned for all the variables. Data entry was completed in detail in the data view form of SPSS. Data Analysis
After data entry and analysis, data interpretation, tables and graphs were used for this purpose. A mixture of descriptive and inferential statistics is used in this manner. Although tables, graphs, and charts are self-explanatory, the analysis and implication of social behavior and understanding discuss below every table, graph and chart.
1981
Analysis of Primary Data
This chapter of the article deals with the analysis of primary data. Primary data was collected from the Christian population of the Sindh. This research aimed to identify the political issues faced by the Christian population within the state. To obtain this purpose researcher analyzes the primary data. The set of questions was created after a keen literature review and discussion with Christian political and civil activists and lawyers. The data was collected from the state's provinces (Punjab, Khyber Pakhtunkhwa, Sindh and Balochistan) and the Capital (Islamabad).
In this part of article, analysis of primary data is presented. For this purpose, researcher has collected data from the Christian population of Sindh province of Pakistan. The series of questions will identified the awareness of Christian population about their political and civil rights. These questions will also identify the political freedom of the minorities in pakistan. Number and Nature of Population Sample
For this part of research study on "Political Rights of Christian Minority in Pakistan Since 1973", primary data has been collected from the Christian minority of the Sindh. The questionnaire was filled out by people of different age groups and then sorted out them based on their education and gender.
SINDH PROVINCE:
Sind is Pakistan's 2nd biggest populated province and has 0.85% of the Christian population. The researcher assembles data from Sindh's different cities and villages, such as Karachi, Hyderabad, Larkana, Khairpur and Mirpur Khas. For data collection researcher also targeted the villages around the big cities of the Sindh province.
70.00% 60.00% 50.00% 40.00% 30.00% 20.00% 10.00% 0.00%
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Sample Size Sindh
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Age Bracket:
From Sindh, the researcher engaged 37% of respondents from the ages 18-28 years, 25% from the age
of 29-38, 16% from age 39-48, 12% from the age of 49-58 and 10% from 59-68.
Qualification:
From Sindh, the researcher involved 5% of respondents from under-matric, 21% from Matric, 39% from intermediate, 19% from graduate, and 6% from Masters level education. In contrast, 2% of respondents are from M.Phil, 3% from PhD and 5% from LLB. Gender :
Gender-wise, 35% of respondents are females, and 65% are males.
Joint Electorate and Gap Between Majority Population and Christian Community
Throughout the Constitutional history of Pakistan, the debate of separate or joint electorates for
religious minorities took part. The separate electorate helped create Pakistan, but a minority of the
population, predominantly Christian political leadership, protested against the separate electorate.
Christian political leaders argued that a separate electorate excludes religious minorities from the
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RUSSIAN LAW JOURNAL Volume XI (2023) Issue 3
mainstream. A separate electorate grows the gap between the majority and minority populations. The Christian political leadership further argues that Joint Electorate can help build a bridge between religious minorities and the majority population. Through this question, the research tried to determine what the general Christian community thinks about the joint electorate. Joint Electorate and Gap Between Majority Population and Christian Community (Sindh)
Joint Electorate and Gap Between Majority Population and Christian Community (Sindh)
■ Strongly Agree Count ■ Somehow Agree Count ■ Neutral Count
■ Somehow Disagree Count Strongly Disagree Count
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Age and Gender Bracket:
The survey of Sindh province result represents that 33, 22, 11, 10, and 09 respondents' Strongly Agree' with the policy of joint electorate accommodating minorities with ages between 18-28, 2938, 39-48, 49-58 and 59-68 respectively (Out of these 32 females and 53 males respondents). However, this graph denotes that 26 respondents of age 18-28, 09 respondents of age 29-38, 08 respondents of 39-48, and only 05 respondents of age 59-68 chose 'Somehow Agree' with the joint electorate practice benefits to minorities (Christian) in Pakistan. In the 'Somehow Agree' count chart,
20 females and 28 males are included.
Although, many responses have been checked in the neutral category. Though 05 respondents (18-28 Age), 08 people (29-38 Age), 03 respondents (39-48 Age), 09 respondents (49-58 Age) and 06 respondents (59-68 Age) selected the neutral category. On the other hand, 14 females and 17 males chose the neutral option.
When this question was asked to the Sindh sample, 18-28 aged 03, 29-38 aged 08, 39-48 aged 04 and 49-58 aged 07 respondents picked out the somehow disagree option. The Bar Chart represents that
21 males and 01 female preferred the 'somehow disagree' option.
On this query, several Christian community respondents favoured the strongly disagree category. It seems like the joint electorate does not accommodate minority political rights in elections according to the will of the young Christian population. So, 07 young respondents who are eligible to vote (1828 years of age) disagreed. Moreover, 03 respondents aged 29-38 and 6 with 39-48 also disagreed with this system. But in the category of old age respondents, no one ticked it. 03 female and 13 male respondents disagreed with this joint electorate idea because, according to them, the present criteria is not filling the gap between majority and minority. Qualification:
The survey in this graph shows that four Under-Matric and seventeen Matric-passed respondents favoured the strongly agree option. While thirty-two and twelve respondents selected the 'strongly
1983
agree' category with qualification of Intermediate and Bachelor, respectively. However, seven Masters, two M.phil, four PhD and five LLB qualified respondents chose the strongly agreed option. According to this Bar Chart in the 'Somehow Agree option', every classification category responded, i.e. 2 Under-Matric, 8 Matric, 23 Intermediate, 10 Bachelors, 04 Masters, 1 from each M.phil, PhD and LLB respondents participated. On this query, 6 Matric, 8 Intermediate and 1 Masters preferred the neutral option. Therefore more or fewer respondents chose the 'Somehow Disagree' option, such as 4 from Under-Matric, 11 from Matric, 9 from Intermediate, 06 from Bachelors, 01 from each Masters and PhD, and 4 from LLB. While 06 respondents with a Bachelor's and 10 with a Masters's selected the 'Strongly disagree' category on the questionnaire. Reserved Seats
The Constitution of Pakistan has allocated 10 reserved seats for religious minorities in the National Assembly of Pakistan, 4 seats in the Senate and various seats in Provincial Assemblies as well. But the selection method for these reserved seats is dubious. Through this question, the researcher tried to find out what the general Christian public thinks about reserved seats and the selection method of members on these reserved seats. Reserved Seats (Sindh)
Reserved Seats (Sindh)
■ Strongly Agree Count ■ Somehow Agree Count ■ Neutral Count
■ Somehow Disagree Count Strongly Disagree Count
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Age and Gender Bracket:
The survey of Sindh represents that 20, 17, 12, 7, and 2 respondents' Strongly Agree' with the policy of reserved quota with ages between 18-28, 29-38, 39-48, 49-58 and 59-68, respectively (Out of these 17 females and 41 male respondents).
Regarding it, this graph denotes that 18 respondents of age 18-28, 08 respondents aged 29-38 and 39-48 each, 06 respondents aged 49-58, and 03 respondents aged 59-68 chose 'Somehow Agree' with the allocation of the reserve seats in the National Assembly. In the 'Somehow Agree' count chart, 10 females and 33 males were included.
Although, numerous respondents have been checked in the neutral category. Though 18 respondents (18-28 Age) and 10 people (29-38 Age) selected the neutral category. While 03 respondents 39-48, 04 respondents 49-58 and 06 people 59-68 selected the neutral category. On the other hand, 20 females and 21 males are included who chose the neutral option.
On this query, many respondents from Sindh province picked out the somehow disagree option, such as 9, 9, 7, 4 and 5 respondents of age 18-28, 29-38, 39-48, 49-58 and 59-68, respectively. The Bar Chart represents that 22 males and 12 females preferred the 'somehow disagree' option. The responses to this question reveal that more respondents disagreed with the reserved seat situation in Pakistan. They seemed to demand a proper election setup compared to the current
1984
method or an increase in the reserved seat ratio, so 09 young respondents who are eligible to vote (18-28 years of age) disagreed. Moreover, 7 respondents with aged 29-38 and 2 with aged of 39-48, 3 with aged 49-58, and 4 aged 59-68 were also found to disagree with this system. Eleven females and thirteen male respondents disagreed with the idea or process of reserved seats for religious minorities in the Parliament of Pakistan. Qualification:
This graphic research shows that two Under-Matric and 25 Matric passed respondents favoured the strongly agree option. However, thirty-seven, thirteen, four, two and five respondents with the qualification of Intermediate, Bachelor, Masters, M.phil and LLB, respectively, chose the strongly agreed option. According to this Bar Chart in the 'Somehow Agree option', every classified category responded except M.phil, i.e. 3 Under-Matric, 7 Matric, 21 Intermediate, 8 Bachelors, 5 Masters, 2 PhD and 4 LLB respondents participated. On this query, the neutral option was preferred by 4 Under-Matric, 6 Matric, 7 Intermediate, 15 Bachelors, 2 Masters, 1 M.Phil and 4 PhD. Therefore, some respondents chose the 'Somehow Disagree' option, such as 4 from Matric and 3 from Masters. Two respondents with Bachelor, 01 with M.phil and LLB each. While 01 Under-Matric and 08 Intermediate selected the disagree category on the questionnaire. Political Rights in Constitution
All three Constitutions of Pakistan give every state citizen equal political and civil rights. The Constitution also gives Reserved Seats for religious minorities. Constitution also tells the method of selecting representatives of religious minorities in the Parliament of Pakistan. Through this question, the researcher tried to find out what the Christian community of Pakistan thinks about political rights given by the state constitution. Political Rights in the Constitution of Pakistan (Sindh)
Political rights in Constitution (Sindh)
60
50 40 30 20 10 0
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I Strongly Agree Count ■ Somehow Agree Count ■ Neutral Count I Somehow Disagree Count Strongly Disagree Count
Age and Gender Bracket:
This research survey aims to understand whether minorities (Christians) are satisfied with their political rights in the Constitution of Pakistan. Besides that, the Constitution of Pakistan provides adequate political rights or not. Regarding it, the questionnaire recorded that 30, 15, 09, 10, and 11 respondents' Strongly Agree' with the policy of political rights in the Constitution with ages between 18-28, 29-38, 39-48, 49-58 and 59-68 respectively (Out of these 25 were females and 50 males respondents).
1985
However, this graph denotes that 12 respondents of age 18-28, 10 respondents of age 29-38, 11 respondents of age 39-48, 7 respondents of age 49-58, and 6 respondents of age 59-68 Chose 'Somehow Agree' with the Constitution (Christian) minority political right principle. In the 'Somehow Agree' count chart, 15 females and 31 males are included.
Although, a lot of the number of responses have been checked in the neutral category. Though 14 respondents (18-28 Age) and 12 people (29-38 Age) selected the neutral category. While 5 respondents aged 39-48 and 3 respondents aged 49-58 selected the neutral category. On the other hand, 12 females and 22 males are included who chose the neutral option.
When this question was asked to the Sindh sample, many respondents picked out the somehow disagree option, such as 11, 04, 02, and 02 respondents of age 18-28, 29-38, 49-58 and 59-68, respectively, picked this option. The Bar Chart represents that 13 males and 09 females preferred the 'somehow disagree' option.
While this question was asked to the Christian community, several respondents favoured the disagreement. They seemed to demand proper election setup compared to the current method or an increase in the reserved seat ratio so that 07 young respondents who are eligible to vote (18-28 years of age) disagreed. Moreover, 08 respondents aged 29-38, 07 aged 39-48 and 02 aged 49-58 also disagreed with this system. 09 female and 15 male respondents disagreed with the idea or process of political rights for religious minorities in the Constitution of Pakistan. Qualification:
This graphic research shows that 4 Under-Matric and 13 Matric passed respondents favoured the strongly agree option. While 48 Intermediate, 20 Bachelors, and 4 PhD qualified ticked the 'strongly agree option'. However, 03 respondents from each with the qualification of Masters, M.phil and LLB chose the strongly agreed option. According to this Bar Chart in 'Somehow Agree', every classification category responded except PhD, i.e. 01 Under-Matric, 12 Matric, 20 Intermediate, 04 Bachelors, 05 Masters, 01 M.phil and 06 LLB respondents participated. On this query, the neutral option is preferred by 05 Under-Matric, 07 Matric, 08 Intermediate, 05 Bachelors, 02 Masters, 1 M.Phil and 1 PhD. Therefore some respondents Chose the 'Somehow Disagree' option, such as 10 from Matric, 01 from Masters and 01 from LLB. Even though 02 Intermediate, 09 Bachelor, and 01 Masters level selected the "strongly disagree option" category on the questionnaire. Registered Voters
In a democratic system, Casting a Vote is an essential duty of every eligible citizen. Through this process, the peaceful evolution of the political system can take part. The marginalized community can use "Vote Casting" as a tool to make a change in existing systems and laws. Through this question, the researcher tried to find the significant religious minority of Pakistan, the Christian Community Caste their vote or not. Registered Voters (Sindh)
100 90 80 70 60 50 40 30 20 10 0
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I No Count
I Yes Count
Gender
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RUSSIAN LAW JOURNAL Volume XI (2023) Issue 3 Age and Gender Bracket:
The survey included a question related to Christian registered voters in Punjab. In a nutshell, the query has secured surprising results for many Christian even though they are eligible to cast a vote but not registered. Regarding it, the questionnaire recorded that 47, 35, 20, 14, and 13 respondents preferred 'No Option' with ages between 18-28, 29-38, 39-48, 49-58 and 59-68, respectively (Out of these 40 were females and 89 males respondents).
However, this bar graph denotes that 27 respondents of age 18-28, 15 respondents of age 29-38, 12 respondents aged 39-48, only 10 respondents of 49-58 and 07 respondents of age 59-68 chose the 'Yes Option'. This response of the responder indicates that many Christians knew their political rights regarding to casting a vote. The 'Yes' count chart includes 30 females and 41 males. Qualification:
This primary research graph shows that 03 Under-Matric and 33 Matric passed respondents favoured the No option. However, 43, 29, 06, 04, 05, and 10 respondents with the qualification of Intermediate, Bachelors, Masters, M.phil, PhD and LLB, respectively, Chose 'No option'. According to this Bar Chart in the 'Yes option', every classification category responded, i.e. 07 Under-Matric, 09 Matric, 35 Intermediate, 09 Bachelors, 06 Masterss and 01 M.phil respondents participated. They all knew about their right to cast a vote. Political Parties
In Pakistan's Political system, the role of Political Parties is essential for religious minorities. Pakistan has multiple political parties with different identities and manifestos. For religious minorities, it is hard to cast a vote for Islamic Political parties. By asking about the preferred political parties of the Christian Community, the researcher tried to find out which Political Party the Christian community think can make legislation for religious minorities. Political Parties (Sindh)
Political Parties in Sindh
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Age
Qualification
Gender
PTI Count
PMLN Count
PPP Count
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Age and Gender Bracket:
This research survey aims to understand the query about which political party is supported by the Christian minority. Whether minorities have an interest in national politics or not. Regarding it, the questionnaire recorded that 13, 08, 05 and 03 respondents' PTI' is performing better in a political party as compared to other national political parties with age between 18-28, 29-38, 39-48 and 5968 respectively (Out of these 11 were females and 18 males respondents).
However, this graph denotes that 05 respondents of ages 18-28, 02 respondents of age 29-38, 01 respondent of age 39-48, 02 respondents from age 49-58, and 03 respondents of age 59-68 Chose 'PML (N)' political party. In the 'PML (N)' political party count chart, 06 females and 09 males are included.
Although, few respondents have checked the 'Pakistan Peoples Party' category in Punjab. Though 20 respondents (18-28 Age), 15 people (29-38 Age), 10 respondents (39-48 Age), 08 (49-58 Age) and 06
1987
(58-68 Age) selected the 'PPP' category. On the other hand, 19 females and 40 males are included who chose the neutral option.
When this question was asked to the Sindh sample, numerous respondents picked out the "Others Political Party" option, such as 36, 25, 16, 12 and 08 respondents of age 18-28, 29-38, 39-48, 49-58 and 59-68 respectively picked this option. The Bar Chart represents that 62 males and 34 females preferred the "Others Political Party" rather than the major political parties in Punjab. Qualification:
This graphic research shows that 02 Under-Matric and 08 Matric passed respondents favoured PTI political party. However, 10, 08, 04, and 01 respondents with the qualification of Intermediate, Bachelor, PhD and LLB, respectively, Chose the PTI option. While 2, 2 from each Masters and M.phil qualified ticked 'PTI option'. Even though 01 Under-Matric, 02 Matric, 08 Intermediate and 03 Bachelors selected the 'PMLN political party' category on the questionnaire. According to this Bar Chart in the 'PPP option', every classification category responded except M.phil, i.e. 03 Under-Matric, 12 Matric, 24 Intermediate, 10 Bachelors, 04 Masterss, 02 PhD and 04 LLB respondents participated. On this query, the 'Other Political Parties' option is preferred by 04 Under-Matric, 20 Matric, 36 Intermediate, 17 Bachelors, 06 Masters, 02 M.Phil and 5 LLB. In a nutshell, the questionnaire has concluded that in the Punjab Christian community, PTI, PPP and other parties have more popularity than other political parties.
CONCLUSION
As far as all three Constitutions, 1956, 1962 and 1973, goes, the religious minorities of Pakistan have equal rights and freedom. All three Constitutions and Objective Resolution gives the fundamental rights and equality of citizenship to every state citizen regardless of gender, caste, creed, ethnicity and religion.
The famous speech of Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, which he delivered on the 11th of August 1947 before the First Constituent Assembly of Pakistan, is worth mentioning because this speech is the vision of Quaid, the founder of Pakistan for the citizen of Pakistan. This speech was the guideline for the future of Pakistan. This speech was the promise of security for the diverse people of the state. The Quaid-e-Azam ensured the citizens of the state that they could live freely in the state, profess any religion, and enjoy religious freedom. Some analysts consider that this speech was Quaid's try to convince the people to stay in the newly-born state. The reason behind this statement was that Quaid used the "Two Nation Theory" to accumulate the Muslim population of India under one flag. But the Two Nation theory was Quaid's "political tool" to enjoy a separate electorate in United India. Because a Separate electorate can wake the Muslim population politically, they can then fight for their fundamental rights and freedom in a democratic way. However, the notion of the Two Nation Theory faded after Pakistan came into being. After all, it was not logical to use this notion because it can encourage division within the newly emerged state.
While working on the research, the researcher discovers that Pakistan is becoming more theocratic than secular. The Pakistan of Quaid-e-Azam was more secular than theocratic. Quaid includes the religious minorities in the First Constituent Assembly of the state in 1947. Quaid's policy mentioned above describes that he wanted to adopt democratic norms and a policy of inclusiveness for Pakistan. So, every marginalized community who faces difficulties in a united India can enjoy freedom and equality. Freedom and equality are not only notions of democracy but the notion of Islamic teaching. So by adopting the notion of equality and freedom for every, Quaid-e-Azam was focused on making Pakistan a true Islamic and democratic state. When Quaid became Governor General of Pakistan on the 14th of July 1947, in a press conference, a journalist questioned whether "Pakistan will be a theocratic state or a democratic state". Quaid replied that it was an "absurd question" and that I didn't know what a theocratic state meant. After that, Quaid frequently used the words like liberation, democracy, independence and freedom. This choice of words describes what kind of governmental model Quaid wanted to adopt for Pakistan. in later speeches, Quaid always said that Pakistan is the home of every community of Pakistan. Hindus, Christians, and Parsi Sikhs are citizens
1988
of the state and can enjoy their rights and should play their role and duty for the development of Pakistan and the decision policy-making process.
When All India Muslims and Quaid-e-Azam started the separatist movement for Pakistan, many Muslim leaders opposed these ideas. But when Pakistan came into being, Muslim leadership claimed that Pakistan came into being in the name of Islam and Pak (holy) land. Muslim people voted for a separate land so they could profess Islam openly, so there should be Sharia Law in Pakistan. As a result, after the demise of Quaid-e-Azam, the political scenario of Pakistan changed even though Quaid appointed Mr Joginder Nath Mandel as the first Minister for Law and Justice, which shows Quaid adopted the policy of inclusiveness and equality for Pakistan.
On 12th March 1949, the first Constituent Assembly adopted the Objective Resolution as the groundwork for the future Constitution of Pakistan. But the Objective Resolution provided religious grounds for the state, not policies. That was the first time there was an apparent drift between Muslim and Non-Muslim political leadership. Some Non-Muslim leaders argued that there was no need to adopt any type of resolution; it was time to make Constitution as soon as possible. And some leaders said that the writer of Objective Resolution should learn and interpret Islam from its actual perspective.
According to Christian political leaders, lawyers, members of civil society and survey respondents, the separate electorate is not suitable for them. The Christian community argues that because of the separate electorate, we are not a part of mainstream politics, and it is not practical for demographics like us. The Christian community of Pakistan and other religious minorities are only 5% of the total population and are scattered in all parts of Pakistan. There is not a single part or province of the state where religious communities (other than Muslims) like Christianity, Hinduism and Sikh are in the majority. This demographic challenge makes separate electorate difficult to apply and becomes less beneficial.
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