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33
Д. Тискин
Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет, 199034 г. Санкт-Петербург, Россия
Частица ни как вершина ц в русском языке1
Статья посвящена особенностями синтаксиса и семантики союза/частицы ни в русском языке в свете теории координации М. Митровича. Основные наблюдения статьи состоят в том, что ни, хотя и не может функционировать в качестве аддитивной частицы, способен погружаться внутрь каждой из сочиняемых составляющих, если его позиция всякий раз одна и та же. Мы предполагаем, что отсутствие непарных употреблений ни, которые классифицировались бы как частицы, связано с необходимостью проверки признака [+№!], что по тем или иным причинам возможно только посредством юнктивной вершины _1, несущей тот же признак. Допустив, что ни разлагается на не и и, мы объясняем требование тождества позиции ни при вложении тем, что не и весь предшествующий ему материал, одинаковый во всех клаузах, претерпевает постсинтаксический спуск к каждому из конъюнктов, что создает эффект вложенности ни в каждый из конъюнктов.
Ключевые слова: сочинение, отрицание, эффект крысолова, клитики, NР1, фонологическая форма, передвижение ЛсгоББ-^е-Воагс!.
D. Tiskin
Saint Petersburg State University, Saint Petersburg, 199034, Russia
Ni: Negative concord | in Russian2
This paper discusses the syntax and semantics of the Russian coordinating conjunction/particle ni in the light of Mitrovic's theory of conjunction. The crucial
1 Автор выражает признательность участникам конференции «Формальные подходы к русскому языку», в частности, Оре Матушанской, за вопросы, комментарии и предложениям. Любые недочеты остаются на совести автора.
2 Thanks to the FARL audience, in particular to Ora Matushansky, for their questions, remarks and suggestions. They are not responsible for any of this paper's infelicities.
observation is that ni, although unable to function as an additive particle (in contrast to the positive i), can occur embedded into each of the conjuncts provided that it occupies parallel positions in the conjuncts. I suggest that the lack of particle uses of ni is due to its need to check the [+npi] feature, which can be done via the J(unction) head with the same feature. Assuming that ni is decomposable into ne 'not' + i, the parallelism requirement is explained if the post-syntactic lowering of ne (and possibly some preceding material, hence the embedded occurrences of ni) onto each of the conjuncts is stipulated.
Key words: coordination, negation, pied-piping, clitics, NPI, Phonological Form, Across-the-Board movement.
1. Introduction
In a series of publications [Mitrovic, 2014; Mitrovic, Sauerland, 2014], Moreno Mitrovic has been defending a unified structure for conjunctions and disjunction across languages, whether iterated (as in the Russian i Vasja, i Petja 'both Vasya and Petya') or not. Importantly, his proposal explains why in some languages the same lexical items are used both as coordinating conjunctions and as additive particles. By and large, Russian coordinators fit the predictions of this account rather neatly. However, there are unresolved issues, which the present paper will try to bring to the foreground.
The data that will be in the centre of our attention concern the syntax of the Russian NPI conjunction/particle ni. Its distribution is more complex than predicted by Mitrovic's theory alone as it differs from that of its positive counterpart i. In particular, it has no additive uses; on the other hand, it shares with i the ability to occur embedded into each of the constituents it conjoins, as in (1).
(1) Я не хочу ни половины счастья, Ja ne xocu ni poloviny scast'ja, I neg want n^ half happiness,
Ни половины горя не хочу! (Ye. Yevtushenko) Ni poloviny gorja ne xocu! n^ half woe neg want!
'I want neither half-happiness nor half-woe!'
I will discuss the explanatory possibilities for both empirical points and connect my proposal for cases like (1) to similar data featuring the negative particle ne.
The paper is structured as follows. In Section 2 I review Mitrovic's theory of coordination. In Section 3 the relevant Russian data are presented. Section 4 discusses the possible ways of explaining the data. Section 5 concludes.
2. Mitrovic's theory of coordination
According to Mitrovic, the structure of coordination is universal cross-linguistically. Apart from the conjoined constituents themselves,3 a coordinate structure minimally4 contains two ^ heads (after mo, which serves this function in Japanese), one for each conjunct, and one J head (for junction). Across languages, or sometimes within a given language, there are several options as to which of the ingredients are overt and which are silent. For instance, for Russian one may have either (2a) or (2b).
(2) a. и Маша,
[jp [др i Masa] J д M.
'both Masha and Dasha.'
0 J°
1-дР
Даша
Dasa]]]
D
b.
[jp [дР 0
Маша
Masa] M.
д
l-др
0 д
Даша
Dasa]]]
D
'Masha and Dasha.'
и
д
[J
Here is how this syntax is mapped onto semantics. First, each name undergoes a type-lift (known as ident from [Partee, 1987]) which maps an individual to the set of individuals identical to it. Second, each type-lifted name combines with its ^ head, yielding the set of sets whose subset is the type-lifted individual. Finally, the two sets of sets are intersected, which is the semantic import of the J head.
3 For the ease of exposition, I limit myself to binary coordination as opposed to coordination of three, four etc. constituents. Assuming binary branching, those more complex cases are reducible to binary coordination.
4 The case of disjunction is more complex, as additional elements are introduced to compute the meaning of the disjunction A or B, which is the minimal set s.t. it contains the intersection (J) of the set of sets containing [A] and that of sets containing [B] [Mitrovic, Sauerland, 2014, s. 49]. (The ascent from the set {[A]} to the set of sets containing [A] is the contribution of likewise for B.)
(3) a. ident( JMaia]) = {x | x = Masha}
b. M ({x | x = Masha}) = { S | {x | x = Masha} с S }
c. J]({ S | {x | x = Masha} с S }, { S | {x | x = Dasha} с S }) = = { S | {x | x = Masha} с S } П { S | {x | x = Dasha} с S } = = { S | {x | x = Masha} с S & {x | x = Dasha} с S } =
= \Masa i Dasa]
The step (3b), which gives the denotation of ц Masa (realised as i Masa or as 0 Masa), is applicable without any changes to cases like (4), where i is used as an additive particle; on MitroviC's analysis, what (4) says is that the set of those who came has the set {Masha} among its subsets.5
(4) Пришла и Маша.
Prisla i Masa.
came ц M.
'Masha came, too.'
Mitrovic's account predicts that the variety of coordinator lexemes should be limited to two types [Mitrovic, Sauerland, 2014, s. 43]: "J-type" coordinators, which are able to conjoin propositions but cannot double or function as additive particles, and "ц-type" coordinators, which are not suited for propositional coordination but can double and can have particle uses, as in (4).6
3. Ni and the constraints on its use
In general, ni is a negative polarity item (NPI), i.e. it is licensed by negation. This is true of both major groups of uses ni has, which I will call conjunctive, (5) and quantificational, (6)-(7). The latter type may therefore be called a negative concord quantifier (see [Werle, 2002, van der Auwera, Alsenoy, 2016] for the term).
(5) Не люблю ни улыбок, ни слез. (G. Ivanov, RNC7)
Ne ljublju ni ulybok, ni stez.
NEG like.lsG smiles N^ tears
'I like neither smiles nor tears'
5 This is not the final analysis Mitrovic and Sauerland give for sentences like (4), but it suffices here to illustrate the point, i.e. the unified treatment of conjunctive and additive uses.
6 What Mitrovic's system does not make clear - all diachronic considerations in his papers notwithstanding - is why Slavic languages employ the same lexical item (e.g. Russian i) for both J and
7 Examples marked with "RNC" are taken from the Russian National Corpus, http:// ruscorpora.ru.
(6) В доме не раздавалось ни (одного) звука.
V dome ne razdavalos' ni (odnogo) zvuka.
in house NEG be.heard.psT single sound
(7) В доме не было ни
V dome ne bylo ni
in house NEG was N^
'Not a sound was to be heard in the house.'
(*одной) души.
(*odnoj) dusi.
single soul
'There was no one in the house' (odnoj OK if souls, not people, intended).
One diagnostics that may be used to distinguish between the two types is J-type coordination: quantificational uses are easily conjoinable with i 'and', whereas conjunctive uses resist the insertion of i.8
(8) В доме не было ни одного человека
V dome ne bylo ni odnogo celoveka
in house NEG was N^ single man
и ни одной собаки.
i ni odnoj sobaki.
J N^ single dog
'There was neither a man nor a dog in the house.'
(9) В доме не было ни человека,
V dome ne bylo ni celoveka,
in house NEG was N^ man
(??и) ни собаки.
(??i) ni sobaki.
J N^ dog
'Neither the [definite] man nor the [definite] dog was in the house.'
As can be seen, the list of the uses of ni does not include additive particle uses, which would be equivalent to the English 'not... either'. Whereas we find i in positive contexts (4), ni is blocked in the corresponding negative contexts and i is used instead:
8 There are, however, exceptions, such as the following: Devuska byla zamecatel'naja krasavica, i v etom ne somnevalis' nija i ni te, kto vmeste so mnoj smotrel na nee (A. Chekhov, RNC). 'The girl was a remarkable beauty, and neither me nor those who looked on her together with me doubted that'.
(10) a. *Не пришла ни Маша.
*Ne prisla ni Masa.
NEG came NЦ M.
b. Ne prisla i Masa.
NEG came ц M.
'Masha didn't come either.'
However, the ^ status of ni is confirmed by the possibility of co-occurrence with i, which is permitted with non-referential (or non-nominal) conjuncts:
(11) Ты Ty you
не ne
NEG
бойся bojsja be.afraid.of
ни ni
NЦ
жары и zary i heat J
ни ni
NЦ
холода. xoloda. cold
'Do not be afraid either of heat or of cold.' (V. Lebedev-Kumach)
... она чувствовала себя такой одинокой,
...ona cuvstvovala sebja takoj odinokoj,
she felt REFL so lonely,
что даже не смела ни притворяться
cto daze ne smela ni pritvorjat'sja
CMPL even NEG dared NЦ feign
и ни скрывать свою боль. (Z. Gippius)
i ni skryvat' svoju bol'.
J NЦ hide REFL.POSS pain
'.. .She was feeling so lonely that she did not even dare to feign or to hide her pain.'
This is apparently the only configuration in Russian where both J and ^ are overt, whereas across Slavic there are other examples, including (13) where the same word i serves both functions.
(13) SOUTHEASTERN MACEDONIAN
i Roska i i Ivan
^ R. J ^ I
'both Roska and also Ivan.' [Mitrovic, Sauerland, 2014, s. 44]
As a coordinating conjunction, ni may occur at the left periphery of each of the conjuncts (see e.g. (9)), but, crucially, this is not the only option:
it may also be embedded into each of the conjoined phrases, as in (1) as well as (14)-(15).
(14) TOM Hem ни укреплений
Tam net ni ukreplenij
there no N^ fortifications
maM Hem ни планировки такой постоянной.
tam net ni planirovki takoj postojannoj.
there no N^ layout such permanent
'There are no fortifications, there is no permanent layout there.'
(15) Это страшная wmyKa, когда против тебя
Èto strasnaja stuka, kogda protiv tebja
this terrible thing when against you
тупая, свиная CO щетиной сила,
tupaja, svinaja so scetinoj sila,
stupid pig-like with bristles force
неуязвимая ни dm логики, неуязвимая
neujazvimaja ni dlja logiki, neujazvimaja
impervious N^ for logic impervious
ни для эмоций.
ni dlja èmocij.
n^ for emotions
'It's a terrible thing when there's a blind, pigheaded, pig-bodied force
pitted against you, impervious to logic and emotion.'
(Strugatsky brothers, tr. A. Stone Nakhimovsky & A. Nakhimovsky)9
There are two constraints on embedding. First, ni must be placed symmetrically within each conjunct (cf. the oddness of (16b)). This distinguishes ni from either, which can attach to a whole clause or to its subconstituent ("R[ight]-either"), provided that the constituent includes the contrastive focus (17). Therefore, there is little hope to adopt for ni the explanation given by den Dikken [2006] for either-float, which is that
9 The sentence (15), perhaps designed to imitate spontaneous speech, is apparently unusual for native speakers as it is altered in various ways in the existing editions of The Ugly Swans: some editors rearrange commas (svinaja so scetinoj sila, neujazvimaja, ni dlja logiki neujazvimaja, ni dlja emocij), some even delete the second token of neujazvimaja to obtain unembedded ni-coordination.
either originates attached to contrastive focus and optionally moves leftwards, so that when it does not move, "R-eithef' obtains.
(16) a. Нет Net no
нет net no
'There is neither a letter from Dad nor a postcard from Mom.'
ни от отца письма,
ni ot otca pis'ma,
N^ from father letter,
ни от матери открытки
ni ot materi otkrytki.
N^ from mother postcard
??Нет ни письма от отца,
??Net ni pis'ma ot otca,
no N^ letter from father,
нет письма ни от матери.
net pis'ma ni ot materi.
no letter N^ from mother
Intended: 'There is no letter either from Dad or from
??Нет письма ни от отца,
??Net pis'ma ni ot otca,
No letter N^ from father,
нет открытки ни от матери.
net otkrytki ni ot materi.
no postcard N^ from mother
(17) (Either) John (either) ate rice or he ate beans. [den Dikken, 2006, s. 690]
a. John either ate either [rice]CF or he ate [beans]CF
b. Either John either ate either [rice]CF or he ate [beans]CF
Second, not only the conjoined structures should be parallel but also the lexicalisation of the part preceding ni should be identical in all conjuncts. Identity is observed in (16a) but violated in (16c), which results in unacceptability. This may be dictated by the nature of a focus particle that requires that the material in its clause with which it does not associate be [+given]. We will see below that an alternative (or rather complementary) explanation for the identity constraint can be given in terms of post-syntactic doubling.
4. Towards an analysis
Let us summarise the peculiarities of ni that require a special analysis not reducible to Mitrovic's account of coordination and conditions on NPI licensing.
- Pairing requirement, (10a): ni cannot be used as an additive particle and can only serve as iterated conjunction (quantificational uses aside).
- Symmetry requirement, (16c): if ni is embedded into conjuncts, it should occupy the same position within all conjuncts.
- Sameness requirement, (16b): if ni is embedded into conjuncts, the parts of the conjuncts preceding ni should be identical.
Given the pairing requirement, embedded uses cannot be analysed as mere juxtaposition of clauses containing each a token of additive ni. In the remainder of this section I will consider alternative explanations for the constraints.
4.1. The pairing requirement
The pairing requirement does not hold for i, as (18) witnesses:
(18) Не пришел Петя, не пришел {и, *ни} Вася. Ne priM Petja, ne pri^l {i, *ni} Vasja. neg came P. neg came ц n^ V
'Petya didn't come; neither did Vasya.'
Therefore, I conclude that there is something specific for ni that creates the constraint. Assuming the structure for conjunction as in (2), I suggest that ni.ni is licensed not by negation directly but rather by a special feature (e.g. [+npi]) of the corresponding J head, itself licensed by negation. (The J head need not, however, be lexically different from the default, as the use of i in (11)-(12) makes clear.) Given this, in the absence of (overt or covert) J ni cannot be licensed. This rules out additive uses of ni. Its positive counterpart i has no such restriction and is therefore available as a discourse particle or as a conjunction, both under negation and elsewhere.
4.2. Symmetry and sameness
As regards the symmetrical placement of ni in and the sameness of the material (if any) preceding ni, ideally one would like those requirements to follow from one's account of the embedded uses of ni. In other words, first one needs to explain how it is possible at all for ni to occur not at the periphery of the constituent it operates on but rather somewhere in the middle of it.
4.2.1. A problem with J above ni
One simple idea would be to argue that in (1) and (14) the licensing needs of ni are satisfied by a silent J head scoping over both conjoined clauses. Although the tokens of ni are embedded into their clauses, they are still within the scope of J[+npi] and are therefore licensed. Moreover, this seems to be corroborated by the fact that too deep embeddings (crossing a clause boundary) are disallowed:
(19) *Она не сказала, что пришел ни Вася,
*Ona ne skazala, cto priM ni Vasja,
he NEG said CMPL came N^ V.
она не сказала, что пришел ни Петя.
ona ne skazala, cto priM ni Petja.
he NEG said CMPL came N^ P.
Intended: 'Neither about Vasya nor about Petya did she say they will come.'
However, a problem that arises immediately is that there is no way to ensure that the silent J will have the desired [+npi] feature as J is not in the scope of either of the negations in (1) and (14).
The same problem infects a solution based on the idea that structures like (1) and (14) are the result of (parallel) topicalisation in more basic configurations, e.g. ni ukreplenij [ tam net], niplanirovki takojpostojannoj [тоис tam net] for (14). This granted, the "more basic" configuration is again one where ni... ni conjoins whole clauses; thus the null J is not in the scope of negation and thus cannot bear [+npi]. (But see Section 5 for the attested data of this sort, indicating that some account of those is needed anyway.)
4.2.2. Embedded ni as a post-syntactic effect
A different line of explanation starts from the observation that the Russian negative particle ne is syntactically "distributed over" conjunction in some cases, including those often (although not unanimously) characterised as "expletive negation" [Paducheva, 2014], such as (21).
(20) ...невозможно не ужаснуться и не восхититься ...nevozmozno ne uzasnut'sja i ne vosxitit'sja impossible neg get.horrified J neg admire одновременно. (RNC) odnovremenno. simultaneously
'.So that one cannot but get horrified and admire at the same time.'
132
(21) Боишься, как бы кто- ■нибудь не пришел
Bois'sja kak by kto-nibud' ne рп§ё1
be.afraid.2sG CMPL who- ■nibud' NEG came
и не отнял его у тебя.
i ne otnjal ego u tebja.
J NEG took.away he.Acc PREP yOU.GEN.SG
'You are afraid that someone might come and take him away from you.'
What (20) says is that one is bound to get horrified as well as to admire, so the negation must be interpreted above the conjunction. What is going on in (21) is less clear, but here too, coming in and taking away are seen as parts of the same complex situation. To the best of my knowledge, such cases of negation doubling have not been previously investigated. A similar phenomenon (22) is discussed in Meyer and Sauerland [2016], where such cases are declared instances of Across-the-Board (ATB) movement [de Vries, 2017] of may (and consequently of Jane) without the deletion of the second lower copy (23); only the higher copies are interpreted.
(22) Jane may sing or Jane may dance.
A possible interpretation: 'Jane may (sing or dance)' (◊ > V)
(23) Jane2 mayt [[ Jane2 mayt sing ] or [ Jane2 mayt dance ]].
The obvious difference between (22) and (20)-(21) is that may is syntactically allowed and interpretable (albeit differently) both with and without movement, whereas ne in (20)-(21) must be doubled for the sentences to be grammatical. Nevertheless, an analysis along these lines may tentatively be proposed. Alternatively, instead of the usual leftward ATB movement one may stipulate rightward ATB movement of the negation from a position above the conjunction onto each of the conjuncts. Such movement would be problematic at the level of syntax, but given that ne is a clitic and needs a host, post-syntactic movement [Embick, Noyer, 2001] is a more plausible option. In search of a host, ne stumbles upon a conjunction, whose all parts undergo various operations in parallel - the property known as the Coordinate Structure Constraint. Therefore, a copy of ne lowers down onto each of the conjuncts.
Coming back to embedded ni, as in (1), (14) and (15), I suggest that ni is decomposable into negation and i (following the spirit, if not the letter, of Mitrovic's approach to coordinators). The negation, perhaps expletive (as ni and i are often interchangeable), originates higher than the conjunction
but moves downwards in search of a host and merges with each of ^'s.10 The material preceding the negation may optionally also be moved, which gives the impression of the embedded ni.
(24) tam net ne [[i ukreplenij], [i planirovki...]] ^
tam net ne [[(ne + i) ukreplenij], [(ne + i) planirovki.]] ^
tam net ne [[ni ukreplenij], [ni planirovki.]] ^ (optionally)
tam net ne [[tam net ni ukreplenij], [tam net ni planirovki.]] = (14)
As long as the same material gets copied, the parallelism and sameness requirements are satisfied.
5. Conclusion
In the preceding sections I have pointed out several idiosyncratic features of the Russian д-class lexical item ni. Like other ^'s, it can serve as an iterated conjunction (licensed by negation, although more on that below), but it lacks additive uses. In spite of that, as a conjunction it need not occupy a peripheral position in a conjunct but may be embedded into it, provided that the embedding is symmetrical in all conjuncts and that the material before ni is always the same. To account for those features, I suggested that the licensing of ni is indirect and proceeds via the corresponding J head, in the absence of which ni is not licensed (thus disallowing additive uses). Furthermore, ni is decomposable, and the negation which it has as a part moves post-syntactically, in some cases together with some preceding material, which creates the observed syntactic and lexical parallelism in the cases of embedded ni.
This said, there remain unresolved issues (see also footnote 5). As noted above, д-type coordinators across languages are predicted to be limited to DP conjunctions and unable to conjoin at the propositional level. However, this does not seem to hold either for i or for ni in Russian: (25) is just as acceptable with iterated i as it would be without the first token of it; in (26) iterated ni conjoins two VPs; and in (27) it conjoins two clauses.
(25) И солнце всходило, и радуга цвела. (L. Derbenyov) I solnce vsxodilo, i raduga cvela.
д sun rose д rainbow bloomed
'The sun used to rise, and the rainbow used to bloom.'
10 This account has to be supplemented with a description of what happens if there is no overt ^ (cf.: Tam net ukreplenij, i tam net planirovki takoj postojannoj). Is the expletive negation impossible in such environments?
Сидит, на свет не глядит, ни ухи
Sidit, na svet ne gljadit, ni [VP uxi
sits on world NEG looks, N^ fish-soup
не ест, ни вина не пьет. (A. Ostrovsky)
ne est], ni [vp vina ne P'St].
NEG eats, N^ wine NEG drinks
'[He] is sitting still, not looking onto the world, neither eating his fish-soup nor drinking wine.'
(27) Ни он Ni on n^ he
ничего nicego nothing
не ne
NEG
сказал, skazal, said
ни ni
N^
она ona she
не ne
NEG
смогла smogla could
произнести слов прощания. proiznesti slov proscanija. utter words farewell.GEN
'Neither he said anything nor she could utter the words of farewell.' (from an online dictionary)
What is more, (26)-(27) pose a licensing problem:11 assuming that ni is not itself negative but rather an NPI12 and that there is no unpaired ni, we expect to find a negative element licensing both tokens of ni at once; but there is no such element in (26) or (27). Moreover, ni... ni conjoins the clauses that are already negative, i.e. the conjunction scopes above the negations; i... i would be equally acceptable here.
(28) Я не Ja ne
I NEG ни в ni v
N^ tO
заставлял zastavljal forced Петербург. Peterburg. St. Petersburg
его ехать ни в Москву,
ego exat' ni v Moskvu,
him go N^ to Moscow,
'I didn't force him to go either to Moscow or to St. Petersburg' = 'For both cities x : I didn't force him to go to x.' [Bylinina, 2003]
11 Compare: Ni ja ne xotela tuda idti, ni Bulgakov... 'Neither me nor Bulgakov wanted to go there' (E. Bulgakova). This sentence may exhibit VP ellipsis (...ni Bulgakov ne xotel tuda idti), in which case it falls within the same group as (27); alternatively, one would have to explain the clause-final position of ni Bulgakov.
12 In this regard, English examples such as Neither can she stop him, nor can he stop her (Wiktionary) are less problematic, since neither... nor is semantically negative and does not need a licensor.
Given that ni scopes above negation in (26)-(27), I suggest that examples like (28) belong to the same class; non-finiteness of the complement clause facilitates the LF movement of [ni... ni... ] (cf. Bylinina's (2003) observation that ni-conjunctions in object position are easier to extract than those in subject position). As for now, there seems to be no explanation for how ni is licensed in such configurations.13
References
Abels, 2002 - Abels K. Expletive (?) negation. Proceedings of FASL 10. Toman J. (ed.). Bloomington, ID, 2002. Pp. 1-20.
van der Auwera, Alsenoy, 2016 - van der Auwera J., Alsenoy V. On the typology of negative concord. Studies in Language. 2016. Vol. 40. No. 3. Pp. 473-512.
Bylinina, 2003 - Былинина Е.Г. О синтаксисе отрицания в русском языке: отрицательные местоимения и конструкция «ни X, ни Y» // Материалы Международной конференции «Диалог - 2003». М., 2003. [Bylinina E.G. On the syntax of negation in Russian: Negative pronouns and the construction ni X, ni Y. Proceedings of the international conference "Dialogue 2003". Moscow, 2003. URL: http:// www.dialog-21.ru/media/2617/bylinina.pdf.]
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13 But see [Abels, 2002], where it is suggested that ni is a PPI rather than NPI on the basis of ni always scoping above negation in sentences like Ja (nicego) ne zapretil emu (nicego) citat' 'There is nothing I forbade him to read', which suggests that nicego is always above negation at LF, if not in the surface syntax.
Статья поступила в редакцию 25.08.2017 The article was received on 25.08.2017
Тискин Даниил Борисович - магистрант кафедры общего языкознания филологического факультета, Санкт-Петербургский государственный университет
Tiskin Daniel В. - МА student at the Department of General Linguistics of Faculty of Philology, Saint Petersburg State University
E-mail: daniel.tiskin@gmail.com
