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г.н. Чиршева, М.А. хьюстон УДк: 81'246.2
отношение русско-английских моноэтнических детей-билингвов к их билингвизму
В статье исследуется отношение русско-английских детей-билингвов к их собственному билингвизму. Особое внимание уделяется двум детям, которые родились в русских семьях в России, одновременно усваивали русский и английский языки по принципу «один человек - один язык», но один из них с трехлетнего возраста живет в другой стране (Австралия). Авторы анализируют, как меняется отношение детей к их билингвизму в изменяющихся социокультурных условиях их жизни - до того, как им исполнилось 25 лет.
Ключевые слова, детский билингвизм, отношение к языку, русский язык, английский
язык.
Galina N. chirsheva, Marina A. Houston
the attitude of russian-english monoethnic bilingual children to their bilingualism
The paper explores the attitudes of Russian-English simultaneous bilinguals to their bilingualism, specifically focusing on two children. They were born in two different Russian families in Russia, both simultaneously acquired Russian and English according to the principle "one person - one language", but one of them has been living in a different country (Australia) since the age of 3. The authors consider the children's changing attitude towards their bilingualism in changing socio-cultural situations up to the age of 25 years old.
Key words, childhood bilingualism, language attitude, Russian, English.
Introduction
Studying language attitudes in the context of bilingualism (multilingualism) is an essential research issue, as the attitudes of an individual towards their languages, form the foundation for maintaining or developing the language, as well as for the development of an individual in the broader sense.
As the number of parents travelling internationally for work and study is growing, so is the number of children being raised bilingually. This number is further augmented by efforts of parents who, while functioning in relatively 'mono-ethnic' cultures, encourage their children's bilingualism to maximise cognitive, linguistic and social gains. In this context, it becomes important to understand how children themselves view their bilingualism, as this may give insights into more effective strategies for supporting bilingual development, as well as allay concerns of some educators and public about bilingual children's well-being.
An overview of theoretical concepts concerning language attitudes
Language attitudes are commonly studied through intensive interviews and surveys of language users. The interviewed people are usually bilingual (multilingual), as we are interested in the views of those who have experienced multiple languages learning themselves. We are particularly interested in the studies of bilingual children who acquire languages simultaneously: they did not choose to become bilingual - it was their parents' intention.
A number of studies examined language attitudes in young bilinguals alongside with challenges of heritage (minority) language maintenance, or language loss in children: Spanish in the USA [Orellana, Ek, & Hernández 1999; Orellana, Dorner & Pulido 2003; Orellana, Reynolds, Dorner & Meza 2003; González 2006; Forbes 2008], Russian in Great Britain [Gavrilova 2013], in Israel [Purisman 2008] and in Australia [Aidman 1999], Welsh in Wales [Piette 1997], etc. Other
areas of language attitudes in bilingual children involve the following issues: accuracy of language choice and power [Bolonyai 2005]; language, power and identity [Zentella 2002]; identity negotiations [Gavrilova 2013]; self-esteem formation [Wright & Taylor 1995; Wong Fillmore 2000; Bougie, Wright, &Taylor 2003; Evans 2008; Sohlman & Vilanen 2008]; language of instruction at school and academic progress [Vassiltsenko 2008]; increasing linguistic self-confidence in adolescence [Caldas 2006: 147-163]; dinner talk linguistic preferences in mixed-marriage families [Blum-Kulka 1997: 220-259].
cheryl A. Forbes [2008], in her dissertation devoted to bilingual Mexican third-and fourth-graders and their teachers, states that the children generally valued bilingualism and desired to maintain or improve their Spanish as well as to learn English. They indicated both instrumental and social reasons for this choice. Pragmatically, children stated that they knew learning English was the key to a successful future in school and work in the united States, reflecting the desires of their parents. children also recognized the pragmatic value of bilingualism. Several indicated that speaking Spanish would be advantageous in the adult career world [Forbes 2008: 132].
Research questions and methodology
The objectives of the paper are: 1) to examine the attitudes of English-Russian simultaneous bilinguals, specifically focusing on two such children; 2) to consider their changing attitude towards their bilingualism, as they found themselves in changing socio-cultural situations; and 3) to find out the role of adults in developing children's positive attitude towards their bilingualism.
Two simultaneously bilingual children were studied longitudinally, with the data obtained by:
a) regular observations of each child's speech behaviour and metalinguistic activities by his/her own parents (mainly mothers) in family settings from the first years of their lives up to the age of 25;
b) conversations (often, but not always, parent initiated) with the children at different stages of their bilingual development in order to reveal their ideas about being bilingual and their attitudes to Russian and English.
The data from both families were later discussed and compared by mothers of the children.
Background data on the children surveyed: similarities between the cases
The young bilinguals are 'Anya' and 'Petya'. They were born in Russia four months apart from each other, and were exposed to English and Russian from the first days of their lives. Thus both were growing up as simultaneous bilinguals. During the first two years of their lives, the strategy of bilingual development used by their parents was 'one parent - one language' [Baker 2006: 102].
Both had mothers-researchers, documenting their bilingual development.
Both children's parents were educated - in each family, both parents were tertiary educated at the child's birth, with one parent holding a PhD. By the time the children reached high school, both parents held a PhD.
Growing up: differences between the
cases
The strategy of developing Petya's bilingualism continued to be that of 'one parent - one language' all throughout his childhood. Petya's minority language was English, a prestigious foreign language in Russia; English was the parent's second language; the community outside the family was almost exclusively monolingual in Russian; in his everyday life Petya was using predominantly Russian and the use increased as he grew older.
For Anya, from age 3, as her parents moved to work in Australia, the strategy was changed to 'home language is different from outside the home' [Baker 2006: 102]. English, the language of the majority in Australia, was the language she heard and spoke outside her family, whereas Russian became a 'community', or 'minority' language. Both parents, Russian mother tongue
speakers, spoke Russian among themselves and with Anya, but outside of home in her everyday life Anya was using predominantly English, and the use increased as she grew older.
Factors influencing the children's attitude towards their bilingualism
We have identified the following factors influencing a child's attitude towards their bilingualism.
1. social contexts of the child's language use
Extending the contexts of the child's socialisation beyond the immediate family and into the majority speaking community led to emergence of the child's ambivalence in relation to the minority language use. The predictable and stable contexts of primary socialisation gave way to the majority dominant society, and, most importantly, socialisation with majority speaking peers. This was observed at age between 3 and 5, in Petya's case, as well as with another Russian-English bilingual boy Andryusha. Both boys had instances when they refused to speak English with the parent and / or openly calling on the parent to speak Russian. Petya was recorded as saying to his father, "Are you Russian? Then speak Russian to me!" The father however continued communicating with Petya only in English, and after several months Petya stopped demanding that the father talk Russian to him. Andryusha expressed his unwillingness to use the minority language of English by saying "I won't talk at all!" [translated from Russian]. On occasions, Andryusha would speak Russian to his parent, but, seeing that using Russian did not achieve his intentions, he would repeat the same utterance in English, to get what he wanted.
Here, the parent's stance and the child's personality may have combined to produce a variation of how the child perceived his/her bilingualism, and how this was viewed by the important others in the child's life. Thus when he was little, Petya's misbehaviour often was attributed by his teacher to Petya's bilingualism. This could have exacerbate Petya's negativity
towards his bilingualism during that period. Anya, similarly to Petya's situation, went through a period of appearing self-conscious and reluctant to speak the minority language of Russian when out shopping. Anya's mother, similarly to Petya's parent, continued with using Russian when speaking to Anya, and after several months Anya appeared less self-conscious when spoken to in Russian in public. One other Russian-English bilingual growing up in Russia, Seryozha, had a father who encouraged a sense of superiority due to bilingualism in his child. And so the boy was recorded as beginning to speak even louder when he was outside his home speaking English with his father.
2. With majority language speaking, monolingual peers
Around age 5, both Anya and Petya displayed reluctance to speak the minority language in the presence of majority speaking peers. In both cases, the use of the minority language was reduced to the family context, and only a parent or parents using it with the child.
Significantly, neither child used the minority language outside the family during preschool and early primary years.
In both cases, the early displays of negative attitude towards the minority language, although possibly different in nature, were noticed in the presence of monolingual peers who did not speak that language.
3. In bilingual and multilingual situations
Both children showed a positive attitude towards their bilingualism when socialising with peers and adults who were openly bilingual or multi-lingual.
Thus at age five, Anya demonstrated an awareness of her bilingualism and an acceptance of her mother's use of the minority language. When a Dutch background neighbour's grandchildren knocked on the door and asked if Anya could come out with them to play, she turned to her mother and said in Russian: 'Mum, the girls are asking if I can come out with them
to play'. This was done affectionately and matter-of-factly, as if the child fully accepted that she was to speak Russian with her mother and English with the English-speaking peers.
In multi-lingual contexts, Anya's attitude towards her bilingualism and use of the minority language was positive. Thus, while socialising with both English and Russian speaking peers, Anya happily moved between the languages. This occurred when her mother volunteered to mediate and interpret for a Russian team who were taking children from the Chernobyl affected areas to stay in Australian foster families. The Russian adult team and children had very limited English and no knowledge of Australia. The foster families had several English-speaking children who did not know a word of Russian. The five-year-old Anya came on board to mediate the socialisation between the Russian and Australian children.
Petya had no opportunities to help native speakers of different languages in such situations; however, his positive attitude towards bilingualism was displayed in several bilingual situations when he agreed to interact in English with younger bilingual children in other Russian families. Petya's parents asked him not to switch to Russian while speaking with the children. This way he could serve as a good example to help the younger ones develop their motivation to use English. This really worked with two boys - a two-year-old and a five-year-old: both children seemed to be happy to speak English to Petya while playing games.
4. Relationship with the parent
we observed that positive emotions towards the parent speaking the minority language play a significant role in the child willing to continue learning the language.
Strong affective relationship with the parent speaking the minority language with the child appears to lead to the child's continuing to use that language with the parent [Saunders 1988]. This was true for Petya, with his very positive relationship with his father. The same could be said about Anya and her close emotional connection with her mother.
Chris Jones Diaz has commented on children's positive attitude towards their minority language, even when they had a reduced skill in it, due to a positive affect associated. According to c. Jones Diaz, positive emotions associated with the minority language use can usually be tracked down to social contexts of the minority language use and people who use this language with the child [Jones Diaz 2011]. In both our children's lives, these were a caring parent or parents.
5. Awareness of own bilingualism
The child's developing a bilingual competency may lead to his/her increased interest in bilingualism as a phenomenon. Metalinguistic awareness and awareness of own bilingualism support the development of the child's positive attitude towards his/ her bilingualism. This interest was observed in Petya's case, and in case of several other Russian-English bilinguals growing up in Russia, with very limited opportunities of using the minority language with native speakers, or speakers outside the family, after the children discovered that this was not the parent's native tongue [Чиршева 2000: 115-121].
George Saunders' son developed notions of 'mother tongue' and 'father tongue'; at age 7:10 he was pondering how the two languages are stored in the brain, and which languages are alike [Saunders 1988]. At age 11, Petya asked his mother, 'Mum, are you writing down how one language influences the other?' [Чиршева 2000: 117-120].
This kind of interest in bilingualism was not as obvious in Anya's case. However, as a five-year-old, she demonstrated an awareness of her bilingualism and willingness to use it. For example, on the way home from school, Anya and her mother were having a pretend play, acting out episodes from a familiar Russian movie. As they stepped into a park, they were deafened by the noise made by the birds who appeared frightened by the human intrusion. Switching over from her role play, Anya addressed the birds in Russian: 'Little birds, don't be afraid! We won't harm you!' And then
corrected herself, 'Oh, what am I doing? They don't understand Russian!' Then switched over to English: "Little birds, don't be afraid! We won't harm you!'
6. competency in the minority language
Competency in the minority language appears to correlate positively with the bilingual child willingness to use it. we observed Andryusha reluctant to speak English when he did not know the words for what he was trying to say. We also observed another Russian-English bilingual child, Sasha, growing up in Australia. Sasha refused to speak Russian with Anya when both girls were 8, despite the fact that Anya persevered for about 15 minutes continuously speaking Russian only to Sasha. Subsequent observation of Sasha's language behaviour and interviews with her parents revealed that Sasha was not fluent in Russian. Anya and Petya were not recorded as refusing to speak the minority language due to lack of proficiency in it. Both used a code-switching strategy when faced with a challenge of finding the right word which they did not know. Thus they inserted the known vocabulary item from their other language into the matrix of the minority language which they were speaking.
Increased competency and awareness of own bilingualism can lead to interest in and motivation to continue developing skill in the minority language. This was documented for both Petya and Andryusha. When Petya was asked by a Russian-speaking peer why he was speaking English with his father, Petya took time to explain that this way he could become better at learning the language. Awareness of one's bilingualism leads to the child perfecting performance in each of the languages. Thus young bilinguals were observed consciously practising their language use, correcting their grammatical and lexical errors [HupmeBa 2000: 19-20].
A sense of competence in the languages seems to translate into a positive view of the bilingual proficiency and bilingualism. For example, at a dinner organised by her parents,
a six year-old Anya was asked by an English-speaking adult, as young children often are, "Can you read?" To that Anya replied with confidence and an air of self-importance, "I can read in both Russian and English. And what about you?" The person asking appeared to be lost for words.
Interestingly, Chris Jones Diaz [Jones Diaz 2011] has found that a bilingual child's attitude towards the minority language and their own bilingualism is not directly linked to their bilingual proficiency. when a child expressed a positive attitude towards the use of the minority language in which he was not particularly strong, this was usually associated with a high level of emotional value attached to the language and could perhaps be tracked down to strong emotional ties with the parent or parents speaking the language.
7. Ability to translate between the languages
Ability to translate between the languages has been found to be a significant factor in developing bilingual children's positive attitude towards their bilingual competency. This attitude is reinforced by the child being able to help others who do not know one of the languages used in the communicative situation [HuprneBa 2000: 121-125]. Children develop an understanding that the interpreter role places them at an advantage over monolingual peers as they have the power to alter the original message if there was anything they didn't like about it [Harris 1977]. Acting as an interpreter, the child develops a skill of taking control, a highly socially desirable attribute.
This interpreting skill has been well observed and documented in situations where migrant children become interpreters for their parents and grandparents in a new country. Children's experiences in helping others often began with their parents or younger siblings when they served as translators. The social as well as academic benefits of children's experiences as family translators have been well documented by M.F. Orellana and colleagues [Orellana, Dorner & Pulido 2003; Orellana,
Reynolds, Dorner & Meza 2003]. L.D. Soto found that bilingualism was related to a sense of altruism among children of Puerto Rican origin she studied in an urban industrial town on the East Coast [Soto 2002]. Beginning with the ways in which bilingualism provided aid within their own families, children extended these altruistic possibilities for language use to the larger community despite their own experiences of linguistic and ethnic or racial discrimination in the wider society [Forbes 2008: 133].
Thus whereas Anya's parents were competent bilinguals themselves, there were multiple instances where she had to translate for her migrant grandparents who were not very fluent in English. However, even in their home country, bilingual children can enjoy mediating situations of contact with speakers of the minority language. Seryozha's parents noted the sense of pride with which their little son said that he was 'working as an interpreter' when translating for his Russian-speaking mother the messages expressed by their US visitor [HuprneBa 2000: 124].
Bilingual children draw satisfaction when helping their monolingual peers make sense of films and cartoons in the minority language. This was commonly the case with Petya and other bilinguals growing up in Russia, watching films in English. The developing interpreting skill enhances the child's positive attitude towards their bilingualism.
Interpreting has been found to enhance the child's cognitive and language development, as they develop an appreciation of the stylistic and semantic features of the two languages, comparing the two. Sometimes such comparison helps the child appreciate the beauty and richness of the minority or less prestigious language. The child usually enjoys these discoveries, particularly if his parents show appreciation of the child's observations and enjoyment of the two languages.
8. Beginning to learn a third language
while research shows that bilingual children are more positive about learning additional languages, it appears that learning
another language can promote the child's positive attitude towards their bilingualism. Thus, it so happened that at age 5;10 both Petya and Anya began learning German. For both children, this appeared to contribute to their positive appraisal of their bilingualism and use of the minority language.
Petya's attitude towards the minority language of English became more positive once he started learning a third language, German, in school, at age 5;10 [HupmeBa 2000: 125-126]. At about the same age, when she was in Year 1, German became Anya's third language as well, and she displayed a positive attitude towards learning it, as well feeling more positive towards using Russian. This could have been helped by the fact that the German language teacher and Anya's mother developed a friendly and professional relationship, which encouraged Anya to socialise with the teacher's English-German bilingual daughter who was the same age as Anya.
9. Developing bi-culturality
child's developing biculturalism supports learning the two languages, leading to a more positive view of bilingualism and the use of the minority language.
The process of developing self-identity spans years, and appears to be changing with the child's age and life circumstances. In the case of our bilinguals, self-identity conflicts appeared to be played out more explicitly in cases where the minority language was not the parent's mother tongue. Thus, little Petya quizzed his father on his nationality, questioning the legitimacy of the father speaking English, "Are you Russian? Then speak Russian to me!"
In contrast, Anya did not explicitly question her parents' minority language use. However, as mentioned earlier, on occasion she displayed embarrassment at its use. It is possible that she perceived her parents as Russian native tongue speakers, and so they could be expected to speak Russian, although she was quite obviously aware of her parents' bilingual competency. As such, the parent speaking the mother tongue may present a more
stable and acceptable context, from the child's point of view, than a parent speaking a second, or 'foreign', language.
As mentioned earlier, the 5-year-old Petya demonstrated lack of acceptance of his father speaking English with him. There appeared quite a significance change in attitude as Petya developed from a mono-ethnic view of language use - 'Speak Russian if you are Russian!' -towards a more complex cultural model of identity and self-identity, which involved acceptance of bi-culturality. Thus at ages between 8 and 10 Petya was asked by a Russian-speaking adult who/what (this is realised in one and the same question word in Russian) he was going to be when he grew up. He replied that he wanted to be 'just a Russian man (person)'. And then he would add that he wanted to be 'a university teacher of English, like his father'.
Anya - in Year 1 (age 5;6) - revealed her bilingual and bi-cultural identity as a volunteer assisting with interpreting and intercultural mediation. Her bi-cultural identity was expressed explicitly on one particular occasion, when socialising with Russian and Australian children. When taken out to a farm, the young peopledecided to stage a hay fight. They split into two teams, of Russians and Australians. Anya, being the youngest of the children, took time deciding which team to join. Interestingly, both teams encouraged her to join them, shouting, "Hey, come with us, you are Russian!" and "Hey, come with us, you are Australian!" She appeared torn for a few moments, and then she announced her decision, "I am both Russian and Australian, but today I will come on the Russian guys' team as there are fewer of them!"
According to A. De Houwer [De Houwer 2009], developing bi-culturality is easier in the minority language maintenance situation. She argues that in 'non-native parents' situations, trips to the country where the language is spoken can be helpful. Young Petya had opportunities to visit the UK, accompanying his parents.
A non-native parent can pass on some features of the cultures associated with the target language. Importantly, Petya's father would pass on to his son the ways of speaking
and behaving like a Russian person who enjoys speaking English. In this broader sense of the 'culture', and not necessarily linked to ethnicity, the non-native parents can successfully help their children develop bi-culturality.
Importantly, both children commented about their plans to raise their future children bilingually. These plans have come true in Petya's family: by now, he has been speaking English, his non-native language, to his son for a year and a half, while his wife has been speaking only Russian to the boy.
10. Perceived language use outside the
family
As the children grew older, they became more aware of the minority language use outside the family, which would have positively influenced their attitudes towards that language.
Thus, Petya and the other Russian-speaking bilinguals growing up in Russia would have discovered the high global status of English, and its use internationally.
Anya developed an awareness of the multiple important contacts the minority language allowed her to have with relatives, as well as the ease of travel in the country where Russian is the official language and the language of a major majority, with over 150 million people speaking it as their first language.
11. Approaching mid-teens and being
bilingual
By their mid-teens bilingual children appear to have developed a consistently positive attitude towards their bilingual ability. M. Cohan [Cohen 1999] states that all the bilinguals she studied developed a positive attitude towards their bilingualism by age fifteen. By that age, they all considered this to be prestigious. This agrees with our observations of Anya's, Petya's, Andryusha's and Seryozha's attitude towards their bilingualism. Suzanne Dopke [Dopke 2008] surveyed bilingual teens who had grown up in Australia, to establish that they all had developed a positive attitude towards bilingualism, although several reported feeling self-conscious earlier on in their childhood.
Conclusion
There were noticeable differences in the pattern of the children's change in attitude towards their bilingualism. Thus Petya and other children learning a prestigious, high status minority language appear to appreciate it more as an object of study and potential enjoyment. They also can in certain circumstances develop a superiority attitude due to their special language skill. Translation situations serve to establish power relationships over peers and occasionally relatives. Developing bi-cultural identity will reflect the cultural and language practices to which the children have been exposed, and these will be quite different across the two contexts - high status minority language as distinct from a community minority language.
However, despite the above mentioned differences, we uncovered many similarities in the patterns of the bilingual children's changing attitude towards their bilingualism as they were growing up. For both children, all throughout their childhood, a consistently positive attitude to the majority language was noticed. For both children, some fluctuation in the attitude to the minority language was observed.
Both children's attitude towards the majority language was consistently positive. This agrees with the idea proposed by Chris Jones Diaz that children view positively knowledge and skill which they can cash in; the majority language competency is the fund of knowledge which has high currency [Jones Diaz 2011].
The following commonalities were found in relation to the children's attitude towards the minority language and bilingualism:
• Strong positive appreciation during the early years of primary socialisation.
• Ambivalence emerging as the child ventures outside the family environment - preschool and very early primary school years, where the most pressure to conform occurs when socialising with majority language speaking monolingual peers.
Building up positive attitudes towards their bilingualism in the mid- through upper primary school years. The young bilinguals demonstrated consistent positive attitudes towards their bilingualism from mid-teens onwards, intending to keep it up, and develop in their children. This is fully in line with the intentions expressed by G. Saunders' [Saunders 1988] children.
The factors which appeared to help develop a positive attitude towards
their bilingualism included strong emotional relationships with the parent, developing competency in the minority language, including metalinguistic awareness and translating skill, and developing a bi-cultural identity. overall, we have found that parents' attitude towards their child's bilingualism as well as their 'impact belief' [De Houwer 2009: 90-96] are critical contributors to developing children's positive attitude towards their bilingualism.
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