On the relation of aesthetic and moral principles in Plato’s Cretan State
Резюме. В статье рассматривается проблема соотношения эстетических и моральных принципов в «Государстве» и «Законах» Платона. Автор приходит к выводу, что Платон уделял основное внимание утилитарной эстетике, в основе которой лежат радикальные принципы новой морали и политического образования.
Ключевые слова: древнегреческая философия. «Государство» и «Законы» Платона, политическая этика, эстетические аспекты платоновской политической философии.
One of the most interesting points of difference between ‘The Republic’ and ‘The Laws’ consists in the exceptional attention of Plato to the aesthetic aspects of grounding the theory of the ideal polis and education. This peculiarity seems to be especially noteworthy because the discussion about the perfect constitution in both dialogues shows continuity from philosophic, political and ethical points of view. In both dialogues, Plato repeatedly puts forward the following argument: not only the aesthetic order has to be in harmony with definite ethical principles, but the art itself should become in general an embodiment of the moral and be therefore responsible for the formation of the ideal image of statesmanship.
Nevertheless, the function of the fine arts in the educational program elaborated by Plato for the citizens of Eunomopolis demands further elucidations. In general, the analogies grounded, for example, on a comparison of statesmanship with artistic creative work are as frequent an element of Plato’s argumentation as a comparison of statesman’s craft with the art of an experienced physician. Sometimes both images - of the physician and of the artist - merge. For example, the philosophers, in order to provide health for the state, have to possess as much freedom in reforming social institutes as an artist drawing on tablets or a sculptor modeling waxwork figures (Resp. VI, 500 e). P. Fridlander seems to have come closest to the truth in supposing that ‘The Republic’ was “at the same time a creation of Muses, a philosophic work and a political action” (Fridlander 1975: 128).
To confirm the idea of an aesthetic orientation of Plato’s political thought one can refer to the passage from Book IV of ‘The Republic’ which seems to be very important for understanding of the evolution of the Platonic argumentation. In this passage, the substantial principles of
the ideal state showing its unity are outlined virtually with an artistic power. The unity of the state is examined in its individual aspect: the state can be regarded as united (and autarchic too) only when each of its citizens “is a unity by himself, not a multitude”, i.e. if he is engaged only in a single trade that he is good at (Resp., IV, 423 d). The strictest specialization of every class guaranteeing the unity expresses at the same time the principle of justice at both state and individual levels. However, an absolute guarantee of the unity can only be ensured through proper training and education of the Guardians. Real stability is provided by means of education, which secures hierarchic subordination of the main elements in every individual’s soul, as well as in the state as a whole. As a result of such initial educational impulse, the state would stay invariable in future “moving ahead independently, gaining momentum like a wheel” (Resp. IV., 424 a). If education is regarded as a cornerstone guaranteeing stability in the state, it has to be spread to the maximum number of its citizens. But this is where the Plato is extremely vague about.
In the passage mentioned above, the main emphasis is made by Plato on the art of music by prescribing “that the State must be protected from innovations disturbing order” because “there can be no changes anywhere in the art of music without changes in the most important political institutions” (Resp., 424 b-c). At the same time, proposing to bring order into children’ s games by means of appropriate songs and confirm thereby the feeling of being accustomed to the law from a very early age, Plato evidently refers to children of all estates without exception (Resp., 424 d-e).
Proceeding from the above mentioned passages and some others, O. Gigon put forward a hypothesis that Plato strove to introduce the third estate, i.e. the bulk of the population, to the musical education of the Guardians (Gigon 1976: 349 ff.). R. von Pohlman went even further in his attempt to prove that Plato intended to spread the communist way of life among all the citizens of Kalliopolis (Pohlman 1925: 135-143). .
All of the above mentioned hypotheses originate in the critical thought expressed by Aristotle in passing in the ‘Politics’, according to which the state offering privileges only to a slim group of citizens could hardly be called ideal (Aristot. Pol., II, 11-16). However, the whole context of Plato’s reasoning about the art of music in Books II, III and IV of the ‘Republic’ leads us to admit these hypotheses as untenable. Implicitly assuming the ideal state to be a highest work of art (in this particular case - the art of political leadership), the philosopher was far from disrupting, both in his own eyes and the eyes of his contemporaries, such a harmonious image born in the sphere of pure thought by referring to the necessity of introducing vulgar people to the educational program developed by him. In this respect, Plato is adamant of this point: “...The main educational value of musical art lies in the fact that it penetrates into the very depth of man’s soul touching its innermost strings in the
most effective manner; rhythm and harmony bring in beauty thus making men harmonious and beautiful, provided that they have been properly educated. Otherwise, the situation is reversed” (Resp., III, 401 d).
This proposition of Plato is somewhere in between the two passages which deal with Apollo as a creator of the noblest musical style on the one hand, and Apollo as a source of the most beautiful laws, on the other hand (Resp., III, 339 d-e; IV, 427 b).
It is clear that the ability of the third estate to own, to acquire riches, to buy golden and silver ornaments, to build luxurious houses, in short, everything about which Adymantes speaks with surprise, when he discovered during the discussion that philosophers and warriors essentially play the role of guarding troops protecting the ever increasing riches, excludes rather than implies the possibility for the rich to be introduced to the highest principles of art and education. The riches themselves, protected by rulers only for the sake of getting the rations of food (Resp., IV 419 a sq.), result from the specialization which is inseparable from that noble prevention aimed at guarding the simple minded, who have not been previously educated, from the lures of the fine arts. By singling out three kinds of pleasure which correspond to the three estates and the three principles of soul, Plato looks upon greed for money and pleasures bought with money as occupations unworthy of really free man that are bestial and servile in their nature (Resp., IX 500 d; 583 b; 584 e - 587 a). So if we compare the three main principles of Plato’s first ideal state with its four virtues, it becomes evident that the third estate having formally “its own share in the general prosperity” (Resp., IV 421 e) is devoid of virtue in the true sense of the word, since wisdom and courage correlate only with two upper classes, while the lower class is only left with a system of general precepts demanding from it implicit compliance, more precisely abidance in the state of servitude towards the “best people” possessing a divine ruling capacity (Resp., IX, 590 d).
At a first glance, the picture described by Plato resembles in part the social organization of Sparta where Helots were constantly excluded as a class from the general educational system of the Spartans. Probably, F. Ollier was right in thinking that Plato’s criticism of Sparta’s timocracy stemmed primarily from the fear of evoking in the reader’s mind unnecessary associations with the Spartan constitution (Ollier 1933: 235 sq.). Anyway, Plato’s arguments concerning the role of the art in the first ideal project had a paradigmatic social purpose establishing a quite definite standard for men to follow. In this sense, the aesthetic approach did not contradict the Platonic ethical formula for an ideal commonwealth - to have the right people in the ruling class, the right education, and the right way of life for the citizens.
On the other hand, just as the views on the character and social functions of art expressed in ‘The Republic’ give an impression of full
continuation of the early Platonic tradition, we find quite a different picture in ‘The Laws'.
In a sense, one of the reasons for this is the change in the very methods and style in Plato’s later dialogues (first of all, in ‘The Critias’ and ‘The Statesman’) stemming from the attention which the philosopher begins to give to numerous historical myths. But the main reason appears to come from a gradually increasing disillusionment of Plato as to the possibility of realizing his ideal plans in practice.
Both of the above mentioned trends are in constant interaction affecting those new aspects of the analysis of the social role of art which is found in the ‘The Laws’. From the artistic point of view, the Platonic account of the conflict between the ancient Athens and Atlantis comes close to a historical novel, mainly as regards the descriptions of the landscapes and architectural ensembles of the gigantic island. The role of art in this account, however, can also be perceived in the spirit of the traditional paradigm: the hypertrophy of the artificial means used by the Atlanteans in all spheres of life - artificial irrigation, artificial correction of natural borders (the plain - a regular polygon, the city - a circle), an artificial system of water supply, gold-and-bronze plated walls, an unusual natural affluence (see: Crit., 110 e - 115 c etc.), a halo of artificial mystery cloaking power (night, oath, sacrifice indispensable to the kings of Atlantis to consolidate justice) - all this, according to Plato’s concept, had to specially emphasize not only the degradation of the ‘natural monarchy’ set up on the island by the gods, but also the lack of the reasonable naturalness symbolized by the heroic selflessness of the guardians of ancient Attica living a communist life. Plato deliberatively resorts to the artistic technique of the doubling of antithesis striving to evoke associations between Atlantis and the Herodotes’ descriptions of oriental despoties in the reader’s mind (see: Her., I, 98 etc.).
The radical difference of ‘The Critias’ from ‘TheRepublic’ consists not only in the fact that instead of the intellectual experiment characteristic of the former, a fantastic artistic vision of the conflict between the two states, two apparent antipodes, comes to the foreground. At present, few people would deny the fact that Plato was to a certain extent enchanted with the picture of Atlantis he himself had drawn. This peculiarity is supported, in particular, by the coincidence of numerous essential details in the organizations of the Atlantean state and the ‘second-best state’ depicted in the ‘TheLaws’. For example, the kings of Atlantis had a custom of getting together at night for settling matters and administering justice. The rulers of Eunomopolis practiced a similar custom where the ‘Nocturnal Council’ played a major role. In particular, the architectural and spatial schemes of Atlantis and Magnesia are also isomorphic. There is a plain in the center of the island, in the middle of which there rises a hill which Poseidon surrounded alternatively by water and land rings (Crit., 113 c-d, 115 c 116 c). Subsequently, the kings of Atlantis built up the land rings with stone walls, sanctuaries, gymnasia.
The city in ‘The Laws’, circular in shape, is also surrounded with wall rising gradually to Acropolis (Legg., V, 746 a). It is there that Plato places his Nocturnal Council at the end of ‘The Laws’ (Legg., XII, 969
c). In both compositions, Plato evidently tries to achieve the effect of a ‘single building’ symbolizing an ideal state of its own kind (Legg., V, 746 a; VI, 779 b).
However, the political system, the social structure, and the educational system of the Plato’s Cretan city, based on the compromise between the ideal and reality, contrast in a particular way with this elated, almost idyllic picture. In his later years, Plato became convinced that no ruler possesses resources capable of changing human nature. The character of human material is such that philosophers, even having become rulers, would never enjoy as much freedom of rearranging human matters as the artist painting a picture or the sculptor working with clay or bronze. The functional role of education in general and the fine arts in particular reflects the fundamental turn in the Platonic political theory signifying a transition from the formation of an ideal ruler to the program of creating an image of the ordinary law-abiding citizen altogether supporting the state’s goals which have been set by the ruler.
The social structure of Eunomopolis stands in sharp contrast to the ideal project of ‘The Republic’ being limited to a group of landowners divided into four propertied classes which are prescribed to spend part of their time in their households along with their military duty (Legg., VI, 758 b; cf.: VI, 776 a, VII, 808 a-b). Such a deviation from the Spartan model, let alone a complete disharmony with the first project, fully confirms the correctness of conclusions by those scholars who view the main features of the way of life of Eunomopolis’ citizens as a result of mingling the Lycurgian cosmos with the Athenian constitution idealized in the spirit of patriospoliteia (Tigerstedt 1965: 262, 269; cf.: Morrow 1960: 152, 396) 5.
The contraposition of the civil body of landowners not only to foreigners and slaves but also to artisans, totally excluded from citizenry, can serve as a proof of the fact that Plato is the original author of the Aristotle’s classic formula, on which the latter is based: “...Just as with all other natural organisms those things that are indispensable for the existence of the whole are not parts of the whole organization, it is also clear that not all the things that are necessary for states to possess are to be counted as parts of a state” (Aristot. Pol., VII 1,1). Naturally, the disappearance of the third estate problem opened up completely new prospects for the development of a uniform educational program, the main symbol of which is the idea of moral harmony and of service to the state on the basis of imitating perfect models which had existed in the remote past.
The problem of the sources of the educational theory set forth in ‘The Laws’ has not yet been unambiguously resolved. In our view, there is every reason to believe that one of the main sources is the theory of
education worked out by Pythagoras and his disciples. In the pythagorean theory of the balance of cosmic and human laws, the unity of ethics and politics, so characteristic of ancient Greeks’ mentality, is expressed in an extraordinarily sharp manner assuming the form of demand to follow in everything the God’s will which is the only source of both the good and the human justice (Jambl. V.P. 137). In complete compliance with this demand, Pythagoras considered the God’s power to be “the most useful in establishing justice” (Ibid., 174). The idea of the God’s power in Pythagoras (and later on in Plato) should certainly not be understood in the sense, in which it had been understood by Hebrew prophets. The Pythagorean theocracy is an allegoric expression of the philosophical idea of universal order testifying also to the intention of the founder of the Crotonian union to use traditional mythological ideas with a view to spreading his own political principles (see: Ibid., 46).
In ‘The Laws’, Plato modifies the pythagorean ideas in the spirit of his own political philosophy by introducing the mythological element which was not present in his predecessors’ theories and which becomes the starting point for the development of aesthetic and moral principles in the frame of a new educational program. This element consists in a philosophical adaptation of Hesiodus’ myth about ‘Cronus’ life’. The new version of this legend suggested in ‘The Laws’ has a purely biased character and is different even from its closest version outlined in ‘The Statesman’. Instead of the picture of a harmonious unity of gods and men engaged in philosophical contemplation of nature, the idea of the salutary mission of the divine rule comes to the foreground. It turns out that the blissful life in those remote times became possible thanks to Cronus’ wise prudence foreseeing that “no human nature... is capable of ruling human matters unlimitedly without becoming arrogant and unjust” and placing daemons (beings of a higher and more divine nature), but not men as kings and rulers of our states (Legg., IV, 719 c-d). Deprived of divine protection, men “can not possibly avoid evils and labours”. Salvation will only come if men imitate the divine rule and, adopting the very principle as “a definition of reason” , will call it law (Legg., IV, 713 e-714 a). In turn, the lawgiver making laws for the sake of social well-being embodies “the supreme service to the gods” (Legg., IV, 715 b-d).
As to how efficient this mission was according to Plato can be seen from the constantly recurring myth of men as God’s marionettes. No one knows why the gods created men, most probably just to have fun. Governing such creatures, who are unworthy of any special care, is simply a severe necessity. It is aimed at attracting everyone to the path of virtue stretching the golden threads “which leads us astray to the path of sin”.
The ideological grounding of an educational program of this kind, marked with extreme pessimism, forms a basis for an utterly utilitarian approach to the role of art in life. However, this by no means prevents
Plato in ‘The Laws’ from developing initial principles of his aesthetics formulated in his earlier works. The art belongs (like reason and law) to the first cosmic principles and therefore stands above natural things and even above the nature itself (Legg., X, 888 e-891 b). The cosmos itself, with all the Gods governing it, is at the same time the nature, the chance and the art. Both cosmic harmony and the processes generated by it are at the same time an object of contemplation and an example for imitation. Justice can be considered to be one of such objects being the supreme beauty to Plato incomparable to any works of art (Legg., V, 732 e-734 e).
An ideal constitution can also become an object for artistic contemplation. According to Plato, this constitution represents a reproduction of the best and the most beautiful, life “being no other thing” than the most genuine tragedy (Legg., VII, 817 b).
Naturally, the cosmic principles of true art are beyond most people’s understanding. And now we have to state again the fundamental contradiction of the Platonic educational program. Spreading the principles of musical education to all citizens without exception, Plato continues, as if by inertia, to regard the overwhelming majority of them as a crowd persisting in his idea to prohibit their participation in forming aesthetic judgments and evaluations which he considers to be the property of true experts (Legg., II, 659 a-b; 670 b-d; VII, 802 b). The lot of the majority is only to imitate the behavior models which can be easily assimilated by an ordinary mind. Moral harmony in the Platonic second-best state is attained, therefore, by inculcation of the new principles of education, among which the fine arts, purified of all ‘harmful admixtures’, play the most important role.
No wonder that we find in the ‘The Laws’ a new version of the theory of imitation in comparison to Plato’s earlier works including the ‘TheRepublic’. One can henceforward suppose mimesis to have become, in a certain sense, the central notion of the Platonic political argumentation combining aesthetic and ethical principles in a united system.
In Book III of ‘The Republic’, both the notion and the general theory of imitation are investigated by Plato through a division of art into imitative and non-imitative art forms (Resp., III, 338 c; 392 d-394 d). This quite technical disjunction of the fine arts (H. Koller) acquired a purely ethical character for Plato who perceived art mainly from the educational point of view. Criticizing the ‘inadmissible imitative methods’ of Homer and other poets who sang of the doubtful behavior of the Olympic gods, Plato looks upon this sphere of poetry as a domain of subjective inventions which have nothing in common with the real nature of the divine. In so far as imitation can never approach reality being incapable of perceiving truth, the Guardians must imitate nothing except for the deeds of reasonable and courageous men (Resp., III, 395 e). The
slaves also should not give themselves to imitation, because the only thing which is demanded of them is to do what is necessary.
Although Plato is convinced that imitation is capable of disclosing god’s secrets to men thorough the artist’s inspiration, it is however absolutely unacceptable from the educational point of view. Thus Plato’s attitude to imitation in ‘The Republic’ seems to be very contradictory, often very negative. In his later works, on the contrary, imitation is regarded as a quite positive characteristic on the condition, of course, that its subject is both positive and acceptable for the State. For example, the best ideal state is perceived as an imitation of the ‘Cronus’age’ (Legg., IV, 713 b). Musical tones are an imitation of divine harmony. A wise king must imitate a true political expert. In turn, those, who imitate the king in accordance with the law, form aristocracy, without the law-oligarchy (Plato. Pol., 301 a).
On the whole, imitation in ‘The Laws’ is regarded almost as a main artistic principle defining the structure of aesthetic perception and moral behavior. Art was given to men by gods pitying them, aiming to regulate their natural propensity to body movements and sounds by bringing order and harmony into them (Legg., II, 653 d-e). Harmony and rhythm being the basis of the fine arts give pleasure to men.
Nevertheless, those who affirm that “the degree of pleasure received by the soul serves as a proof of correctness of the art of music are wrong in their reasoning” (Legg., II, 653 d). Only the true and right pleasure, based on the imitation of virtuous capacities of human nature, deserves praise. It should become firmly established in poetry, songs, and dances (Legg., II, 655 c-656 c). The lawgiver should therefore subject poetical works to the most severe censorship compelling poets to create those rhythms and harmony that develop justice in men (Legg., II, 660 e-661
d).
Thus, beauty has meaning only when it is combined with justice. For its sake, one can admit a lie by affirming that justice is always good (Legg., III, 663 d-e). Plato closely relates all these quite utilitarian principles to the above mentioned myth of human marionettes. Citizens are not supposed to discuss the nature of aesthetic categories. They should sing and dance incessantly, the aim of the dances and songs being exclusively the extolment of the wisdom of the laws and their creators (Legg., II, 665 c). In order to make them able to sing and dance, any method available should be used including wine (Legg., II, 665c-666 b). Wine-drinking makes the human marionettes’ feelings more intense, sharpening their senses and memory (Legg., II, 645-646 d). Moreover making people drink for their education is inexpensive, safe, and fast, and the influence of wine is often more effective than any moralizing (Legg., II, 646 e-650 b).
That is why the Platonic educational theory often grows into a puppet comedy imbued with tragic colours at the end of ‘The Laws’ when the philosopher starts working out his system of punitive laws. In the final
analysis, the aim of all the Platonic innovations, whether it be the classification of round dances or the prohibition of ludicrous body movements and song subjects, is to strictly follow the letter of the law which constitutes the supreme form of beauty. Consequently, obedience to the law should become automatic for all emotions to be predictable. It is for this purpose that the citizens, besides military training and husbandry, should spend most of the time in round dances. Thus the standing reiteration of the myth about men as the God’s marionettes is reinforced by the following Platonic demand to the citizens of Magnesia - “one must live by playing” (Legg., VII, 803 e).
Perhaps Aristotle was not quite right when accusing Plato in the II Book of ‘The Politics’ of underestimating human nature. Judging skeptically the capacities of ordinary man, Plato pinned all his hopes on the utilitarian aesthetics, on the mobilizing force of the fine arts and on general education based on the imitation of the ideal norms set in advance. As a result, the contradictory attitude towards art could only increase, because, for old Plato, it had become the main remedy for both supporting and subduing ‘weak souls’ along with punitive laws. Art is supposed therefore to play in ‘The Laws’ the role which was once intended for the official myths in ‘The Rebublic’.
References
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Gigon 1976 - Gigon O. Gegenwartigkeit und Utopie. Eine Interpretation von Platon’s Staat. Bd. I. Buch 1-4, Zurich; Munchen.
Morrow 1960 - Morrow G. R. Plato’s Cretan City. Princeton.
Ollier 1933 - Ollier F. Le mirage spartiate. Etude sur l’idealisation de Sparte dans l’antiquite grecque de l’origine jusque’ aux cynique. P.
Pohlman 1925 - Pohlman R. von. Geschichte der sozialen Frage und des Sozialismus in der antiken Welt. 3 Aufl. Munchen. Bd. II.
Tigerstedt 1965 - Tigerstedt E. The Legend of Sparta in Classical Antiquity. Vol. I. Stockholm.
Summary. V. A. Gutorov. On the relation of aesthetic and moral principles in Plato’s Cretan state.
One of the most interesting points of difference between ‘TheRepublic’ and ‘The Laws’ consists in the exceptional attention of Plato to the aesthetic aspects of grounding the theory of the ideal polis and education. Art is supposed therefore to play in ‘The Laws ’ the role which was once intended for the official myths in ‘The Rebublic’.