Linear a du-pu2-re, Hittite tabarna and their alleged relatives revisited Текст научной статьи по специальности «Языкознание и литературоведение»

Miguel Valério

University of Barcelona; [email protected]

Linear A du-pui-re, Hittite tabarna and their alleged relatives revisited *

This article intends to be a comprehensive reassessment of a previous hypothesis connecting the Linear A sequence du-pu2-re and the Hittite royal title t/labarna-, as well as a series of Anatolian words, toponyms and personal names allegedly related to the latter and belonging to the semantic sphere of power. In the course of this survey, several Anatolian onomastic elements, mostly dated to the 1st millennium BCE, are disconnected from the Minoan sequence and the Hittite title, and receive new explanations (with various levels of security) in the framework of the Luwic (IE) languages. Likewise, I separate Labranios (a Cypriot epithet of Zeus) from Hittite labarna- and argue instead for the old theory that it is an adaptation of the Phoenician name of Mount Lebanon. The conclusion of this reassessment is that, while there may have been a Luwian noun *tapara- 'rule', there are no independent grounds for linking any Anatolian material to Minoan du-pu2-re and no basis for assuming the latter meant 'master' (or similar).

Keywords: Linear A, Tabarna, Labarna, Luwic languages, Anatolian onomastics, Cilician names.

1. Introduction

Although the language of Linear A (LA), the logo-syllabic script of Minoan Crete, still eludes interpretation, the writing system itself cannot be considered wholly undeciphered. Decades of scholarship have shown that a significant number of syllabograms have phonetic values analogous to their Linear B (LB) counterparts. Particularly, through a set of independent contextual tests Duhoux (1989) has proved this to be the case with at least 30 syllabograms.1 Inevitably, since LB is the product of an adaptation of LA to another language (Mycenaean Greek), which surely possessed a different phonemic inventory, we can hardly expect all phonetic values to be exact matches. They can, nevertheless, act as guiding phonetic approximations.

In a previous work (Valerio 2007), I have dealt with a LA sequence which in this way reads du-pu2-re. It is found self-standing once (KO Za 1) and elsewhere in compounds, namely (j)a-di-ki-te-te-du-pui-re (PK Za 8 and 15) and pa-ta-da-du-pui-re (HT Zb 160) (ibid.: 8-9, citing

* The content of this article derives mainly from a presentation made at the 1st session of the workshop 'Luwic' Dialects: Inheritance and Diffusion (University of Barcelona, October 23, 2013). The final text benefits from various comments, references and suggestions by I.-X. Adiego (U. Barcelona), A. Kassian (Russian Academy of Sciences), C. Melchert (UCLA), I. Yakubovich (U. Marburg) and J. G. Younger (U. Kansas). Thanks are also owed to R. Oreshko (U. Hamburg) for sending me a copy of his recent work. As usual, the responsibility for the views here contained, as well as any mistakes and shortcomings, is mine alone.

1 These included a survey of the positional frequency of the suspected vowel (V) syllabograms, and listing sign alternations in LA-B pairs of sequences and within LA itself. Duhoux was cautious about the results: he considered different levels of security for each of the phonetic values depending on how many contextual tests confirmed them.

Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 13/4 (2015) • Pp. 329—354 • © Valerio M., 2015

GORILA). I hypothesized that the compound (j)a-di-ki-te-te-du-pui-re was to be segmented (j)a=di-ki-te-te=du-pui-re and signified a periphrastic divine name: '(to?) the Diktaian Master', or similar. Thus, du-pui-re would be the Minoan word for 'master, lord'. The basis for this interpretation included three morphophonological and contextual facts: (1) the existence of a Minoan stem du-pui-r- (> da-pui-r-), which I linked with LB da-pu(i)-ri-to- = alphabetical AapupivBo^ (with a well-known non-Greek suffix -v9o^), i.e. 'labyrinth';2 the similarity between (j)a=di-ki-te-te= and the name of Mount Dikte, aided by the fact the compounds with this string are limited to stone libation tables found at or near the Minoan peak sanctuary of Petso-fas (near Palaikastro, East Crete), which later in the Archaic period was devoted precisely to to Diktaian Zeus (i.e. Zeus born on Mount Dikte); beyond phonetic resemblance, this supported the interpretation of (j)a-di-ki-te-te° as 'Diktaian'; (3) the attestation of LB di-ka-ta-jo di-we 'Diktaian Zeus' at Knossos, showing a Late Bronze Age Cretan background for this deity. However, on the side of semantics, the grounds to propose 'master' as the meaning of du-pui-re were admittedly more fragile. I drew upon Evans' old idea that AapupivBo^ was the 'royal palace' of Knossos (see §2) and the presumable similarity of da-pu(i)-r-/Aapup- to one of the titles of the Hittite kings, tabarna-/labarna-, as well as a series of words and onomastic elements from Anatolia and Cyprus presumably related to the latter and belonging to the sphere of (human and divine) power.

In this I followed mainly the work of Yakubovich (2002) on Hitt. t/labarna- and its connections. The title has been among the most hotly debated items of the Hittite vocabulary, with contending interpretations of its etymology, Indo-European (IE) and non-IE, including proposals of a traveling contact word (Wanderwort) (see §10). Although at present the author thinks it is impossible to quantify the plausibility of the competing IE and non-IE hypotheses (pers. comm.), Yakubovich (2002) contains the most extensive argument favorable to the migrating word hypothesis, which provided the basis for the interpretation in Valerio (2007). Starting with the Luwo-Hittite form (:)tapar- 'to rule', long thought to be related to Hitt. t/labarna-, Yakubovich compiled a dossier of possible regional connections:

1.1) Luwo-Hitt. tapar(r)iya- 'to rule' and derivatives;

1.2) Hieroglyphic Luwian LEPUS+ra/i-i(a)- 'authority' and derivatives;

1.3) The Hellenistic Cilician personal names TpepaonTa^ and TpepnM^0^ (presumably reflecting *Tapara-zita/i and *Tapara-muwa+zi, respectively)

1.4) The Lycian personal name Dapara- = AAnAPAE;

1.5) Labranios (AABPANIOL), an epithet of Zeus in Cyprus;

2 An identical suggestion (unknown to me until very recently) was made by Billigmeier (1989), but unfortunately it was limited to an abstract, with no follow-up paper ever being published (thanks are owed to B. Davis and J. Younger for helping me locate this reference). My own argument (Valerio 2007: 7-8) was based on the following: LA du-pu2-re is reminiscent of LB du-pu2-ra-zo (KN V[3] 419.1) and da-pu2-ra-zo (EL 1 1.2), two non-Greek personal names or, rather, two variants of the same name. The Cu-CV-/Ca-CV- alternation is seen in two well-known LA-B pairs: LA ku-pas-nu (HT 1, 3, 42, 49, 88, 117, 122) / ku-pas-na-tu (HT 119.3), attested in likely Minoan lists of persons, and the non-Greek personal names ka-pas-no (KN As[2] 1516.16) / ka-pas-na-to (KN Df 1219) in LB tablets from Knossos. Since -zo is a common ending of non-Greek names in the LB records from Knossos, it seems that the names above and LB da-pu(2)-ri-to- contain a Minoan element du-pu2-r°. The most plausible explanation for the vocalism is that of Davis (2014: 242-243): du-pu2-r- reflects Min. /DuPur-/ with an unaccented short /u/ that tended to be centralized to a schwa, whence /DaPur-/, transcribed in LB as da-pu2-r-, with a (I use "D" and "P" to represent what in my opinion are undetermined dental and labial obstruents). The LA texts are cited according to GORILA and those of LB follow DocMyc2.

1.6) The epithet of Zeus Labraundos (Adppauv5oc), at the city of Labraunda, in Caria (with several variant spellings: AABPATTNAOL AABPAIXNAOL; AABPAAXNAOL; AABPAINAOL; AABPAENAOL; Adppav5oc; AABPENAOL; and later Aa|3Qa[v]5£Uc)

1.7) LB da-pu/pui-ri-to- = alphabetical Greek Aapupiv9oc

At the time, the author suggested that these forms were all derivatives of migrating South Anatolian */5aBar-/ 'to rule' and */5aBara-/ 'power'?, /5/ presumably corresponding to a voiced coronal fricative /5/. Thus, Lyc. Dapara would be a direct product of */5aBara-/, while the Lu-wian forms would have undergone the development */5aBar-/ > */taBar-/. The lambdacist transcription of Dapara as Grk. Aanapac would reflect this alien /5/, as would the d ~ A alternation in da-pu(i)-ri-to-/Aapupiv9oc and the varying t/labarna-.

In Valerio (2007), I proposed this virtual */5aBar-/ to be related also to LA du-pui-re, but to help explaining its vocalism, I augmented the dossier of possible Anatolian relatives to include:

1.8) A set of Carian personal names with the alleged element -DUbr- (where D apparently corresponded to either Car. 5 or t ^ Grk. 5, and U seemed to match Car. w, now transliterated y = Grk. u), including the alleged equivalences of the names ksatybr ^ Sav5up£Qi_c and smdybrs ^ Zep^£5up£Qoc.

1.9) The Lycian place name Tuburehi = Grk. Tup£QiCTaoc and the personal name Tebursseli.

A reassessment of my interpretation is now necessary, partly because of intrinsic problems (it admittedly depends on a number of undemonstrated connections) and partly because of its ramifications for the study of the language of LA. Given their phonological shape, the Carian names were one of the cornerstones of the hypothesis, but at the time I put it on paper, I had not yet had the opportunity to study comprehensively the entire dossier (which is gathered and discussed in Adiego 2007). In the meantime, the interpretation of LA du-pui-re in Valerio (2007) has gained some acceptance,3 and its alleged ties to Hitt. t/labarna- and Lyc. dapara/Aanapac are now part of an argument by Davis (2014: 193-215) that the LA d series transcribed a "phoneme /9/ that was realized in Minoan speech as allophones [5] and [9]". In what follows, I will revisit the whole dossier.

2. (Non-)Greek AapupivGo^ and Carian AappduvSa

The theories connecting Aapupiv9oc and the Carian city Labraunda (Aappduv5a) can be traced back to Plutarch's (Greek Questions 45, 2.302a) explanation of the local epithet of Zeus, Labrandeus (sic), as a derivative of Adppuc, an alleged Lydian word for 'axe'. The Lydian word may have existed, but there is a chance the account of the ancient author owes to a folk etymology formulated at the end of the 1st millennium BCE, since Zeus Labraundos was characteristically depicted holding a double-axe in Achaemenid coins from Caria (Yakubovich 2002: 106-107, fn. 36.). At the end of the 19th century, Mayer and Kretschmer (apud Kretschmer 1896: 404) came up with the idea that Labraundos corresponded to "Cretan" Aapupiv9oc. This notion emerged in connection with another theory by Kretschmer, namely that the toponymic suffixes -v9oc (Aegean) and -v5a (Anatolia) are cognate and ensue from a Pre-Greek "substrate" language spoken on both sides of the Aegean Sea in prehistoric times. This idea is far

3 See Younger (2011: 170, fn. 66) and Davis (2013: 42, 44; 2014).

from demonstrated,4 but the crucial issue is not even the suffix, but the base morphemes, which require us to equate Aapup(i)- and Adppa(u)- (with all its variants; see §1). Already Kretschmer (1896: 404) had to do great phonological gymnastics and conjecture for both place-names a common preform *Aappauuv9o^.

We know now that this is far from the reality: the Late Bronze Age form of AapupivBo^ was da-pu(i)-ri-to-, reflecting most likely /daphurinthos/.5 In fact, it is often neglected that the pair is not synchronic: AapupivBo^ is first attested in Herodotus (2.148), so more than seven centuries separate it from its Mycenaean predecessor. In LB itself there are no examples whatsoever of words interchanging LB d = /d/ and r = /l/ , which means there is no support for assuming Myc. */daphurinthos/ ~ */laphurinthos/ and, more significantly, no basis for Lejeune's old idea that the d ~ A spellings reflect Greek attempts to render a foreign sound. More likely, /daphurinthos/ is the original form and AapupivBo^ owes to later, if only obscure, phenomena.6

Finally, in his renowned work on the Knossos palace, Evans (1921: 6) picked up on the (unprovable) suggestions of Mayer and Kretschmer and further claimed the double axe of Bronze Age Crete was identical with the Lydo-Carian Adppu^. For him, this equation was the "key" to understand both Labraundos and the "Labyrinth", which to his mind were to be "identified with the palace sanctuary of Knossos". Such etymological speculations constitute the historiographical roots of the interpretation of Grk. AapupivBo^ as 'royal palace' (see §1). The fact remains that in its first attestation AapupivBo^ was used by Herodotus (2.148) to refer to a vast, partially-underground Egyptian mortuary complex, so not only we have no basis to infer 'palace' was its original sense, but it is actually the case that other meanings, such as 'hy-pogeum', would explain better the earliest uses of the word (see Sarullo 2008).

3. Cypriot Greek AABPANIOH

In Cyprus, a cult to Zeus Labranios (AABPANIOL) is known through a dozen of ex-votos from the Roman period (late 2nd-4'h century), found at Fasoula, 10 km to the north of Amathus, and at Chandria, to the north of Fasoula in the Troodos Mountains (Mitford 1961: 111, nos. 12-13).

Yakubovich (2002: 104-105; see also 2009a: 268) advanced tentatively a connection with labarna-. In a way, this echoed a theory first expounded by Hall (1885 [1883]: clxviii-clxix), who compared Zeus Labranios to Zeus Labraundos (see §2). According to Hall, the cult of Zeus

4 For recent discussions see de Hoz (2004) and Yakubovich (2009b: 9-11).

5 Chadwick has pointed out that "pu2 = bu is ... remarkable" (Ventris and Chadwick 1973: 538), and indeed the pronunciation of the interchanging pu = /pu, phu/ and pu2 /phu/ ought to be /phu/. Although descriptions of the phonological system of Myc. Greek routinely include a phoneme /b/, they overlook the fact that there are no un-controversial examples of /b/ in native Mycenaean words; the phoneme was absent or near absent from the language, a situation which was inherited from PIE (see Thompson 2005).

6 LB d > alphabetical A shift(?) is reminiscent of two Pamphylian glosses in Hesychius, who notes that standard Grk. Sloko? 'discus, quoit' and 5d^vr| 'sweet bay' were pronounced respectively as Aloko? and Ad^vr| at the city of Perge. As we will see in §8 and §10, 1st millennium Anatolian languages like Lydian and Lycian lacked initial /d-/, which was replaced with /l-/ in loanwords (at least in Lydian). This suggests that Pergaean Aloko? and Ad^vr| may have been the pronunciations of local Anatolians who spoke Greek as a second language. Since Aa|3upLv8o? first appears in the work of Herodotus, a native of Halicarnassus (Caria), perhaps its lambdacism owes to similar reasons. As regards LB pQ = /pV vs. alph. | (see fn. 5), it is tempting to speculate that /daphurinthos/ coexisted with */dawurinthos/ owing to different Greek strategies to render a foreign voiceless labial fricative (cf. Mongolian, which adapts Russian [f] as [ph], [pjh] or [w] in loanwords; Svantesson 2005: 31). For LB w > alph. cf. the case of LB mo-ri-wo-do /molivdos/(?) vs. |_i6Au|35o?/|j.6Al|3o? 'lead', certainly a borrowing in Greek.

Labraundos was taken by Carian settlers to Cyprus, where the toponymic epithet developed into Labranios through multiple and irregular sound changes.

A more economical explanation arose not much later from the pen of Ohnefalsch-Richter (1893: 220, 229), who equated Zeus Labranios with Phoenician bft Ibnn 'Ba'al of Lebanon',7 a deity worshiped in Cyprus in Pre-Roman times. Syncretisms between Greek Zeus and Semitic Ba'al are far from unseen and this one was later accepted by Mitford (1961: 111, 143), who worked extensively on Cypriot epigraphy, as well as Lipinski (1995: 306-307), a Semiticist.

At first sight, the inexact phonological match between lbnn and Labranios might seem to deter the identification. Credit is due to Lipinski (ibid.) for his comparison of H. Luw. (MONS) La-pa+ra/i-na-, most probably 'Mt. Lebanon' (see Hawkins 2000: 414). */Labrana/ and */Labarna/ are both possible readings, but the former is more likely in the light of Hitt. Lablana, Hurr. Lablahhi 'from/of Lebanon' (< *Lablan=hi), Ugarit Akkadian [H]UR.S[AG la]-ab-la-na and Neo-Assyrian Akkadian Labnana (see Del Olmo and Sanmartín 2003: 491). However, based on the Luwian form, Lipinski maintained that Labranios 'of Mt. Lebanon' was ultimately of Anatolian origin. This explanation is as implausible in historical terms as it is unnecessary. Greek and Phoenician-speaking communities coexisted in Iron Age Cyprus,8 so Phoenician can be taken as the direct source of Labranios. As for H. Luw. La-pa+ra/i-na- /Labrana-/, it may be just the outcome of the characteristic Luwian l > r "flapping" in a previous form *Lablana-, cognate with the abovementioned Hittite name of Mt. Lebanon.9

We only need to account for the phonological details of the Greek adaptation. In the Semitic languages the oronym contains /bn/, but since synchronically this cluster never occurs in native Greek words, *Aapvav- would be impossible as the Hellenic adaptation of Phoen. Lbnn. Thus, Aappav- with /br/ must have been the alternative. Finally, the ending may correspond to a well-attested ancient Cypriot Greek genitive suffix that occurs in ethnics (cf. e.g. se-la-mi-ni-o-se /Selaminios/ 'from Salamis') as well as in divine epiclesis (Egetmeyer 2010: 253-254, 260-261).

4. Alleged Carian names with *-DUbr

Now that LA du-pui-re and LB da-pu(i)-ri-to- have been disconnected from the Carian place-name Labraunda, we need to reassess the dossier of Carian names that was crucial to the interpretation of the Minoan form. As stated above, I will now discuss all names listed in Adiego (2007) that could in theory contain a -DUbr element:

5.1) ardybyrs (E.Me 52)

5.2) ardybyrs (E.Me 52)

5.3) dtybr (E.Th 2)

5.4) dybr (E.Th 5)

5.5) ksatybr (E.Th 2)

5.6) kudtubr (E.Th 9)

5.7) sm5ybrs (C.Ha 1)

7 This form is attested in an inscribed bronze bowl (KAI 31; cf. Masson and Sznycer 1972: 77-78).

8 For a recent survey of the evidence for linguistic contact between Phoenician and Greek in Cyprus, see, e.g. Egetmeyer (2010).

9 The consonantal divergence between Hurrian/Hittite/Ugarit Akkadian Ibln- and Assyrian/Phoenician lbnn is best explained by a dissimilatory or assimilatory process involving this chain of sonants. I thank A. Kassian for suggesting this solution.

Two facts are relevant. First, the names remain opaque, and there is not the slightest hint of a connection to the semantics of power. Second, our present knowledge of Carian historical phonology does not suggest that Carian y, y or u can have the same source of Luwian a, the implication being that any connection to Luw. tapar- 'to rule' cannot go back to a Proto-Luwic stage;10 we would rather be forced to assume that *-DUbr was a late borrowing in Carian, and that, like Minoan, it had differences in vocalism. Before considering borrowings, however, I believe the more recommendable method is to try to understand the Carian forms internally first and afterwards seek possible etymological explanations within a Luwic framework.

ardybyrs, the genitive of ardybyr-, is the most transparent name of the group as it corresponds to the ApSupepo^ (KPN §86-6) of Greek sources. It is significant that neither form has a letter of nasal value. Adiego (2007: 333, 353) maintains the possibility of segmenting ard-ybyr- / ApS-upepo^ based on the existence of a Carian name ybrs- at Hyllarima (C.Hy 1); at the same time, he compares tentatively the string apS-/opS- of other Carian names in Greek transmission, but the analysis cannot be taken much farther.11

Three personal names from Thebes (Egypt), dtybr, dybr and ksatybr, contain a string -ybr; it is unclear whether kudtubr is also related. This small set is very difficult to analyze. ksatybr has been compared to the Lycian name SavSupepi^ (KPN §1061), but Car. -t- is not usually rendered by Grk. -vS-. The problem is not insurmountable,12 but in §5 we will see evidence that ksatybr and SavSupepi^ are to be separated. Thus, the easiest assumption is that the segment-able element in dtybr, dybr and ksatybr is the one they all share: -ybr. This view is consistent with (1) the proposed segmentation of ard-ybyr-; (2) the existence of a self-standing Carian name ybrs-; (3) the fact that dybr leaves little margin for different segmentations.13 In connection, I propose tentatively the segmentation of the latter name as d-ybr, with a Luwic element d- = ISa- that I will discuss in §8).

The anthroponym smSybrs (C.Ha 1) was at first compared to Zep^eSupepo^ (from My-lasa) by Blumel (1990: 38-39), when the decipherment of Carian was not yet fully settled. Mel-chert (1993c: 81) added the idea that Zep^e-/sm- had the same source as Luw. zal/rma- 'protection', because the "omission of the pre-consonantal /r/ in the Carian version" is supposedly unsurprising. This would point to *sm-5ybrs. However, given the lack of secure cases of other similar omissions, I think it is actually unexpected (see Adiego 2007: 413). A second obstacle to segmenting *sm-5ybrs is the use of the Carian letter 5, usually matching Grk. vS, absent from the remaining names in the dossier. Conversely, if we opt for a different analysis of the name as *sm5-ybrs it becomes possible to adduce acceptable comparanda for both elements. It is unclear whether the -s of sm5ybrs is part of the stem (Adiego 2007: 283), but, if it was, then the

10 Following Melchert (2003: 175-177, fn. 7), "Luwic" is used here to refer to a group of closely related dialects, including not just Luwian and Lycian, but also Carian, Pisidian, Sidetic (besides unattested dialects which left traces only in Greek-written onomastics). As Melchert notes, it remains an open question whether their affinity is due to a common origin in a unitary prehistoric language, to areal diffusion of innovations, or both. In any case, I use "Proto-Luwic" for reconstructions of (naturally hypothetical) proto-forms that could explain material shared by different Luwic dialects.

11 Schurr (2002) further compares apS-/opS- to the *(a)radu of two Late Bronze Age names from Arzawa, Tarhundaradu and Piyammaradu, but the connection is hard to demonstrate as the meaning of the latter is uncertain.

12 There is so far no unchallengeable instance of the letter S (the one systematically rendered by Grk. -vS-) in the Theban variety of the Carian alphabet (Adiego 2007: 222), so here t could be taking its place. In any event, the subcorpus of Carian inscriptions from Thebes is still not well understood and S might in the future be discovered to be a part of it as well.

13 In the latter case, we might entertain the possibility that dybr is a self-standing name itself, but this would leave the question of why would dtybr and ksatybr spell the same element with t, if d was available at Thebes.

second component is similar to the abovementioned self-standing name ybrs-. Concerning *sm5-, the possible term of comparison is the anthroponym Ia£^£v5a[...]oc (Caria; KPN §486), but I would further venture a connection with C. Luw. zamm(n)ant(i)- 'having zamna-.' This zamna- is a word of uncertain meaning but negative connotations that appears in Luwian onomastics of the 2nd millennium BCE (see Melchert 1993a: 276 and Yakubovich 2013a: 101). The idea is not wholly new: Neumann (2007: 399) already compared sm5ybrs to L£^£v5noxc, a name from Cilicia (KPN §1396) that Houwink ten Cate (1961: 165-166) interpreted in the light of *zamna-. Still, Luwic *zammant(i)- /tsammand(i)/ seems like a more straightforward source for *sm5-.14

Not all loose ends can be tied. Taken together, Z£p^£5up£poc (Caria) and Z£p^ouv5ic (Lycia; KPN §383) still point to the existence of *Z£p^(£)- and *-(£)5up£poc. This is difficult to reconcile with the above scenarios, unless z£q^£5- is some extended form of Z£p^-. Hence, at present an impeccable analysis of this set of Carian names is unfeasible, but I think it has been demonstrated how difficult, if not impossible, it is to associate them all with a virtual, variable element *-DUbr as I attempted previously. The above set of hypotheses, hinting at the isolation of -ybyr, -ybr and -ybrs (comparable to self-standing ybrs), is in my view the most economical.

Neumann (2007: 399) compared the Hellenized component *-up£p(i)- in names from Lycia (see next section) and Caria with Luwo-Hitt. warri- 'helpful', warri- 'help' and warrai- 'to come in aid'. Are these Luwisms cognate with Car. ybr-? One problem is the possibility (noted by Adiego 2007: 257) that Car. y denoted a semivowel /q/ (counterpart to y = /y/), potentially the result of the fronting of /u:/ and /w/ in propitious environments. It is true that there is also evidence for Umlaut in Carian (cf. en 'mother' and ted 'father' < *anni- and *tddi-), which could have produced a front vowel and, as a consequence, motivated the fronting of w. However, the biggest difficult is that we would expect the development ybr < *ijfieri < Pre-Carian *uweri, from P.-Luwic **uwar(r)i-, not from *warri-. The following section pursues these matters by dealing with Lycian and Cilician onomastics that contain an element potentially related to Car. -ybyr and -ybr(s).

5. -vS"up£Qi- (Lycia) and -v5/o(u)pa/£/nQa- (Cilicia)

Above Car. ksatybr was compared to Sav5up£Qi_c. This name needs to be treated as well, but its assessment cannot be separated from a set of other personal names from Lycian and Cilicia containing a similar component:

Lycia:

5.8) [E]p^av5up£p[ic] (KPN §355-17a)

5.9) Sav5up£Qic (KPN §1061)

5.10) *n£QTC£v5up£Qic (gen. n£QTC£v5up£Qioc) (KPN §1242-1)

Cilicia:

5.11) Iv5opnpac / *Iv5opapac (gen. Iv5opapou) (Bean and Mitford 1970: no. 176, 193 apud PHI)

5.12) Miv5upnpac (Bean and Mitford 1970: no. 180, 201 apud PHI)

14 Houwink ten Cate's interpretation of Lep.ev5r|0"L; is also extended to Le^vouxaaLc/Ze^vwTaaLC (TAM III,1: 74, 753-754, apud PHI) and Oaa^vwxaat; (KPN §1118-2) from Pisidia.

5.13) *MoTovSopepa^ (gen. MoTovSopepou) (SEG 37:1294.A39 apud PHI)15

5.14) *Oua£avSop^pa^ (gen. Oua^avSop^pou) (Bean and Mitford 1970 apud PHI)

5.15) PwvSpeppa^ (KPN §1339-2) / *PwvSopeppa^ (gen. PwvSopeppou) (DAW 44,6 [1896] 71,155 apud PHI)

5.16) TapKuvSpeppa^ (acc. TapKuvSpeppav) (KPN §1512-14)16

Ep^avSupepi^ is easily segmented as *Ep^a-vSupepi^ '(The god) Arma is nd.' or 'nd. of Arma'. The structure of nepnevSupepi^ is inferred by comparing it with nepnevvuve^ (SEG 44.1156 apud PHI) and nepnev^vi^ (KPN §1242-2), both also from Lycia. nepne-v^vi^ surely contains a reflex of Luwic *nani-, which traditionally is taken to be cognate with Luw. nani- 'brother', but recently Oreshko (2014) argues for the existence of a homophonous Luwian word nani- 'lord, leader'. The name is structurally analogous to Lyc. Ermme-nene/i- = Ep^e-v^vvi^ 'Arma is [my] lord(?)'.17 A priori this indicates that the first element is nepne-, for which we can compare Carian prp- in the personal name prp-wrik (see Adiego 2007: 402).18 The only obstacle to segmenting nepne- is that nepnevvuve^io^ might also reflect *nepnev-Suve^io^ with assimilation of intervocalic *-nd- (> *-nn-); in favor of *Suve^io^, cf. Ep^aSove^ (KPN §355-7).19 In this case, the other two names could represent *nepnev-Supepi^ and *nepne(v)-v^vi^. Nevertheless, this is not a serious hindrance because *nepne(v)-vSupepi^ is also possible.

Moving on to Cilicia, *MowvSopepa^ is not too difficult to analyze. The first component is in all likelihood a reflex of P.-Luwic *muwatta- 'might, potency', thus MoTO-vSopepa^ can be regarded as 'nd. of might' (or sim.). For the contraction of *muwatta- in Luwic onomastics of the 1st millennium BCE, cf. Lycian Mutlei vs. the Hittite royal name mMuwatalli- = H. Luw. Mu-wa/i-ta-li 'the mighty one', perhaps connected as well to motuao^ (Caria) and MoxaAi^ (Phrygia) (see Melchert 2013: 34, citing KPN §334 and Houwink ten Cate 1961: 103).

*Oua£avSopnpa^ can be segmented as *Oua£a-vSop^pa^ with relative security, since its first element is recognized in other Luwic names, particularly Car. u/uksmu = Oua^a-(aoa^/jawi; (Isauria and Cilicia; KPN §1141, 2-3 and Adiego 2007: 427) '(having the might) of waksa' or '(having) waksa might'.20 I would like to suggest that SavSupepi^ is a reduced variant of *Oua£avSupepi^, the probable Lycian version of *Oua£avSopnpa^.21 This is further supported by the attestation of a SavSopepo^ in Cilicia (Zgusta 1970: 35, apud Blumel 1992: 8). If

15 Dagron and Feissel (1987: no. 11a). Based on the photograph provided the reading of M in this name seems plausible.

16 It is uncertain to me whether MavSoupipo? (KPN § 856-3) belongs in this group.

17 For the latter, see Houwink ten Cate (1961: 144). Cf. the Hieroglyphic personal name LUNA.FRATER2 > Arma-nani? (Oreshko 2014: 618, citing Laroche 1966).

18 Cf. also napnoAivyi? (Lycia; KPN §1208), which Schurr (2010: 191) directly compares to Car. prpwrik.

19 Analyzed as *Arma-tuna+mi by Houwink ten Cate (1961: 134).

20 The opaque *oua£a- is attested in several other Anatolian anthroponyms from Greek sources. It is comparable to Milyan waxs(s)a-, which was translated as 'hero' by Gusmani. Melchert (2004: 134) disagrees, stating (without providing a justification) that waxssa- conveys an inanimate object. Shevoroshkin (apud Melchert 2004: 134) initially suggested 'heroic valor', but now tentatively reads 'fight(ers)' and compares Hitt. wah-nu- 'whirl' / wahessar 'swinging' (Shevoroshkin 2010: 165). A cognate of Milyan waxssa- is also found in the Lycian personal name Waxssepddimi.

21 Notice, however, that the personal name HavSapoiZa? (Pamphylia) could in theory point to a different segmentation of HavSupepi?, unless here we have an extended form *waksanda- > HavSa-. The Pamphylian name appears to be formed with *-poiZa, analogous to Pw(i)Ci? (Pisidia), which is a denasalized allomorph of Pwv^a-(< *[K]runtiya-) 'Stag-god' (as seen by Melchert 2013: 36).

this assessment is accepted, then we have to exclude any link to Car. ksatybr, since the latter shows s where u/uksmu has s.

It is not instantly clear how is Pwv5p£ppac/*Pwv5op£ppac to be split. Without doubt, the first component is the name of the Stag-god *(K)runtiya, but the latter surfaces variedly as Pw-, Pwv-, and Pwv5- in onomastics of Greco-Roman Cilicia.ii It is only through Iv5op^pac/ *Iv5opapac that we can shed some light on its structure. One needs only to draw a parallel with Ia-Cap^ac '(Having the) protection of Iya' and Pw-Cap^ac '(Having the) protection of the Stag-god' (see Melchert 2013: 36, with refs.). In both cases we have pairs of theophoric names that interchange Runtiya and Iya, the Anatolian version of the Mesopotamian deity Ea. Combinatory analysis therefore hints at *Pw(v)-v5(o)p£ppac '(Having the) nd. of the Stag-god' alongside a contracted *I(a)-v5opa/^pac '(Having the) nd. of Iya'. Like Pwv5p£ppac, TapKuv5p£ppac is slightly ambiguous: should we segment *TapKuv5-p£ppac, *TapKuv-5p£ppac or *TapKu(v)-v5p£ppac? In light of all of the above, *TapKu(v)-v5p£ppac seems the most plausible composition, whence the likely meaning '(Having the) nd. of the Storm-god (Tarhunt)'.i3

By now, it has become clear that -v5up£pi---v5o/upa/£/^pa- denotes an attribute of the

same kind as 'might' and 'protection', one that defined individuals and was considered a gift of the gods. It is also evident that its various spellings in Cilicia diverge from the Lycian version as regards the ending. This divergence suggests that the Cilician forms reflect a Luwic a-stem, while the Lycian variant conceals an i-stem whose ending moreover prompted the typical Lycian Umlaut. Thus: Cil. */ndup^ra-/ vs. Lyc. */ndupari-/ > /ndup^ri-/.

At least formally, *-v5up£pi- /ndup^ri-/ is a direct match for Lyc. ntuweri-, the noun that underlies the substantivized plural adjective ntuweriha (ntuweri-ha), attested in one of the Lycian inscriptions on the Pillar of Xanthos (T44b: 57): ...se dewe: zxxaza: se ntuweriha: ade: 'and made a dedication*?) to the warriors and to the nt.'s'.i4 In this inscription, context demands a descriptive of people, possibly an occupational term or collective title, and since we are dealing with a substantivized adjective (-ha is an adjective suffix), it seems self-evident that the ntuwerihe are those who possess, belong, or are related to ntuweri-, which might therefore be an attribute, as is -v5up£pi-. The lack of further examples makes it very difficult to unveil the exact meaning of the word, but we have seen in the previous section that Neumann compared Lycian *-up£pi to Hitt. warri- 'help; helpful' and H. Luw. wariya- 'to help'. If we follow his idea, a possible etymology involves analyzing ntuweri- as *nt(e)-(u)weri, with Lyc. nte- 'in(side)' and a reflex of Luwic *(u)wari- 'help', which in turn leads to the possibility of its meaning being 'assistance' or similar.i5 This hypothesis admittedly rests on no independent evidence, but

22 Cf. e.g. Pw-Cap^a; < *Runt(iya)-zarma-, Pwv-5eppe^t; < *Runt(iya)-tarpami-, and Pwv5-|3Lr|; < *Runt(iya)-piya-(see KPN, Melchert 2013: 43 and the interpretations in this section).

23 Alternatively, it is possible that TapKuv5|3eppa; reflect *Tarhunt-warri 'help to Tarhunt'? (Or 'from Tarhunt?') Cf. H. Luw. TONITRUS-hu-wa/i+ra/i-i /Tarhu-warra/i-/ (Hawkins 2000: 192, 534, 537, apud Melchert 2013: 38). If so, a similar explanation is also conceivable for PwvS-peppa;, but not for the other forms.

24 Against this equation one could raise a priori the objection that intervocalic Greek normally renders Lyc. -VbV- rather than -VwV- (cf. Pubieleje > nu|3taAr|L and xntabura = KevSapopa vs. xuwata-je = Koaxa). Yet there is evidence for some oscillation between /|/ and /w/ in Lycian and related dialects. Thus Lycian has xntawa 'to rule' and xntawata 'rule, kingship' but Milyan features both xntaba- 'regulate' > xntabaime/i- 'ruling' and xntawaza-'rule' (Melchert 2004: 84, 136). Likewise, a cognate of Lyc. xntawat(i) surfaces as the personal name r5e|3ext; in Pis-idia, while Mil. xntaba 'ruler' corresponds to Kev5r||3a/r|; (Lycia) and KevSepn; ~ Kev5r||3a/r|; (Cilicia) (KPN §576-5).

25 Melchert (pers. comm.) brings my attention to the Hittite verbal phrase anda warrissa- 'to come to the aid' found in KBo 5.8 i 18-20: sa lu.mes vsvTaggasta=ma kuies erin.mes narAre anda warrissantes eser n=at arha parasesser

it would explain most facts in a satisfactory way. First, in the text in the Pillar of Xanthos it would lead to a plausible interpretation of the word in its context: dewe: zxxaza: se ntuweriha "dedication(?) to the warriors/soldiers and the auxiliaries/auxiliary troops(?)".26 Second, the basic sense of 'assistance' would square well with the semantic structure of the personal names above. Specifically, we could have theophorics with varying divine attributes, such as Pw-Cap^a^ '(Having the) protection of the Stag-god' vs. PwvS(o)peppa^ '(Having the) assistance of the Stag-god', while MoTO-vSopepa^ would make perfect sense as '(Having the) assistance of might'.

The etymology of -vSupepi---vSo/upa/e/npa- must remain hypothetical, but my main

contention is that combinatorial analysis favors their segmentation as such. Therefore, they are not likely to be directly related to the Carian names with ybr- (although they may share a common element), nor do they contain a virtual *-tapara 'ruler', as Houwink ten Cate proposed for PwvS(o)peppa^ (sic) and TapKuvSpeppa^. In conclusion, the Anatolian names discussed in the last two sections must be separated from LA du-pui-re.

6. Lycian Tubure-, -xopopi-, etc.

It is unclear whether Lyc. Tubure- in TL 69,2 (from Kyaneai) is another personal name or a sort of title (see Melchert 2004: 105).27 Milyan features a noun tuburi-, attested in plural, which tips scales in favor of the latter option.

Likely, the same noun is the base of the place-name Tuburehi = Grk. Tupepiaao^. The Greek form must have been adopted from a third language (Carian?) or from a pre-Lycian form that had not undergone the well-known Lycian shift *s > h. Thus, from a Lycian viewpoint, Tuburehi would mean 'of/belonging to Tubur(e)'. Yakubovich (apud Valerio 2007: 5) made the suggestion that the Lycian personal name Tebursseli might be toponymic, built on pre-Lycian *Tebur(e)si = Tupepiaao^ + a Luwic adjectival suffix -li,28 but this cannot be confirmed.

Schurr (2012: 125) collects a possibly related form, the mythological name Toupepi^, from Stephen of Byzantium (s. v. YAa^oi), and at the same time directs our attention to the personal name Ep^aTOpopi^ (KPN §355-30). Interestingly, the latter is attested as a patronymic in an inscription from Tlos: Ep^oKpaT^ Ep^aTOpopio^ 'Hermokrates, son of Ermatoboris'. Colvin (2004: 62) has already suggested that this and other examples where father and son interchange Greek Hermes and the Anatolian Moon-god Arma as elements of their names point to an acknowledged (semantic) connection between the two, but this case opens the special possibility that 'Ep^o-Kpdrn^ 'Might of Hermes' is a translation of *Ep^a-TOpopi^. Similar cases are known: cf. Opvenei^i^ (= virtual Lyc. *Urne-pijemi 'Given by the great one' < Luwic *uranna/i- 'great' + *piyamma/i- 'given'), a Lycian who is the son of MeyiCTToSoTO^ and whose

'But the auxiliary troops of Taggasta who had come to help (my opponents) dispersed' (Hoffner and Melchert 2008: 311). In my opinion, this Anatolian parallel gives some support to the hypothesis that Lyc. ntuweri- is ety-mologically 'assistance, aid'.

26 We might compare typologically the Roman auxiliarii (< Lat. auxilium 'help, assistance') and legiones adiutrices (< adjuvo 'to help'). The latter were "legions raised by the proconsul in the provinces for the purpose of strengthening the veteran army" (Lewis and Short 1891). Cf. also the Anatolian parallel in fn. 25.

27 The word is attested in the supposed genitive form Tubure◊ and accompanies the name of "IpresidaO son of ArmpaO".

28 For another Lycian name formed with -li, cf. perhaps Lyc. Erttimeli = Apxep^Aiv (acc.), based on the divine name Artemis (Melchert 2004: 94; 2013: 37).

name seems to be the Lycian translation of his father's Greek name (see Colvin 2004: 69 for the names and Melchert 2013: 48 for the interpretation). However, the prospect that Lyc. tubure-/*Topopi- means 'might'29 presents a puzzling paradox: it cannot be related to a virtual Carian *-DUbr, but it seems clear from its vocalism that it also has no connection to a virtual Luw. *tapara- 'ruler', nor to the Lycian anthroponym (D)dapara (see the following sections). At best, tubure-/*-Topopi- could have a Carian equivalent in kudtubr (for which see §4).30

7. Alleged Luwian *tapara 'ruler'

Part of Yakubovich's (2002) dossier was drawn from Houwink ten Cate (1961: 158-159 following the work of Bossert), who compiled a small set of onomastic material he thought contained a Luwian noun *tapara 'ruler' ("or the like"), by comparison with Luw. tapar- 'to rule':31

7.1) dAlitapara (dA-li-ta-pa-ra) (KBo 5.1 i 10)

7.2) mPitta/ipara (mPi-it-ta/ti-pa-ra) (Laroche 1966: no. 1030)

7.3) mTiwatapara (mTi-wa-ta-pa-ra) (Laroche 1966: no. 1348)

7.4) mTaprammi (mTap-ra-am-mi) = Hieroglyphic LEPUS+ra/i-mi32

Houwink ten Cate's view also requires revision. His inclusion of mPittapara and mTiwatapara relies on his idea that they present cases of haplology: thus *Pitta-tapara > Pittapara and *Tiwata-tapara > Tiwatapara. This claim is hindered by a number of obstacles. mPitta/ipara is the name of a Kaskaean rebel leader and therefore it is unlikely to have been Luwian. The name of another Kaskaean rebellious chief, mPittaggatalli, justifies a different segmentation, namely the isolation of Pitta- (cf. possibly Hittite pitta- 'allotment, gift'). This would yield as second component -para, which would also be feasible in the case of mTiwatapara < *Tiwata-para, the name of a Hittite landholder.33 Luw. Tiwata 'Sun-god' as a self-standing onomastic element is grounded on H. Luw. SOLIS-wa-ta-muwa /Tiwatamuwa/ 'Tiwad is (my) might' (Laroche 1966: no. 1246). In any case, it should be noted that a segmentation as *Tiwa-tapara is in theory possible, given the existence of an anthroponym Tiwa-sarpa beside mdUTU-sar-pi (*Tiwata-sarpi?) (Laroche 1966: nos. 1344 and 1349).34

The divine name dAlitapara is a hapax in the Middle-Hittite Kizzuwatnaean ritual of Pa-panikri (KBo 5.1). It is more promising in the sense that Ali- might correspond to Luw. al(i)-

29 Perhaps KaSopopi? (KPN §500-16) contains the same element as Epp.axo|3opi?, but it is not to be excluded that this common component consisted only in the string *-o|opi?.

s0 Other names may belong in this dossier as well, but I suspect that only additional epigraphical data would help clarify the issue: cf. Topopopo? (Caria; KPN § 1577) and nepxaxoupapi? (Pisidia; SEG 57: 1620-1621 apud PHI) (see e.g. Blumel 1992: 23 and Schurr 2014).

31 Houwink ten Cate also cites a divine-name *160-tapara, which is nowadays read as DEUS.VITIS-ti-PRAE-ia-= *Tipariya-, presumably a wine-god (see Hawkins 2000: 97) and hence to be excluded.

32 See McMahon (1991: 53-54). This name appears in a biscriptal seal from Ugarit (RS 17.231), but also in the seal impression (Sob II 92) of a tablet from Bogazkoy (KUB 25.32) and on Bogazkoy socle 2.

ss See also Schuler (1965: 106-107). Melchert (forthcoming) has now argued that C. Luw. par(a)- means 'carry' (< PIE *bher-). This would permit us to interpret tentatively mTiwata-para as 'Brought forth by Tiwat' on the same model as *Tarhu-piya 'Given by Tarhu(nt)' (for which see Melchert 2013: 47-48), while mPitta/ipara can perhaps, mutatis mutandis, be compared to Grk. Awpo-^opo? 'Gift-carrying'. The exact morphological details escape me.

34 See Laroche (1966: nos. 1344 and 1349).

'high'?,35 but, since it would now be our only genuine example of *-tapara in names, we should be cautious.

The personal name Taprammi was used by a high-ranking contemporary of king Tud-haliya IV. I suspect the least problematic way to analyze it is along the same lines as H. Luw. Pi-ha-mi (Melchert 2013: 34). The latter is cognate with C. Luw. piha(i)mma/i- 'imbued with splendor, resplendent',36 a denominative adjective constructed from the noun *piha- 'splendor' (see Melchert 1993a: 176).37 In our case, *Taprammi would mean 'imbued with tapra-, which ironically can only be conciliated with *tapara if we assume some irregular syncope.

8. Lycian Dapara

Houwink ten Cate (1965: 118, 159) and Yakubovich (2002: 95-96; 2009b: 231) connect the alleged Luwian onomastic element *tapara- 'ruler'? to the Lycian personal name Dapara, which is rendered as Aanapac in Greek in a Lycian bilingual inscription from Karmylessos (TL 6).38 As we will see (§10), Yakubovich (2009b: 231) now proposes the source of both to be pre-Luw. *dabara- 'power' (vel. sim).

The first obstacle to this etymology, as noted by Yakubovich (2002: 96, n. 10) himself, is that the medial Grk. n corresponds to Lyc. -p-, not -b-, thus indicating a voiceless bilabial stop that is inconsistent with the voiced sound of his Pre-Luw. *dabara- > Luw. *tapara- /tabara/.

The second obstacle lies in the interpretation of the initial dental. In synchronic terms, the equation Dapara = Aanapac has been cited as proof of the widely accepted notion that Lyc. d denotes a phoneme [5]. This phonological interpretation is likely, but, based on other evidence (namely borrowings and the distribution of Lyc. d and t39), not on this pair. Paradoxically, it seems typologically strange that Lyc. [5], a voiced non-sibilant coronal fricative, would cause a lambdacist spelling in Greek. In theory, Grk. 5, which represented a voiced coronal stop /d/, would be the optimal choice for rendering [5]; resorting to A = /l/ for a coronal fricative would seem to me justified only in the event that it had a lateral articulation, i.e. if it was pronounced at least some of the time as a lateral coronal fricative [^].40 Moreover, regardless of the precise pronunciation of d, it is obviously a Lycian sound. The very old theory that d ~ A indicate different strategies of rendering a special "substratum" sound (see e.g. Heubeck 1957) would only make sense if Lyc. Dapara and Grk. Aanapac were independent transcriptions of a foreign

35 Strauss (2006: 304) credits Hutter (with ref. to Zinko 1994: 76) with the interpretation of dAlitapara as a "Mischkompositum" from Hurr. allai- 'Herrin' and Luw. tapara 'Fluch', but the actual form of the latter is taparu-'something evil' (Melchert 1993a: 207-208).

36 Melchert (2013).

37 The noun *piha- is unattested but its existence is well-grounded on onomastics (ibid.).

38 Neumann (2007: 36) cites three other examples of Aanapa; in Greek inscriptions (in Rhodes, Palaia Isauria and Letoon/Xanthos), but cf. also Aandpa; (Myra, 2nd cent. BCE; Petersen and von Luschan 1889 apud PHI) and Aandpai (dat. sg.) (Telmessos, 183/4 BCE; Clara Rhodos 2 (1932) 172,3 apud PHI).

39 See Van den Hout (1995) and Melchert (2008: 49). On one hand, Iranian /d/ is transcribed with the digraph nt-, not d, in the Lycian rendering of the name of Darius, Ntarijeus- (cf. Mod. Greek NxdvieA instead of **AdvieA for Daniel, because 5 = [6]). On the other hand, Iranian 9 could be adapted as d, as seen in Lyc. xssadrapa-/xssadrapa- 'satrap' < Ir. *xsa9ra-pa-van 'protector of the kingdom/power'.

40 This is the case of Amis, an Austronesian language of Taiwan, in which [6], [6], and [d] constitute different dialectal pronunciations of /6/ (Maddieson and Wright 1995: 47). In fact, the articulation of and [6] is so close that these two sounds are not found to contrast in any language in the UPSID sample of 451 world languages (Maddieson 1984).

name (with a foreign sound), from a third source. Since to my knowledge there is no evidence for a third, non-IE language in Lycia as late as the second half of the 1st millennium BCE, this theory is unfounded. Most likely, Dapara is simply a Lycian name that was Hellenized in the bilingual and A the Greek rendering of Lyc. d. It is true that Lyc. d is normally rendered with Grk. 5 (cf. Edrijeuse-hn > 'I5pi£uc/'E5pi£uc; Esedepleme/i / Sedeplmmi > Aa£5£nA^^LC; Idazzala > Ei5aaaaAa), but there is also the case of Xesntedi > K£aiv5nAic,41 suggesting that in certain cases (allophonically?) Lyc. d might have been pronounced as something other than a nonsibilant coronal fricative.

Two points that usually go unmentioned in discussions of Dapara are: 1) Lycian avoids word-initial d-; 2) when words beginning with geminate dd- follow a copulative se, the two fuse and de-gemination takes place: cf. ddewe > se=dewe (see Melchert 2004: 9). Dapara too follows a copulative, se=dapara (ibid.: 92), so its actual self-standing form must be *Ddapara. This has implications for the etymology and pronunciation of the name. There is the possibility that Lyc. ddV- reflects earlier *VdV-, and therefore I would like to suggest as a working hypothesis that *Ddapara contains Ida-, a fairly common Luwic formant of names that appears in Hel-lenized transcriptions as I5(a)-/Ei5(a)-. This suggestion finds a degree of support in Myl. Ddxug[a], which, despite being damaged, invites a comparison with Car. dquq and Greek-written I5ayuyoc (as proposed tentatively by Adiego 1995: 27, n. 9). Notice that the segmentation of the Carian name as d-quq is independently supported by the existence of quq as a self-standing name. The term of comparison is the abovementioned Lyc. Ida-zzala > Ei5a-aaaAa, alongside Zzala > LaAac (see Adiego 2007: 334). If this proposition is correct, what we have is *Idapara > Ddapara, with the same kind of (accent-driven?) aphaeresis seen in Mylian and Carian. Given the Lycian avoidance of initial d-, we would expect this consonant to undergo gemination after aphaeresis in order to keep up with the phonotactic demands of the language (Van den Hout 1995: 135).

Irrespective of the etymology of (se=)dapara, it seems that the A of Aanapac renders the "simple" intervocalic d, possibly owing to circumstances like those of Xesntedi > K£aiv5nAic (if the latter is not the result of dissimilation).42 Just why intervocalic d would be perceived as a close to a Greek lateral must remain a matter of speculation,43 but based on the present analysis I would keep Ddapara separated from *tapara-.

9. Cilician Tp£pa/n-

Houwink ten Cate (1961: 159) analyzed as compounds with Luw. *tapara- four personal names from Hellenistic Cilicia: Tp£pao^Tac (*Tapara-zita/i), Tp£pn^woxc (*Tapara-muwa+zi), Pwv5p£ppac (*Ru(n)-tapara), and TapKuv5p£ppac (*Tarhu(nt)-tapara). The last two names were already treated in §5, so this section deals with the other two. The starting point is the combinatorial comparison with other Greek-written Anatolian anthroponyms:

41 For all these onomastic forms see Melchert (2004).

42 However, I would not entirely exclude that Xesntedi > KeaivS^At; involves some kind of dissimilation of the voiced coronal fricative because of the preceding voiced coronal stop.

43 I would at least annotate the possibility that, in this position and in fast-speech, the sound may have been flapped. A similar explanation could account for the match between the Carian place-name MuAaaa (Mylasa) and the Mutamutassa from cuneiform sources (via *Mudasa?) (see Carruba 1996: 23, apud Adiego 2007: 342), if the equation is valid.

Tpepri-^-oK44 (* T.-muwa-zi-) 'Man of t. might' Tpepa-oriTa;45 (*T.-zita-) ' T. man'

O^pa-po-or; / Onpa-^oua-ai?46 OuTCQa-oT|Ta;47

(* Uppara-muwa-zi-) (*Uppara-zita-)

'Man of superior might' 'Superior man'

nop5a-|aoa-aL<;48 (P.-muwa-zi) 'Man of p. might' nop5a-oT|Ta; (* P.-zita-) ' P. man'

The patterning of these names implies that Tpepa/^- is an adjective qualifying the named individual or his might. Possibly, it contains the PIE adjectival suffix -ro-, also seen in Luwic *uppara- 'superior' (< PIE *upero-) (Melchert 2013: 44), but this is less than certain. A priori, *'Man with a ruler's might' or *'Ruler man' are acceptable meanings for TpepnM^0^ and TpepaonTa^, respectively. Besides clarifying the morphological and semantic structure, the above comparisons also supply us with phonological clues. By Hellenistic times Luwic *uppara (VCVRV) has been ubiquitously reduced to 0(u)npa- (VCRV) in the onomastics of Lycia, Pamphylia, Isauria and Cilicia, probably through accent-driven syncope.49 If we transport these observations to our case, it seems expectable that *tapara- would resurface not as Tpepa/^-, but rather as **TVppa-, in Hellenistic Cilician onomastics. Even if we started with *tapra-, Lycian niypa^o^ (*Pihra-muwa) suggests that, at least in Lycia, the outcome would have been **TVppa-. It stands to reason that Tpepa/^- must reflect something else.

The key is the cluster Tp-. A survey of late Greek-written Anatolian onomastics in PHI reveals that it is very rare:

Region Anthroponym Reference

Caria KuxpeAn^i; / KoxpeA^^o; KPN §771 / Myl 12.14 apud Blumel (1992)

Caria [Kjuaxpn; (acc. Kuax|3r|v) KPN §765

Caria LayyoxpnnQL; Myl 12.3 apud Blumel (1992)

Pisidia Tpnun; / (in patr. T|3r|K£ou;) KPN §1522

Cilicia *T|3<xit-; (in patr. Tpwro;) Bean-Mitford (1970: 185,205, apud PUT)

Cilicia *T|3lo; (in patr. T|iou) KPN §1523

Cilicia *T|3epaoT|Ta; (in patr. T|3epaor|Ta) KPN §1521-2

Cilicia T|3epr|K«CTL; (in gen. T|3epr|K«CTLo<;) KPN §1521-1

44 KPN §1521-2.

45 KPN §1521-1.

46 KPN §1099-4, 7.

47 KPN §1099-11.

48 Dagron and Feissel (1987: no. 11a). The reading given is nopSapoaeio; (patronymic), but in my opinion, the photograph provided permits us to correct it to nopSa^oaaio?.

49 Differently Pisidian Ounep-, now persuasively explained by Adiego (2012: 20) as a secondary development *Uppara > Upra (Ounpa) > *Upr- > Ounep-, only in compounds. Melchert (2013: 44) reaches a similar conclusion independently. It remains to be seen whether Oppa/i- (seen e.g. in O|3paor|Ta;) belongs here. If it were so, we would probably have to assume a voicing of *VprV > -VbrV- motivated by a prohibition of voiceless stops between a vowel and a sonorant in the underlying Luwic dialect(s).

Let us put the evidence from Caria aside for a moment. Some of the names from Pisidia and Cilicia elicit comparisons with other anthroponyms that might help unveil the historical source of the cluster:

K|- T|- Tou-

LYC. Kpat^LOç50 PIS. T|3nm<; / *T|3r|^L<; PIS. *TourmLÇ51

ISAUR. *K|3taç52 CIL. *T|3LOÇ

LYC. K|3aSr|ç53 CIL. *T|3WT-Ç

These potential correspondences suggest that TpV from Pisidia and Cilicia can also appear in roughly the same area as touV, but matches KpV from Lycia and Isauria.54 In this way, they evoke the different outcomes of P.-Anat. dwV (or unstressed duwV) in Lycian and Milyan. As is well-known, Milyan features tbV, probably /t^V/, where Lycian has kbV, likely /c^V/ with a palatal stop:55 cf. Mil. tbisu vs. Lyc. kbihu 'twice' (< *dwisu-).56 In fact, among the personal names in the table, / can be compared to Lyc. kbije 'another, second' (< *dwiyo-) and probably means 'second-born child'.57 Further potential matches are possible if we take all this into consideration.

K|- T|- Tou-

LYC. Kpat^LOç58 PIS. T|3rim<; / *T|3r|^L<; PIS. *Tour|HL<;

ISAUR. *K|3taç (cf. Lyc. kbije 'another; second') CIL. *T|3LOÇ

LYC. K|3aSr|ç CIL. *T|3wt-ç (cf. H. Luw. PN Tu-wa/i-ti59 and Mil. Tuwada60)

LYC. K|3a-|aoaç61 PIS. Toua-^ou-at;62

Lyc. kbatra 'daughter' < *twatra < *tuwatra LYCAON. Touaxpt;63 < *tuwatri(ya)- 'daughterly'? (or 'little daughter'?)

50 KPN §562.

51 MAMA VIII 358 apud PHI.

52 KPN §563.

53 KPN §560. Cf. also Melchert (2004: 106).

54 I follow Melchert (2013: 31) in his cautious note that assignment of Greek-transmitted names to specific Anatolian languages can be done only in variable degrees of assurance, hence my use of e.g. 'in/from Lycia' instead of 'Lycian'.

55 Kloekhorst (2008a: 125). Melchert (2008: 49) speaks of a "front velar".

56 It is important to stress that if Lycian k really represents a palatal stop /c/, then in theory it could also have been transcribed with t in Greek. In this case, t|3 would have been used for /c^/ as well. I thank Adiego (pers. comm.) for pointing this out.

57 As suggested by Shevoroshkin (1978: 247). For a typological parallel cf. Latin numerical names Primus, Secundus, and so forth.

58 In this case, it must be noticed that, alongside Pisidian r|3at|j.Lo; (KPN §205), K|3at|j.Lo; might reflect Lyc. xba- instead of kba-.

59 Hawkins (2000: 308)

60 Melchert (2004: 106).

61 KPN §563.

62 Brixhe et al. (1987: no. 26).

63 KPN §1585-3.

If this is correct, then names written with TpV in Caria ought to find a similar explanation. It seems to be the case. KuTpeAn^io^ and KoTpeAn^o^ are known to match the Carian personal name qtblem- (Adiego 1993: 235; 2007: 408), but these seem moreover analogous to Mil. qetbeleimi- (as first seen by Shevoroshkin 1978: 252). Melchert (2004: 126) considers the latter to be an adjective (attested twice in plural), but attempts no translation. I would like to propose that both the Carian and the Mylian items go back to a Proto-Luwic participial adjective *Hwitwalaim(a/i)- 'vivified, animated' (or sim.). I base this on a hypothetical denominative verb *Hwitwalai- 'to make be alive, vivify', ultimately from a P.-Luwic adjective *Hwitwal(i)-, which survived in C. Luw. huitwal(i)- 'alive, living' (for the latter see Melchert 1993a: 84).64 I believe this etymology is not difficult to harmonize with current views on Mylian and Carian phonology65 and implicates a regular development P.-Anat. *dwV > Car. / Mil. tbV.

LayyoTpnnQL^, also from Caria, is opaque, but it can be segmented as Layyo-TpnnQi- in the light of Layyw^ (KPN §1369), another Greek-written Carian name.66 I will only note that this *Tpnnpi- might be cognate with Cilician Tpepa/n- and that nothing a priori prevents it from having Proto-Luwic status.67

This digression reinforces the notion that TpV conceals etymological P.-Anat. *dwV, including instances from unstressed *duwV. Thus Cilician Tpepa/n- is not likely to derive from a virtual Luw. *tapara, but rather from a Proto-Anatolian adjective whose form is close to *d(u)wara-. Based on this reconstruction, I would like to suggest an Anatolian reflex of PIE *dwehi-ro- 'long (of time and space)', cognate with Grk. (Doric 5papov) 'long', Skt. dura

'far (of time and space)', and Arm. erkar (*< dwar?) 'long'.68 Tpepn^wai^ and TpepaonTa^ would make perfect sense as 'Man of long-lasting might' and 'Long-lasting man'. The immediate obstacle is that no direct descendant of P.-Anat. *dwara- is attested among the Anatolian languages, but this absence is mitigated by the existence of the Hittite adverb tuwa 'far' (with Kloekhorst 2008b: 904-905, compare Attic 5^v and Doric 5odv/5dv 'long, for a long while; far') and the adjective tuwala- 'far' (see Tischler 1994: 486-489). We may add C. Luw. duwazza-, traditionally translated as 'wide', but now argued by Yakubovich (2013b: 163-164) to be an absolute superlative 'the most wide, broad'. The PIE etymon is thus well represented in Anatolia. In theory, if Luwian possessed an adjective *tuwala- 'far, long, wide' like Hittite, then it

64 For C. Luw. huitwal(i)- 'alive, living', see Melchert 1993a: 84. For the etymology see Puhvel (1991: 354-355) and Kloekhorst (2008b: 355-356). More tentatively, P.-Luwic *Hwitwal(i)-, if it ever was an a-stem, could also be the source of the personal name KoxopaAw; (Caria; I. Amyzon 2.4), probably a match for Car. qtblo (see Adiego 2007: 408, with refs.); likewise, Koxo|3r|Ou; (Lydia; KPN §707-1) might be a variant of Carian Kuax|3r|; = qutbe (ibid.). However, in these two cases the cluster -t|3V- would appear broken with a labial vowel in the Greek transcription (-TO|V-).

65 Cf. the fate of the Storm-god's name: Lyc. trqqnt, Car. trqS, Luw. Tarhunt- < P.Anat. *trHwant- (Kloekhorst 2008a: 138; see also Adiego 2007: 331-332). Mylian is written with the Lycian alphabet, so that Myl. q should represent a sound close to that of Lyc. q, which according to Kloekhorst (2008a: 124-125) was a labialized velar /kw/ < P.-Anat. /HW:/. Car. q is interpreted a possible uvular stop by Adiego (2007: 244) and as a labialized velar by Kloekhorst (2008a: 138).

66 Attested in patronymic form: LayywSo; (see Blumel 1992: 21).

67 *-TpnnQL- is also reminiscent of Car. tbridbSs (at Memphis), possibly a papponym or appellative (Adiego 2007: 273, 421). A priori, if tbr(i)° is somehow related to *-t|3t|Ql-, then we would expect **tberidbSs, since Grk. n systematically reflects Car. e (Adiego 2007: 236). However, it cannot be excluded that in tbridbSs some sort of vowel reduction took place because of stress (I thank Adiego for pointing this out to me in a pers. comm.).

68 For the PIE root and derivatives, see Mallory and Adams (1997: 356-357; 2006: 298-299); for the Armenian etymology see Martirosyan (2010: 266-267).

might have undergone the characteristic "flapping" l > r, as well as syncope, thereby yielding a form *tuwara- that would explain our Cilician Трера/^--

Regardless of the future of this hypothesis,69 the point to be retained is that Трерпм^ог^ and Трераа^та^ are unlikely to contain a reflex of *tapara 'ruler'.

10. Hittite l/tabarna- and Luwian (:)tapar- 'to rule'

It is well known that l/tabarna- was used as a title by Hittite monarchs since the Old Hittite period and was apparently the personal name of at least one early king. Almost all rulers of Hatti down to the fall of Hattusa bore it, the exceptions being Suppiluliuma I and his immediate successors (Soysal 2005: 189-190). This has elicited the comparison with the case of Roman Caesar (> German Kaiser 'Emperor'; Russian царь 'Czar'), which began as a cognomen and evolved to an imperial title (Tischler 1988: 348-349). According to the CHD (L-N: 43), the distribution of the lexeme in Hittite "seems to confirm the theory that labarna or tabarna" was initially a personal name borne by an early ruler, but afterwards became the traditional title of the king of Hatti as a means of establishing a dynastic link with the ancestral Labarna. Besides Hittite, l/tabarna- appears in Hattic, Akkadian, Palaic, Luwian, and possibly Hurrian (see Soy-sal 2005 for a useful list of the attestations of the word). Hittite uses both spellings, but the remaining languages all spell the word exclusively with ta-, with the exception of Luwian, in which only the variant with la- is attested.70 A detailed account of the myriad of attempts to etymologize l/tabarna- in the Hittitological literature would make this survey too long, so I will focus only on those with ramifications for the present discussion.71

Non-IE etymologies of l/tabarna- include the hypothesis of a Hattic loanword in the IE Anatolian languages (among others, see recently Soysal 2005 and Kassian 2009-2010: 357-362), but no proposal has ever brought forth a full explanation of its meaning and morphology in acceptable Hattic terms.72 Of course, on its own this does not prove that the word is not Hattic.

Credit is due to Carruba (1986: 203f, apud Melchert 2003a: 18) for demonstrating that the t-/l- orthographic alternation, peculiar to the Hittite spellings of the title, has no parallel in the various Hattic borrowings in Hittite. Starting from the consensus that Proto-Anatolian *d was devoiced to t word-initially in Hittite and Luwian, Melchert (2003a: 18-19) has suggested an alternative account. He argues that if devoicing occurred first in "pre-Hittite", then a hypothetical "pre-Luwian" form *dabarna- would have been borrowed into pre-Hittite as labarna-, with /l/ as a substitute for "foreign" word-initial /d/. To account for all facts, he further postulates (following an idea by Tischler) that Hitt. labarna- "was later (but still prehistorically) altered to tabarna- by association with the Luwo-Hitt. verb tapar(r)iya)- 'to rule'," when the de-voicing of initial *d had already taken place in the latter language. Contrary to certain claims, Melchert's hypothesis is typologically sound. It finds support in Lydian, which borrowed the

69 Melchert (pers. comm.) suggests as alternative comparandum Lyc. tuwere/i. I think that this is formally tempting and worth mentioning as a possibility, but the sense is unclear and, in my opinion, the suggested meaning 'celebrant' (or sim.), or person "responsible for prescribed offerings" (see Melchert 2004: 74, with refs.) would not square well with the semantics we expect for TpepriH^at; / T|3epaor|Ta;.

70 The primacy of labarna- in Luwian seems to have lasted beyond the Empire period, as early 1st millennium Assyrian texts (see RIMA 3) mention Lubarna, the name (or title?) of a king of Pattin/Unqu.

71 A relatively recent summary from the beginnings of the discipline onward is given in Soysal (2005: fn. 7), but cf. also Tischler (1991: 34, 116-119) and CHD L-N: 43.

72 Thus Soysal (2005), for example, interprets the title as a half-obscure ta=par=na 'the thousand na' without being able to explain the alleged morpheme -na.

Aeolic Greek divine names Aa^dTap (gen. Ad^aTpoc) 'Demeter' and Aeuc 'Zeus' respectively as lametru and lefs/lews. Apparently, Lydian prohibited the voiced coronal stop in initial position (Melchert 2003b: 181, fn. 13; Yakubovich 2005: 87, n. 50). Accordingly, Lyd. d, which can occur at the beginning of words, is thought to represent a coronal fricative /5/, while actual [d] would have existed only as an allophone of /t/ in certain environments (thus being spelled with t), but not word-initially (Melchert 2008: 58-59). The use of Lyd. /l-/ as the optimal replacement for Grk. /d-/ is not without parallels in contemporary languages.73 The main issue with Melchert's hypothesis is that it requires demonstration that the devoicing of initial stops is a post-Proto-Anatolian development that took place separately in Hittite and Luwian.

Whatever the phonological explanation, if labarna- was the original form, then it is tempting to think it was later changed to tabarna- by folk etymology, under the influence of tapar(r)iya- 'rule, authority'. If this is the case, it seems more likely that it was contaminated in its usage as a royal title. There are facts that mitigate both in favor and against this notion, but it would be beyond the scope of this paper to review them in detail.74 What is significant for our current purposes is the distinct possibility that the t-/l- alternation is not the reflex of different Hittite strategies to spell a special sound of a non-IE word from some ad hoc linguistic adstrate, such as a voiceless lateral affricate /H/75 or a voiced coronal fricative /5/. Together with the above analyses of AapupivBoc and Dapara/Aanapac,, this makes it even more difficult to maintain LA du-pui-re and Hittite l/tabarna- as manifestations of the same contact word.

As hinted above, Hittite and Luwian possess an array of lexemes routinely involved in attempts to etymologize l/tabarna-. Their revision is not of secondary importance, as we are trying to determine whether they can all be connected to a traveling contact word associated with kingship. The most original forms appear to be Luw. (:)tapar- 'to rule' and Luwo-Hitt. tapar(r)iya- 'order, ruling; authority', which yields denominative verb tapar(r)iya(i)- 'to order, rule' (geminated -rr- is secondary; see Kloekhorst 2008b: 830). The last two have cognates in H. Luwian: LEPUS+ra/i-ia-76 or *tapariya- 'authority' and ("LIGNUM".)LEPUS+ra/i-(ia-) or *tapari(ya)- 'to decree, govern, with its reduplicated form *tatapari(ya)-. I would also include here the C. Luwian noun taparamman- 'ruling, governing' which on the model of ahra- 'pain,

73 For instance, Yaqui (a Uto-Aztecan language of NW Mexico) replaced foreign [d] with either [r] or [l] in Spanish loanwords: cf. Yaqui lios < Sp. dios 'god' (Estrada Fernández 2009: 834, 844-846). The deployment of [l] as substitute for a dental stop is unsurprising, since lateral approximants are routinely articulated with an occlusion — the defining feature of stops — in the dental/alveolar region (Ladefoged and Maddieson 1996: 182-183). The preference for [l] over [t] (the voiceless dental/alveolar stop) as a substitute is also acceptable if we assume that in [d] the feature of voicing was perceptually favored by native speakers of Lydian.

74 Yakubovich (2009b: 230) objects that altering the king's title would have constituted an unacceptable case of laesio majestatis. This is not an issue if we assume the contamination operated in Luwian after it borrowed Hitt. labarna: foreignisms are often opaque and thus more liable to folk etymology. English has a ready parallel in sovereign (< Mid. Eng. souerain < Old Fr. soverain 'princely, chief' < Late Lat. *super-anus 'chief, highest'), an opaque Gallicism altered under influence of the unrelated reign (< Lat. regnare 'to have royal power, rule') (Skeat 1993 [1884]: 479 and Fowler et al. 2011 [1911]: 834). I know of no record of an English monarch feeling offended after being referred to as sovereign. The problem is that we would have to assume that tabarna- emerged in Luwian (where it left no traces) and then was re-borrowed into Hittite when Luwian had already become a prestige language.

75 The idea of a "/tl/" sound is as early as Forrer (1922: 183, n. 1) and has often been repeated in the literature (e.g. Tischler 1988: 350). For the explicit proposal of /ti/ see e.g. Kloekhorst (2008b: 521).

76 The reading of the logogram LEPUS as *tapa- is well-established, but its motivation remains obscure. Different attempts to connect a hypothetical Luw. *tap(p)a- 'hare' to Latin lepus or Armenian napastak (dialectal lapustrak, labastag) have, all of them, problems (see e.g. Arbeitman 1988: 77 and Katz 2001: 216 apud Yakubovich 2002: 98). In fact, by comparison with Massiliot Grk. AepnQÍ;, Lat. lepus, -oris might be a borrowing from a non-IE western European language (see de Vaan 2008: 335).

woe' > ahramman- 'state of pain' (see Melchert 1993a: 4-5) points to a noun *tapara- 'rule'. These words have a number of secondary derivatives in both Hittite and Luwian.77

Although all members of this group seem interrelated, it is not easy to explain them as derivatives from a single common source. The main issue is the difficulty to associate C. Luw. tapar- 'to rule' with Luwo-Hitt. tapar(r)iya- 'rule, authority' morphologically, despite obvious semantic ties. For Oettinger (1979: 384, apud Starke 1990: 259-260), the athematic stem of tapar-is structurally atypical of PIE-inherited verbal forms in Luwian, whence he concludes it most likely is of secondary origin. This idea was followed by Starke (ibid.), who argued that tapar-was back-formed from Luw. tapar(r)iya(i)- 'to rule' (which in turn is a denominative verb from the noun tapar(r)iya-) on the model of verbs like lawarr(iya)- 'destroy(?)', but his proposal faces serious morphological obstacles.78 Still, the notion that tapar- is a secondary form based on tapar(r)iya(i)- remains the most economical.79 According to Melchert (1997: 87-88), tapar- is a non-present stem back-formed from a present stem tapari(ya)-80 by analogy with Luwian pairs of unextended non-present vs. extended present, such as Luw. kup- / *kupiya- 'to plot, scheme' (cf. also Hitt. karus-ten / karussiye- 'to be silent'). If Melchert is correct, then both verbal stems ultimately go back to the noun tapariya-.

In the meantime, for l/tabarna- itself Melchert (1993b: 107; 1997: 87-88; 2003a: 19) suggests an IE etymology partially linked to attempts by several scholars (starting with Hrozny 1917, apud Tischler 1991: 118) of connecting Luw. tapar- to Latin faber 'artificer',81 Old Church Slavonic dobr-b 'good' and Middle High German tapfer 'massive, firm; brave'. He reconstructs a PIE adjective *dhab(h)-ro-82 'capable' as the source of a virtual substantivized adjective *tapar-'powerful', which in turn would have yielded tapar-iya- '(sphere of) command' through the adjectival suffix -iya- (cf. C. Luw. tummantiya- 'obedience' < tummant- 'ear, hearing'; Melchert 1990: 91). The semantic and morphological aspects of this scenario need a brief comment. Se-

77 For the cuneiform material see Tischler (1991: 116), Melchert (1993a: 203) and Kloekhorst (2008: 829-830); for the forms in H. Luwian, see Hawkins (2000: 629-630). As regards the remaining Anatolian relatives, Hittite has the agent noun Lttapariyalli- 'commander' (< *tapariya-) and the gloss-wedge form (:)taparammahit- 'position of commanding', probably a Luwian borrowing derived from taparamman on the model of handawat(i)- 'king' > *handawatahit- 'kingdom'. H. Luwian also has the agent noun LEPUS+ra/i-ia-li- = *tapariyal(i)- 'governor' (= Luwo-Hitt. Lttapariyalli-), which produces the factitive verb LEPUS+ra/i-ia-la- = *tapariyala- 'to be/make governor', as well as LEPUS-pa+ra/i-hi- = *taparahit- '(position of) authority' (nom.-acc. sg.), which is independent from Luwo-Hitt. (:)taparamma-hit-, and the hapax LEPUS-RA/I-ta-na = *taparitan 'authority (acc. sg.)'?. The latter is at first sight baffling, but I think Yakubovich's (pers. comm.) suggestion that it this a syncopated version of the noun *tapari(ya)ta-'command' is compelling; the process would be analogous to that of Hitt. *piyatta- > pitta- 'allotment, gift' (see Puhvel 1979: 213).

78 Starke's argument is that this verb's infinitive, lauwarruna, is identical with that of tapar-, taparuna (he also cites (:)palha and its inf. palhuna, but according to Melchert 1993a: 164 there is no stem *palhiya- attested for this verb). This is complicated by the fact that the two verbs are conjugated with different stems in the Pret. 3rd sg: (:)ta-pa-ar-ta ~ ta-par-ta vs. la-wa-ar-ri-it-ta (Melchert 1993a: 126, 207).

79 For Kloekhorst (2008b: 831), tapar- could be from an IE source only if its stem was /tbar-/, from a root of the structure *Tb(h)er- (where T = dental stop). However, he admits that if tapar- is IE he cannot offer plausible cognates and, more importantly, his treatment does not exclude back-formation as a way to account for its atypical structure.

80 According to Melchert (1997: 87), seventeen out of eighteen attestations of (:)tapar- are non-presents.

81 Armenian darbin 'smith' has since long been cited as a cognate of Lat. faber (Meillet 1894: 165, apud Schri-jver 1991: 102), but Melchert (2003a: 19, fn. 18) rejects this on phonological grounds. Yakubovich (2002: 103, fn. 26, owing to a suggestion by Kassian; 2009: 267-268) proposes the Armenian word to be a borrowing from an Urar-tian cognate of Hurr. tabrinni- 'blacksmith'.

82 For those skeptical about both *a and *b as PIE phonemes, this would naturally be *dhebh-ro-.

mantics are less problematic if with Melchert (pers. comm.) one assumes *dhab(h)ro- had a semantic range similar to that of German tüchtig 'capable; big; good', which can explain the diversification to Lat. faber 'artificer (skillful working with various materials)', OCS dobrb- 'good' and virtual Luw. *tapar- 'powerful', although MHG tapfer 'valiant' < 'heavy' (< P.-Germanic *dapra-'heavy'; see Kroonen 2013: 89) remains difficult. But the real conundrum lies in morphology. In order to maintain the development PIE *dhab(h)-ro- > P. Anat. *dabro- > Luw. *tapar-, Melchert (1993b) needs to resort to his Anatolian "law of finals", according to which *Cro- would have regularly shifted to Car-. Yet this rule is not consensual and a possible counterexample is found in Hitt. gim(ma)ra- 'countryside, field' and C. Luw. im(ma)ra- 'open country' < PIE *gHm-ro-P In addition, we have seen that C. Luw. taparamman- points to a noun *tapara- 'rule' which is also able to account for tapariya- (< *tapar(a)-iya-), but can hardly be the outcome of PIE*dhab(h)-ro-, or, for that matter, reconciled with *tapra-, the presumable component of the name Taprammi.

Interestingly, Yakubovich (2009b: 216, n. 11; 231) now traces l/tabarna- back to pre-Luw. *dabra- 'rule' and considers his earlier *dabara- as a secondary formation by analogy with the vocalism of *dabar-na. His revision, which is only secondarily concerned with the etymology of the word,84 is based on four Anatolian anthroponyms attested in the Old Assyrian sources of the early 2nd millennium BCE: Supilapra, Walapra, Wasatapra, and Watapra (spelled with sign DA/tA).85 In Yakubovich's opinion, Walapra and Watapra are variants of the same name and contain an independent element l/tapra, corresponding to Luw. *dabra- 'rule'. The alternating spellings, much like l/tabarna-, would indicate hesitations in transcribing an early Luwian voiced *d by speakers of Hittite. Some reservations must be expressed, however. First: while Supilapra is probably Hittite,86 it is not clear if the remaining names are Hittite, Luwian, or something else (e.g. Hurrian). Second: it is not certain that lapra and tapra are correctly segmented and (should they be Hittite) represent a Luwian borrowing. In the case of *Wa-lapra/*Wa-tapra it is not obvious what would Wa- be, and Kassian (2009-2010: 358-359) duly notes that *Wala-pra/*Wata-pra are also possible segmentations. Third: we are dealing with early 2nd-millennium BCE texts written in the Old Assyrian language and script, which possesses unambiguous means of transcribing a voiced stop /d/; therefore, one would need to assume the scribes involved were not Assyrians, but Nesites working for the Assyrians and struggling to write Luwian onomastics with a foreign sound. Tempting as it is to posit pre-Luw. dabra- > tapra-, the evidence is not uncontroversial and, even if *dabra existed as a self-standing element, there are no grounds to assume its meaning was 'rule'.

It is worthwhile pointing out that, regardless of which source one prefers, Melchert's or Yakubovich's, there is an explanation — if only theoretical — of how l/tabarna- might have

83 I find compelling the proposed connection with PIE *gheim- 'winter' (cf. Hitt. gimmant- 'winter'), whence *ghim-ro- *'wintery (steppe)' > 'open country' (Benveniste apud Puhvel 1997: 179).

84 It is only in a footnote that Yakubovich retrieves his 2002 suggestion that this and other (allegedly) related forms "may have a non-Indo-European, "Minoan" origin".

85 Spellings of these names and texts where they appear (apud Yakubovich 2009b: Table 25): Su-pi-lá-áp-ra (KUG 8.7, in Hecker 1966: 13); Wa-lá-áp-ra-a (TC 3 191.22, in Ulshofer 1995: 316); Wa-sa-tap-ra (Kt 89/k 383 2, in Donbaz 1993: 134); Wa-tá-áp-ra (CCT 1 6c.13, in Eisser and Lewy 1930: 20).

86 Supi-lapra seems to contain suppi- 'pure', which in the texts of the imperial period occurs exclusively in Hittite. Zehnder (2010: 7) claims that suppi- has no valid IE etymology. Nevertheless, in the Karum-period it occurs in personal names with transparent Anatolian etymologies. Hence, mSuppi-uman ('of the pure one') is formed through the addition of the well-known Hittite ethnic suffix; likewise, fSuppi-nika ('sister of the pure one') contains the exclusively Nesite -nika. mSuppi-hsu ('male offspring of the pure one') and mSuppi-hsusar ('female offspring of the pure one') contain forms of *h(a)su-, a noun comparable to H. Luw. (NEPOS)hasu- 'progeny, descendant' (for these cases see Melchert 2003a: 16-17, Yakubovich 2009b: 216-217 and Zehnder 2010: 278-279).

been derived in Anatolian terms. It was formulated by Starke (1980-1983: 406) based on the parallel of C. Luw. im(ma)ra- 'open country' > *immar-na > dImmarn-iya '(deity) of the open country'. It works with Yakubovich's *dabra- if the vocalism of *dabarna- was the outcome of anaptyxis after the syllabification of interconsonantal /r/: pre-Luw. *dabr-na- > *dabrna- >

*dabarna--> Hitt. labarna-.87 The same process can be hypothesized for Melchert's *dabar-,

only more straightforwardly, as it would be unnecessary to posit anaptyxis after the addition of -na-.

In the end, the question whether l/tabarna- is related to Luw. tapariya-, etc. remains open. I would insist that the original semantics of the title need not be linked to kingship if truly it is just the crystallized personal name of a memorable early Hittite monarch — again, we can compare the case of Roman Caesar, whose imperial connotations are secondary.88

11. Concluding remarks

As Kassian (2009-2010: 359) duly notes, the overarching problem with positing a Minoan-Anatolian contact word is that we need to assume an adstrate lexeme that not only travelled through different regions (Aegean, south-central Anatolia, Cyprus) during a long time-span (from the early 2nd to second half of the 1st millennium BCE), but did so while maintaining at all times a stable coronal fricative [Ô] that prompted similar spelling alternations in several languages and scripts of the ancient Eastern Mediterranean.

The foregoing has showed that while there are grounds to link LA du-pui-re and Grk. da-pu(i)-ri-to-/ÀapUQiv9oç, there is no compelling way of connecting these Aegean forms to the Anatolian material, see the table on the next page.

Even if the interpretations put forward here are not always indisputable, the onomastics of 1st-millennium BCE southern Anatolia that we have scrutinized are more cogently explained as containing diverse elements of Luwic tradition, and none can be shown to contain a virtual form *tapara 'ruler' or a relative of Minoan du-pui-re. At the same time, a Phoenician rather than an Anatolian etymology can be advanced (or rather reestablished) for Labranios, the Cypriot epithet of Zeus. The one item that remains suspicious is Ep^aTOpopiç (vis-à-vis 'Ep^o-KpàTnç 'Might of Hermes') from Lycia, but neither the isolation of *-TOpopi- nor its equivalence to Grk. Kpor^ç (semantically) or Lyc. tubure- (etymologically) can be confirmed independently. Finally, not even the onomastics of the 2nd millennium BCE have shown conclusive traces of *tapara 'ruler', but, somewhat paradoxically, a Luwian noun reconstructed with the same phonetic shape and a meaning close to 'rule' looks like the best way to account for Luw. tapariya- 'rule, authority' (> tapar(r)iya(i)- 'to rule' > tapar- 'to rule') and taparamman-'ruling'. It remains unclear whether this noun would be related to the Hittite royal title l/tabarna- and, if it were, whether the relation is etymological (direct) or owes to folk etymology (indirect). This is the reason that virtual Luw. *tapara- 'rule' would now be the most promising item. Nevertheless, I see no compelling reason to associate it with LA du-pui-re, so I conclude there is no Anatolian link leading to the interpretation of the Minoan sequence as 'master'. It is to be seen whether the alternative 'cave that housed the cult of a local divinity', suggested by Sarullo (2008), can throw light on all instances of LA du-pui-re and its Aegean relatives. This, however, must be left for another occasion.

87 I thank Yakubovich for suggesting this development (pers. comm.).

88 This holds true even if the explanation of Caesar as 'one delivered through a caesarian section' (< Lat. caeso 'to cut') by Pliny the Elder (Plin. Nat. 7.7. s. 9) is the product of folk etymology.

Region Word(s) Proposed etymology

Aegean LA du-pu2-re Uncertain; 'cult cave'(?) (see Sarullo 2008)

LB da-pu(2)-ri-to- / Grk. Aa|3upiv8o; Min. du-pu2-re /DaPur(i)-/ '?' + -v8- (see fn. 2) 'underground complex'(?)

Anatolia Hitt. l/tabarna- Uncertain (originally a personal name?). Cf. La[b]arnas in the Old Assyrian sources

Luw. tapar(r)iya- 'rule, authority' (> tapar(r)iya(i)- 'to rule' > tapar- 'to rule') and taparamman- 'ruling' Luw. noun *tapara- 'rule'(?), of uncertain origin

dAlitapara (Kizzuwatna) Uncertain

*Taprammi *tapra- + adj. suffix -a(i)mmi- 'imbued with tapra-'(?)

-vSu|3epL- (LYC.) -v5/o(u)|3a/e/r|Qa- (CIL.) Comparable to Lyc. ntuweri- '?'. Perhaps Luwic anda + warri- > 'aid, assistance'(?)

Car. ybyr and ybr(s) Uncertain (related to Luwo-Hitt. warri- 'help'?)

T|3epa/|- (CIL.) *x|3nneL- (CAR.) P.-Anat. *dwara- 'far, long'(?)

Lyc. *Ddapara (se=dapara) Luwic *Id(a) + (a)ppara (?)

Lyc. Tubure- Uncertain

*-TO|3OQL- (LYC.) A Lycian word for 'might'(??)

Labraunda (CAR.) Uncertain

Cyprus Cypr. Grk. Labranios Phoen. lbnn /Labnan/ 'Lebanon' + Grk. adjective suffix -ios

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В статье подробно рассматривается и заново оценивается предположение о связи линейного А йп-рп2-те и хеттского царского титула Ь/ЫЪатпа-, а также целого ряда фонетически схожих апеллятивов с семантикой власти и могущества, топонимов и антропонимов, происходящих из Древней Анатолии. Автор отделяет от форм йп-рп2-те и Ь/ЫЪатпа- некоторые анатолийские ономастические единицы, относящиеся преимущественно к 1-му тыс. до н.э., предлагая для них независимую этимологию на основе языков лувической подгруппы. Также автор разделяет кипрский эпитет Зевса ЬаЪтапюэ и хеттское 1аЪатпа-, защищая старую гипотезу о ЬаЪтапюэ как об адаптации финикийского названия Ливанского хребта. В результате тщательного пересмотра материала автор приходит к выводу, что, несмотря на возможное существование лувийского субстанти-ва *Ьарата- 'власть', у нас нет независимых доводов ни в пользу связи минойского йп-рп2-те с какими-либо формами из анатолийский языков, ни в пользу того, что йп-рп2-те вообще значит 'господин' (или нечто близкое).

Ключевые слова: линейное письмо А, табарна, лабарна, лувические языки, анатолийская ономастика, киликийские имена.