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"Rossiya i novye gosudarstva Evrazii". IMEMO RAN, Moscow, 2015, № 1, pp. 109-115.
Elena Drinova,
Ph. D. (Political sciences), Volgograd State Socio-pedagogical University POLITICAL MODERNIZATION AND ISLAMIC PARTIES: THORNY PATH TO NON-LIBERAL DEMOCRACY
The problem of the compatibility of Islam with the ideas of modern democracy is complex and difficult for comprehension. The views of experts and researchers on the subject are many and varied, sometimes they are poles apart. Two basic approaches can be seen in scientific literature. According to the first, Islamic democracy has already existed, but it differs from western democracy in some respects. The American political analyst F. Zacharia calls it "non-liberal democracy." At the same time, as has been shown by developments in the past few years, the phenomenon of non-liberal democracy, relating to the modern political processes in the North African and Middle Eastern countries, is manifested in coming to power of the antidemocratic forces as a result of political modernization.
A number of Islamic experts and scholars adhere to another position. In the view of A. Filali-Ansary, the processes of modernization that have engulfed Islamic countries have exerted a strong influence on Islam and contributed to its reformation. The reform of Islam was called upon to purify religious feelings and deepen Muslims' faith.
New, reformed Islam can and must deal with socio-political problem, thus contributing to the political modernization of the entire Islamic society. However, Islam should in no way be the only mechanism for reforming society.
R. Gannushi, a religious and political figure in Tunisia, says that if democracy means a liberal model of state structure predominant in the West, a system in which people freely elect their representatives and leaders, a system in which state power is regularly changed and all human rights and freedoms are observed - such system cannot be called anti-Islamic. R. Gannushi is sure that Muslims can use democratic instruments because they do not contradict Islamic principles.
There is another approach among certain European experts, as well as a number of Islamic political figures, according to which the ideas of democracy and Islam are fully incompatible. In the view of E. Gellner, the incompatibility of Islamic and democratic values lies exclusively in transcendent and political spheres. The essence of the problem is that the basis of religion is faith which is irrational in its essence. As to such phenomenon as the transcendent, it can in no way be subjected to modernization. The values of Islam and democracy are utterly incompatible, the latter being deeply alien to the entire Muslim political tradition. S. Nasr, a well-known Iranian philosopher, holds the view that political modernization has weakened not only traditional Islamic institutions, but also the foundations of the initial Islamic tradition. Modernization has become reformation for Islam and it has
led to secularization and then a downfall of spirituality in the Islamic world. In the opinion of S. Nasr, the pressure, which modernization brings to bear on Islam, is destructive for religion. Thereby the idea is established that restoration of traditional Islam can be the best defense against modernization. The Iranian philosopher maintains that this restoration is only possible at the intellectual level. This is why it is religious tradition, but not modernization, that is the only way of moral and spiritual progress.
It should be noted that Muslims who have lived in West European countries for a long time hold different views on this problem. Thus, for example, representatives of the political elite of European Muslims believe that Islam does not oppose the ideas of liberalism. Moreover, they maintain that Islam should be integrated in the system of liberal values of Western Europe. In their view, modern Islam should be more flexible, which could help it to adapt to the ideas of western democracy. It should be noted that Islamic and democratic values are more compatible in Germany than elsewhere, which is shown by the fact that the first Islamic party representing the interests of its Muslim electorate has been officially registered there. Another group - Muslim Islamists adhering to orthodox views - is less numerous and believes that it is necessary to create a caliphate in Western Europe.
In our view, there are several factors which pose a threat to the development of liberal ideas in the Islamic medium, among them the processes of self-identification, which are taking place among Muslims on the religious basis, as well as the fact that Islam is an important source of political mobilization. The processes of political modernization in the Islamic world has been different and had specific features of one or another country. However, one common feature of political modernization can be singled out, which is characteristic of the
countries of the Islamic world, which have taken the road of democratic development. Political modernization as transfer to democracy has been accompanied in countries of North Africa, the Middle East, as well as modern Russia, with the growing activity of political and religious parties in the early 1990s. Thus, political modernization has become a factor of politicization of religion and contributed to the emergence of the phenomenon of non-liberal democracy. It should be noted that nonliberal democracy has both general and specific features in each country. Among the former we single out real or formally existing democratic institutions, however, their activity contributes to coming to power of fundamentalists. At the same time there is political and ethnoconfessional specificity in each country. For example, a specific feature of non-liberal democracy in Iran lies in the fact that the country is dominated by an authoritarian rule based on theocratic principles which can well be combined with the functioning of democratic institutions (president, parliament). After the 1979 revolution, which resulted in the overthrow of the secular regime of Shah Reza Pehlevi, the Islamic Republic of Iran based on Shariah laws was proclaimed. The central idea of Sharia lies in the strict observance of permissions and bans which should not be violated either by the authorities when adopting laws, or people in their everyday life. The Shariah laws regulate the economic, political, social and private life of a Muslim from the time of his birth to the moment of his death.
On the initiative of the spiritual leader of Muslims Ayatollah Khomeini the political party called "Party of the Islamic Republic" was created in Iran. The Shi'ite clergy formed the core and electorate of the party. Its main aim was the creation of the Islamic Republic. Ten years later, after it had fulfilled its mission, the party ceased its activity. It should be noted that the active formation of a party system has begun after the law on parties has gone into force. Despite the fact that there
are strong political traditions in Iran laid down by Imam Khomeini, moderate democratic reformers emerge on the country's political scene doing painstaking work. As a result, moderate democratic forces come to the fore to replace conservative Islamic parties. M. Khatami was a major Iranian reformer, who supported democratic transformations and was often compared with Mikhail Gorbachev in Russia. M. Khatami maintained that there are different forms of a democratic state. As to democracy, he interpreted it quite broadly saying that it could be a liberal or socialist system, or a system based on religious rules, norms and standards. A state based on Shariah laws can be democratic. M. Khatami was a supporter of precisely this form of Islamic democracy. In his view, in the modern world most democratic states suffer from the vacuum of spirituality. Islam as a wellspring of spirituality has all opportunities to combine democracy with a system of religious values. M. Khatami has twice won the elections and headed the moderate reformist movement which included parties combining liberal ideas and pragmatic elements.
There are conservative parties actively working in modern Iran, which stand for the preservation of the values of the Islamic revolution and state management under the guidance of the Shi'ite clergy. A peculiar feature of the confessional party construction in the Islamic Republic of Iran is that in place of a multiparty system, which existed at the very beginning of the revolutionary transformations in the country, a one-party system came to the fore, which some time later was again replaced with a multiparty system.
A peculiar feature of political modernization in such Middle East countries as Turkey, Syria, Tunisia and Egypt has been manifested as a result of a "western inoculation" of democracy, when part of the Islamic world has taken the road of democratic transformations. As
a result, the role and place of religion in the political sphere have somewhat been limited.
Secular parties have been formed in the political arena of these countries. As to Islamic parties, they have, as a rule, been in opposition to the ruling regime for quite some time.
At the beginning of the 21st century the situation in these countries qualitatively changed. At present the Islamic "Party of Justice and Development" is the ruling one in Turkey. This party has long been striving to rule the roost in the country. Its foundation is formed by the ideas of freedom and democracy. The party regards freedom as a guarantee of the country's democratization. As to religion, it represents one of the most important social institutions of Turkish society, as its program notes. It should also be mentioned that the party leaders respect the principles of atheism, which allows non-believers to live quite comfortably, and enables citizens adhering to other religious views, to embrace their religious ideology quite freely. From this point of view atheism is regarded as a principle of freedom and social peace. The party program says that the "Party of Justice and Development" does not use sacred religious values and ethnic affiliation in its interests and political aims. At the same time, the party program ends with an appeal to Allah as inspirer and defender of building democratic Turkey.
It should be noted that the specificity of the modern political process in Turkey is distinguished, among other things, by the active confrontation of the ruling democratic Islamic "Party of Justice and Development" and the secular opposition "People's Republican party." For a long time military officers the leaders of the latter have been fighting for removing the Islamic Prime Minister R. Erdogan, the founder of the "Party of Justice and Development," from power. In 2008 they tried to impose a ban on the activity of the ruling religious party by a court decision. In 2012 the leaders of the opposition
"People's Republican party" again undertook an attempt to remove the Islamic Prime Minister from power, having accused him of treachery and lobbying interests of other countries. However, these attempts have failed. In turn the President of Turkey pursues a course aimed at completely removing the military establishment of the country from the political process. Thus, Turkey continues to remain a "split state" in the 21st century: on the one hand, it presents a secular model of state structure, and on the other, the country has not avoided retreat to traditional Islamic values.
At the beginning of the 21st century serious changes took place in the political system of Pakistan. In 2002 President P. Musharraf formed the Pakistan Muslim League. The program of the party had such an important aspect as the development of democratic ideas in Pakistan. Modern Pakistan should have a developed democratic culture and basic democratic values of the world expressed in commitments and policies pursued by the Pakistan Muslim League. The party program notes that transformations in Pakistan are only possible, provided a stable democratic process is going on in the country, which is connected with the activity of democratic institutions in all spheres of national life. The leaders of the league have time and again stated that the broadening and strengthening of democratic values and human rights is the basis of just and pluralistic Pakistan. It was also noted that one of the main obstacles to the country's development and one of the reasons for poverty and misery is corruption. The Pakistan Muslim League announced priority aim to fight large-scale corruption in the country, for which purpose it was proposed to put the entire system of government organizations and departments under strict control. Education was also proclaimed to be a priority aim in the construction of new society. The party guaranteed free universal elementary education. One of the major tasks was to fight poverty. The party programmatic documents noted that more than fifty
million of Pakistani citizens live in abject poverty. This is why it is necessary to develop the agrarian sector of the economy, the agricultural infrastructure, expand agrarian business, and achieve higher living standards of farmers, agricultural laborers and their families.
The Pakistan Muslim League paid considerable attention to the protection of women's rights, and their participation in state construction. Articles discriminating women were removed from the country's legislation. Programs to protect women and girls from violence have been evolved. Saving the lives of women and children has been proclaimed a task of state importance, all the more so since maternal and infantile mortality is quite high in Pakistan. The Pakistan Muslim League has evolved a program of demographic policy. It notes, among other things, that demographic explosion is the main reason for unemployment, social upheavals, poverty and terrorism. This is why an important course of the new demographic policy is the development of family planning.
The party program for the first time included the premise on the rights of those Pakistanis who are not Muslims. It said that representatives of other religions have similar rights as Pakistani Muslims and have complete freedom of conscience.
In turn, the party recognizes their contribution to the development of the state.
However, the program of the Pakistan Islamic League repeated the main ideas of the "Pakistani People's party" founded in his time by Zulfikar Ali Bhutto.
After P. Musharraf had to resign, A. Zardari, one of the political leaders of the "Pakistani People's party," became President of Pakistan. This party held an important place on the political scene of the country. The political platform of the "Pakistani People's party" included a system of traditional Islamic values and orientation to the democratic
form of ruling the country. The main aim of the party was the creation of an egalitarian society in which all members should have equal opportunities to rule and have an access to material benefits.
The "Pakistani People's party" has been organized for industrial, agricultural, and unskilled workers. It was noted that their interests were of priority importance for the party. The party Manifesto (in 2013) determined its main principles: Islam, democracy, social justice and tolerance toward all religions which allow all citizens to enjoy religious freedom. As to the economic sphere, a program has been worked out oriented to the most vulnerable members of society; it was supposed that they could be engaged in entrepreneurship. In the medical sphere programs have been evolved for medical service to the population and family and women support. The party devoted, and continues to do so, mush attention to participation of women and young people in politics. It should be noted that there are more than 60 percent of young people up to thirty years of age in Pakistan's population today.
Thanks to the efforts of the "Pakistani People's party" a Young people's parliament has been set up. The party deems it an important task to build a new, multiethnic, multireligious society which would be able to oppose extremist thinking.
A specific feature of the domestic political process in Pakistan is the fact that its political scene is dominated simultaneously by two actively functioning parties - "Pakistan Muslim League" and "Pakistani People's party." One party represents the interests of the military, and the other - civil persons. It should be mentioned that the creation and development of nonliberal democracy in Pakistan is conditioned, partly, by similar problems as in Turkey. The inability of Pakistan to develop stable democracy is connected, above all, with the active interference of high-ranking military officers in the domestic political process in the country.
In North Africa and in the Maghreb countries political modernization has exerted major influence on Islam and contributed to secularization of society.
In Tunisia, for example, a result of modernization was departure from religious model of the state and transfer to a democratic one. A democratic Constitution has been adopted in the country, whose premises in no way differed from the laws and rules of a number of European states. In the 1980s a Civil Code was adopted in the country, under which polygamy was officially banned, and women received equal rights with men, including the right to divorce. More than fifty percent of women received an opportunity to study at universities. Women could also serve in the armed forces. As a result of a number of social reforms, the Shariah courts were closed, and secular legal proceedings established.
However, in the 1990s Islamic organizations and parties began to grow in Tunisia, the "An-Nahda" party came out for the creation of an Islamic state. The government banned the activity of the party and its leader R. Gannushi was expelled from the country. It should be noted that in the 1990s the Tunisian leadership succeeded to integrate part of moderate Islamists in the state-political system: it offered well-known figures of the Islamic opposition several posts at the Higher Islamic Council and Socio-economic Council. On the initiative of the President of Tunisia, a "National pact" was signed which emphasized Tunisia's belonging to Islamic civilization, but along with this, all democratic transformations were endorsed and confirmed, including the Civil Code. A multiparty system headed by the dominating secular party of "Constitutional-democratic Association" whose chairman was the country's President Zin el-Abidin Ben Ali. It should be noted that Islamic parties were not represented in Tunisian parliament.
At the beginning of the 21st century a wave of Arab revolutions swept Tunisia. President Zin el-Abidin Ben Ali, who had stayed in power 23 years, was overthrown. Political reforms were introduced in the country, political prisoners were released, and the activity of more than one hundred political parties was allowed. After twenty years of exile R. Gannushi, the leader of the party of Islamic fundamentalists "An-Nahda," returned to the country. In October 2011 elections were held which were won by the "An-Nahda" party, which gained 40 percent of votes and received the right to form a government. The party leaders wanted to form a coalition government and work jointly with secular parties. In the view of "An-Nhada" leaders, the gravest mistake of Ben Ali's regime had been exclusion of Islam from political life.
Islam is a set of values and a way of life, but not only religion.
The "An-Nahda" has become the first Islamic party of Tunisia, which was able to form a government. The party Rules note that "An-Nahda" is a national Islamic party which is functioning within the framework of a democratic system.
The leaders of the "An-Nahda" proposed to place the Shariah laws in the foundation of Tunisian legislation, which fact caused indignation in the democratic factions of the country's parliament.
Today the political situation in Tunisia resembles somehow the situation in Turkey. In both countries secular political parties have been in power for a long time, whereas Islamic parties have been in opposition. Islamic parties in Tunisia were not adapted to democratic traditions, but in the light of the latest revolutionary events, they were actively striving for cooperation with secular political parties.
The orthodox Salaphites pose a definite threat to "non-liberal" democratic transformations in the country.
Similar situation has prevailed in Egypt. After the downfall of the secularly-oriented regime of Hosni Moubarak the "Muslim Brothers" have come to power. This movement has been widely supported by the country's middle class and had a membership of over 700,000. The political leader of the "Muslim Brothers", M. Mursi, came to power as a result of the countrywide elections. At the 2012 parliamentary elections most votes were gained by the Muslim Brothers (47 percent), one-quarter of the seats was won by the coalition grouping of radical Salaphites, and the rest was divided between independent candidates and Christian Copts. According to the new Constitution, Egypt was proclaimed a democratic state, but its legislation was determined by the Shariah law.
Experience shows that radical Islamic organizations existing and functioning for a long time begin to adopt and gradually use democratic values in their political activity after entering state structures. Such has been the case of "An-Nahda" in Tunisia and the Moslem Brothers in Egypt. It was the first precedent in Egypt's history when the Muslim Brothers' leader (M. Mursi) was universally elected president.
A specific feature of the domestic political process in Egypt was that along with moderate religious movements in the country there were actively functioning radical Islamic parties. The country's parliament has become a scene of bitter clashes and political wrangling between the Muslim Brothers and the radical Salaphite "Nur" party. The latter was actively opposing the creation of a secular democratic state in Egypt, which was supported by the Muslim Brothers. However, this opposition between moderate and radical Islamists has not lasted long. In 2013 the military deposed the lawfully elected President Mursi.
It should be noted that immediately after these developments Egypt has received a sizable financial assistance from the Persian Gulf states to a sum of $12 billion. But, as time has shown, the military have
spent the money received, the Muslim Brothers have again become outlawed, and the fragile non-liberal democracy in Egypt has been overthrown.
The coming to power of Islamic parties of moderate and radical trends at the beginning of the 21st century has outlined new trends of political modernization in the Islamic world. First, religious parties have undertaken an attempt to create a coalition government which would unite both secular and religious parties. Secondly, a result of political modernization is the alternate domination in the political process of moderate democratic Islamic parties and radical Islamic parties. The third tendency is the active political confrontation of religious and secular parties and the striving of religious parties for absolute domination. Surveillance polls carried out in Middle Eastern countries have shown that a greater part of Muslim public has a positive attitude to participation of religious parties in politics. For instance, in Pakistan 46 percent of Muslims and in Egypt 48 percent of Muslims maintain that Islam plays a great role in their country's political life. The situation is slightly different in Indonesia and Nigeria. In the former 89 percent and in the latter 88 percent of the population believe that Islam has a positive influence on their country's policy. The overwhelming majority of the Muslims polled in Nigeria (82 percent) welcome participation of Islam in their country's policy, and in Indonesia 91 percent maintain that religion plays a positive role in politics.
It should be noted that Turkish Muslims are not so categorical in their assessments: 69 percent consider that religion plays a great role in politics, and 45 percent maintain that Islam has a positive role, whereas 38 percent believe that Islam exerts a negative influence on the political process in Turkey. Only 31 percent hold the view that Islam plays an insignificant role in politics. Twenty-six percent of them regard its role
quite positive and 33 percent speak of its negative influence on Turkey's policy.
Most Muslims have a positive attitude to a democratic form of government regarding it more preferable than all others. This view is the most widespread in Lebanon and Turkey where 81 percent and 76 percent of all Muslims give preference to democratic parties. Support of democratic parties n Pakistan is less pronounced. It is only 42 percent of the Muslims polled in Pakistan prefer democracy, and 15 percent assert that in certain cases a non-democratic government could be more preferable than democratic.
In Russia at the end of the 20th century attempts were undertaken to create religious parties. Political modernization of society and the formation of institutions of democratic civil society in the country, as well as a search for new state ideology have resulted in the revival of traditional religious beliefs in Russia The above-mentioned processes have contributed to inclusion of confessional motives in the country's political life. It should be noted that transfer from totalitarianism to democracy is often accompanied with a wave of nationalism of different strength. A combination of the ideas of positive or extremist nationalism with the ideas of religious revival in modern Russia has also contributed to the emergence of religious parties. Political Islamic parties have been active in Daghestan, Karachayevo-Circasssia and Tatarstan. When the activity of religious parties began to threaten the country's security, they have been banned legally, thus the principle of the Soviet state has triumphed, namely, that religion is a private affair of each person.
Such, in the main, is a complex picture of the modernization process in contemporary Islam. How will tendencies of this process develop in the future depends on many factors and circumstances, including the state and functioning of the institutions of democracy and
economies of Islamic states themselves. Political processes in the religious sphere will depend on the general political and socioeconomic situation of the modern world.
References
1. Abdou Filali-Ansary. Islam and Liberal Democracy. The Challenge of Secularization. // Journal of Democracy. 1996, No 7, pp. 76-77.
2. E. Gellner. Postmodernism, Reason and Religion. - N.Y., 1992, pp. 20-22.
3. J. Klausen. Challenge: Politics and Religion in Western Europe. - N.Y., 2005, p. 45.
4. Muslim Public Divided on Hamas and Hezbollah. Most Embrace a Role for Islam in Politics. http ://www.pewglobal.org/2010/12/02/muslims-around-th-world-divided-onhttp
5. S.X. Nasr. Traditional Islam in the Modern World. - London, 1990, p. 75.
6. CRS Report for Congress Prepared for Members and Committees of Congress Political Transition in Tunisia. Alexis Arieff, Analyst in African Affairs; June 18, 2012. http://www.fas.org/gsp/crs/row/RS21666.pdf
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8. F. Zacharia. The Future of Freedom: Non-liberal Democracy in the United States and Beyond Its Boundaries. Moscow, 2004.
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10. H.M. Malik. Osobennosti religioznoi situatsii v postrevolyutsionnom Egipte [Specific Features of the Religious Situation in Post-revolutionary Egypt]. Islamovedeniye, 2012, No 2.
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(The author of this article took part in working out resolutions of the 10th International Muslim forum as the executive secretary of the Program Committee.)
"Islamovedeniye", Makhachkala, 2014, No 1, pp. 13-21.
