CC BY
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E. Ionova,
Ph. D. (Hist.), Institute of World Economy and International Relations, RAS POLICY OF TURKMENISTAN IN THE SPHERE OF NATIONAL SECURITY
The exacerbation of domestic political situation in Afghanistan and the strengthening of the positions of radical Islamists in that country create a threat to the neighboring countries of Central Asia. During the current year fighting has been going on in the northwestern provinces of Afghanistan near the Tajik and Turkmen borders between government troops and al Qaeda and Taliban militants. Experts do not exclude the possibility of a breakthrough of groupings of radical Islamists across these borders. Turkmenistan with its big gas reserves is of special interest to them.
For the entire 2014 the situation on Afghan territory near the border with Turkmenistan remained tense. Last August the Taliban units captured the Afghan town of Shah situated near the Turkmen border, which is 744 kilometers long. Last year Taliban fighters repeatedly made incursions in the border area, killing Turkmen border-guards.1
Experts do not exclude the possibility of Taliban fighters' breakthrough to Turkmenistan's territory, which will jeopardize oil and gas projects not only in that country, but also in some other neighboring states. Turkmenistan is a coveted target for the Taliban - its rich gas deposits, possibility to use its territory for drug trafficking to the North, outlet to the Caspian Sea, and relatively weak state power create favorable conditions for all and sundry ventures. The realization of such scenario will put to danger the Central Asian and Caspian regions. At present radical Islamists control a considerable part of the territory of Afghanistan through which the planned TAPI gas pipeline (Turkmenistan - Afghanistan - Pakistan - India) should pass.2
Many experts maintain that Turkmenistan is the weakest link among the northern neighbors of Afghanistan. Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan are members of CSTO and SCO, and they have Russian military bases on their territory, while Uzbekistan has a sufficiently strong army and actively cooperates with NATO. Besides, as experts note, Afghan provinces bordering on Turkmenistan have been put under protection of Uzbekistan with NATO consent.3 In these conditions the status of neutrality, which Turkmenistan has adhered to since its independence, can weaken its positions in opposing terrorist threats.
This status has officially been recognized by the UN. In January 2009 Turkmenistan endorsed its new military doctrine of a defensive character and based on the principle of "positive neutrality." It envisages Turkmenistan's non-membership of any military alliances or blocs, non-proliferation of weapons of mass destruction, and non-participation in any local and regional conflicts. Apart from that, Turkmenistan does not allow any country to deploy military bases on its territory. Proceeding from this doctrine, the numerical strength of the Turkmen army has considerably decreased.4
It should be noted that the actions of the incumbent president of Turkmenistan, above all, its assistance to the NATO forces, has caused discontent of radical Islamists. The country has actively cooperated with the United States and its allies in fuel supplies and logistics operations of the coalition forces and in the fight against drug trafficking.
Turkmenistan takes certain measures for the defense of its borders, all the more so since there are numerous tribes of ethnic Turkmens living on Afghan territory in border areas.
There are several components in the present strategy of the republican leadership for the strengthening of national security. First, the modernization of the country's armed forces and the strengthening
of border protection. In experts' estimates, the armed forces of Turkmenistan are bigger and stronger than those of Tajikistan and Kyrgyzstan, but considerably inferior to the armies of Uzbekistan and Kazakhstan. To date the units of the Ministry of Defense of Turkmenistan include land forces, airforce and anti-aircraft units. Their numerical strength is about 20,000 men.
The land forces have operational-tactical missile complexes "Elbrus", BMP-1, armored personnel carriers, self-propelled cannons, howitzers and mortars. The T-72 tank is a shock force. During the modernization process the republic has acquired new arms and military equipment, such as the T-90CA tank, volley fire installations "Grad," etc., as well as anti-tank missile complexes "Karakal."
The airforce and anti-aircraft units are considered the most battle-worthy structure of Turkmenistan's armed forces. According to sources, 43 aircraft and eight helicopters have been completely modernized. Apart from that, the country has bough two new aircraft from Georgia and military transport planes from Ukraine. Within the framework of modernizing the anti-aircraft system Turkmenistan has bought the latest radar stations "Kolchuga."
The aviation and anti-aircraft systems are mainly used for the protection of the country's energy interests in the Caspian basin, compensating the weakness of the country's navy.
The latter began to be built in the early 2000s. Its main aim is the protection of the water area of the Caspian Sea and the shore-line more than 800-kilometer-long. The water-guard units have several patrol boats bought from Ukraine, Russia and the United States, and also seven boats rented from Iran. In 2011 Turkmenistan's navy acquired two shock missile boats.
In recent years the State border guard service of Turkmenistan has acquired unmanned aerial vehicles and special land vehicles.
The plans for border strengthening include the use of sputnik communication and air and land radar data.
Along with increasing the battle readiness of the armed forces, Turkmenistan is using diplomatic means and methods for lowering threats to national security, for one, the strengthening of its economic and political ties with Afghanistan. Last October President Berdymukhamedov of Turkmenistan offered the President of Afghanistan Ashraf Ghani Ahmadzai to supply Turkmen electric energy to Afghan border provinces at a lower price, and help build schools and hospitals.
Turkmenistan has expressed readiness to mediate in peace negotiations between the Afghan government and the opposition forces.
Although officially Turkmenistan continues to declare its defensive self-sufficiency, it is forced to take measures for finding allies in the event of the worsening terrorist situation among its main big foreign-policy actors in Central Asia and also among its nearest neighbors. Most experts tend to believe that it was China with its influence on the economy of the republic and the necessity to protect its own interests in the oil and gas sector that will be able to render military aid to Turkmenistan.
The latter is becoming an important source of hydrocarbon raw materials for China. In 2013 more than half of all gas imported by China came from Turkmenistan (27 billion cubic meters of 53 billion). Beijing plans to buy in Turkmenistan up to 65 billion cubic meters, which will amount to over 40 percent of all gas imported by China annually.
In the view of certain experts, Turkmenistan will rather look for closer relations not with NATO or CSTO, where the military stake is put on Russia, but on SCO with the main emphasis on the People's Republic of China. The latter can guarantee Turkmenistan non-
interference in its internal affairs, including from Russia.5 As experts believe, it is probable that in case of an exacerbation of the situation Beijing will not be able to stay aloof, despite its policy of military noninterference in conflicts of other states, and for the protection of its own gas interests it could bring in a small military contingent to Turkmenistan, or even to Afghanistan.6
Ashkhabad relies on support from Iran with which Turkmenistan has been maintaining friendly relations and close economic ties. Iran is a major partner of Turkmenistan in its energy transactions (Tehran buys Turkmen gas, which is supplied to Iran along two gas pipelines) and transport projects. The softening of the western sanctions against Iran leads to increasing its own oil and gas extraction, which will make it again one of the biggest energy powers. According to forecasts of certain observers, this may lead to Tehran's refusal to buy Turkmen gas. Indeed, last August Iran announced that it might discontinue to purchase Turkmen gas, however, further on it became clear that this step has been made with a view to lowering gas prices by Turkmenistan. In early October it became known that Iran increased its purchases of natural gas from Turkmenistan.
Besides, Iran has become a major partner of Turkmenistan in the development of the regional transport system. Last July the construction of its stretch of the railway line Kazakhstan -Turkmenistan - Iran, which would connect Iran with Kazakhstan and Russia, was completed. In early August in Oman the foreign ministers of Turkmenistan, Uzbekistan, Iran and Oman signed a memorandum on mutual understanding concerning an agreement on the creation of a transport corridor between their countries. The implementation of this project would be a major event in interregional relations and allow to broaden considerably mutually advantageous connections between countries of the region.
Against the backdrop of the development of economic partnership of Iran and Turkmenistan the broadening ties in the military-political sphere of the two countries look quite natural. In particular, on September 17 there was a meeting in Ashkhabad between President Berdymukhamedov and the Minister of Defense of Iran H. Dehgan, who emphasized his country's readiness to exert efforts, jointly with Turkmenistan, for the sake of ensuring peace, stability and security in the region.7 During their meeting certain concrete aspects of Ashkhabad's interactions with Tehran were discussed in an event of any invasion of Turkmenistan from Afghanistan. The two sides paid special attention to the problems of security in the northwestern part of Afghanistan. Iran expressed readiness to help Turkmenistan in ensuring military security in these border districts.
Turkmenistan has chosen another ally in the struggle against terrorism - Uzbekistan. On October 24, the President of Uzbekistan Islam Karimov made an official visit to Turkmenistan. At the high-level talks special attention was paid to adoption of joint measures against terrorism, extremism, drug trafficking, trans-border criminal activity, and border protection. Among the documents signed by the two heads of state was a program of cooperation between foreign-policy departments of Turkmenistan and Uzbekistan for 2015-2016.8
Turkmenistan does not conceal its worry over the growing terrorist threat, which is shown, among other things, by its address to the United Nations with a proposal to hold a forum in Ashkhabad under the aegis of this organization on the problems of security and peace in Central Asia. Apart from that, President Berdymukhamedov has held meetings with the leaders of Russia and China on the subject of regional security within the framework of SCO.
Turkmenistan's cooperation with the countries of the Caspian basin is expanding, and one of the major subjects of their discussion is the problem of ensuring regional security.
Another step in strengthening regional security has been the adoption of decisions on a summit meeting of the leaders of Russia, Kazakhstan, Turkmenistan, Azerbaijan and Iran in Astrakhan, which took place in Astrakhan at the end of last September. On the eve of the meeting a framework agreement on security on the Caspian Sea went into force, which was signed at the previous summit meeting in 2010. The participants in the Astrakhan summit endorsed the principle of "non-presence on the Caspian Sea of the armed forces of alien states." It was noted in the summary political document of the participant-countries that the heads of the five Caspian states agreed on the principles of a stable balance of armaments on the Caspian Sea and military construction within the bounds of "reasonable sufficiency," as well as on principles of "observance of the agreed measures of trust in military activity in the spirit of predictability and transparency in accordance with joint efforts for the strengthening of regional security and stability."9
Nevertheless, it is too early to speak of the creation of a real mechanism of collective security in the Caspian basin, which would be capable to ensure proper interaction and accord in the fight against common risks and problems. In the view of the Russian side, the present framework agreement on security does not clearly define the format of multilateral cooperation in the sphere of collective security in the Caspian basin.10
The situation is aggravated by the unregulated character of the Caspian Sea status. This is why the principles, which were agreed on at the summit and which should be the foundation of a Convention on the Caspian Sea legal status, are also important for the creation of an
effective security system in the Caspian basin. In the words of President Putin, "the Caspian countries have succeeded in evolving clear-cut formulas on the delimitation of water areas, the bottom and subsoil of the seabed," and the Convention itself could be adopted already in 2015.
While adhering to the positions of neutrality and restraint toward the idea of closer integration with Russia, including within the framework of the Eurasian economic union, Turkmenistan does not forget the need to develop bilateral contacts with he Russian Federation. The leadership of the republic cannot but take into account the growing role of Russia as a guarantor of ensuring security of Central Asia. According to the words of President Berdymukhamedov, Russia is a strategic partner of Turkmenistan, although the latter does not plan to join the Eurasian economic union.
In its relations with the Russian Federation the leadership of Turkmenistan lays an emphasis on the development of bilateral economic cooperation. Turkmenistan develops relations especially actively with such regions of Russia as Tatarstan and Astrakhan and Sverdlovsk regions. At present Turkmenistan is connected by economic projects with more than twenty regions of the Russian Federation. They deal with the chemical ship-building, textile, food and some other industries.
At the same time the initiatives put forward by President Berdymukhamedov at the Astrakhan summit show that Turkmenistan is going to establish multilateral cooperation with Russian participation. For example, the head of Turkmenistan proposed to start preparation of a project of trade and economic cooperation between the Caspian states, as well as to set up a permanently functioning Caspian economic forum with its meetings to be held alternately in seashore towns of these states. The head of Turkmenistan also favored the development of
partnership in the sphere of energy, emphasizing that "politicization of any energy projects in the Caspian basin would be counterproductive." Besides, in Berdymukhamedov's view, it was necessary to evolve a draft agreement on cooperation in the sphere of transport on the Caspian Sea, inasmuch as the crux of the matter was the creation of principally new relations in this sphere. Turkmenistan and Russia closely cooperate in the development of the transport infrastructure of the Caspian region, in particular, the creation of the transport corridor "North - South" which is of primary importance for Russia. This corridor should connect countries of West and North-West Europe with South Asia through Russia, the Caspian basin and Iran. Turkmenistan also supports the project of creating a railway circle around the Caspian basin; Turkmenistan has already completed the eastern semicircle between Kazakhstan and Iran. Turkmenistan's President has also proposed to create a uniform regional transport-logistics center.
At present Turkmenistan continues to discuss the question about a pipeline on the bottom of the Caspian Sea. For its part, Moscow insists that the construction of such pipeline will deal irreparable harm to the ecological system of the Caspian basin; it reiterates that decisions on this matter should be adopted on the basis of consensus and only after the final determination of the status of the Caspian Sea.
In case of the implementation of this project the presence of the West in the post-Soviet area may considerably grow. The United States and its allies may undertake measures to strengthen their ties in the sphere of security with the post-Soviet states in Central Asia and the Caspian region. This may lead to increasing confrontation between Russia and the United States in Central Asia, and the countries of the region, including Turkmenistan, may face the difficult problem of choosing foreign-policy priorities.
Notes
http://m.rosbalt.ru/exussr/201/09/1312645.html
http://www.centrasia.ru/news.php?CR=5
http://cont.ws/post/58124
http://www.centrasia.ru/newsA.php?st=1404799080
http://www.poliyrus.com/2014/05/16/china-turkmen/
http://www.centrasia.ru/newsAphp?st= 1407129840
http://gundogarnews.com/index.php?category_id=1&news_id325
http ://e-center. asia/ru/news/view? id=6325
http://ria.ru/defense_safety/20140929/1026099285.html
http://vesti.az/m/?c=show&id=222323
"Rossiya i noviye gosudarsva Evrazii / IMEMO RAN. " Moscow, 2014, No 4, pp. 115-126.
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S. Filatov,
Scholar of Oriental Studies KABARDINO-BALKARIA IN SEARCH OF RELIGIOUS PEACE
The Kabardians and Balkarians adopted Islam later than many other people in the Russian Federation. .The history of religion of these two peoples is connected with alternate veneration of heathen, Christian and Muslim traditions, each of which has left a trace in the spiritual and cultural life of these peoples. The last twp religious systems often acquire certain features of heathen cults. The consciousness of the Kabardian people is well reflected in the folk proverb: "It's better to revere all Gods than to offer prayers to one, but neglect others, for they may feel offended."
One of the main national features of the Adygeis (including the Kabardians) is the existence of an original ethical code regulating family and economic life, as well as the equestrian code of honor. In the view of certain contemporary Kabardian ideologists, Adygei ethics is
