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13there is no Diaspora. In other words, the Diaspora is a lifestyle, not a rigid demographic, much less an ethnic reality. This phenomenon of Diaspora differs from the rest of the routine migration" [6, p.22].
V. A. Tishkov emphasizes that the so-called national state is the key moment of Diaspora formation. "The Diaspora unites and preserves something more than cultural distinctiveness. Culture can disappear, and the Diaspora - will remain, because the latter as a political project and life situation performs a special mission in comparison with ethnicity. This is the political mission of service, resistance, struggle and revenge" [5, p. 451].
Many researchers, especially supporters of the so-called "ethnic" approach to understanding the phenomenon of the Diaspora, do not share the views of V. Tishkov, S.A.Harutyunov believes that the importance of States and state borders is overestimated. He notes that the formation of diasporas in our days becomes the prerogative of ethno-social organisms, Nations or nationalities, which may or may not have their own national States, may or may not have them, may or may not have such a goal [7].
In the opinion of Y.I.Semenov, re-evaluates the importance of the concept of "the Motherland", which is far from being interpreted by different scientists, in determining the essence of the "Diaspora". "Having focused his attention on the political side of the Diaspora, V.A.Tishkov finally came to the conclusion that the Diaspora is only a political phenomenon," Y. Semenov notes. - This does not mean that he did not notice the Diaspora as an ethnic phenomenon. However, a purely ethnic, unorganized Diaspora, he denied the right to be called Diaspora. He called it simply "migration" [8].
Semenov disagrees with this approach. He believes that the Diaspora is primarily an ethnic phenomenon. Ethnos, or ethnic community, he defines as" a collection of people who have a common culture, speak generally the same language and are aware of both their community and their difference from members of other similar human groups " [8]. Y.I. Semenov believes that "to truly understand the problem of the Diaspora is impossible, if you do not identify the relationship of Diaspora and ethnic group, ethnic group and society, and finally, ethnic group, nation and society" [8].
Thus, the discussion in the scientific community on the definition of the concept of" Diaspora " clarified the positions of researchers and demonstrated how
great the differences between them in the understanding of such a complex and ambiguous socio-cultural phenomenon. Evidence of this is the lack of a common definition of the concept of "Diaspora". Meanwhile, the need for such a definition is quite acute, not only theoretical but also practical. As the process of diasporiza-tion is deepening and taking on new forms, and the role of diasporas and their influence is increasing, the receiving countries face the need to develop and implement special policies towards these new ethnic and cultural entities. But such a policy is unlikely to be effective if there is no clear definition of the "subject" to which it is directed.
It should also be noted that the growing process of turning diasporas into transnational networks is making significant adjustments to the researchers ' understanding of the essential characteristics of the Diaspora and, as a result, its definition. Therefore, it seems that the discussion currently underway in the scientific community on all these issues will undoubtedly continue, and the Diaspora theme in the near future will not only not lose its importance, but, on the contrary, will become even more relevant.
REFERENCES:
1. Armstrong J. A. Mobilized and proletarian diasporas // American political science review. - Wash., 1976. - Vol. 70, No. 2. - P. 393 - 408.
2. Levin Z. I. the Diaspora Mentality (systematic and social-cultural analysis). - M., 2001. - 170 p.
3. Sheffer G. Diaspora politics: At home abroad. Cambridge, 2003.- 208p.
4. Toschenko Zh. T., Chaptykova T. I. Diaspora as object of sociological research. Sotsis. - M., 1996. -№12. - P. 33-42.
5. Tishkov V. A. Requiem for ethnos: Studies in socio-cultural anthropology. - M., 2003. - 544 p.
6. Tishkov V. A. Historical phenomenon of Diaspora / Diaspora in Russia and abroad in the XIX-XX centuries SB. article edited by Y. A. Polyakov, and G. Y. Tarle. - M., 2001. - P. 9-44.
7. Dobrenkov V. I., Kravchenko A. I. Sociology: In 3 t. T. 2: Social structure and stratification. - M., 2000. - 536 p.
8. Semenov, Etnos, nation, Diaspora / / Ethnographic review. - M., 2000. - № 2. - S. 64-74 //http ://scepsis.ru/library/id_ 160.html
KIMESHEK IS A SPIRITUAL PATRON
Kabdoldina K.
2ndyear Master student, Faculty of History, archeology and ethnology Al-Farabi Kazakh National University, Almaty
Abstract
A kimeshek is the main head-wear of a Kazakh woman, which embodies her honour, protection, openness, taste, position and authority. A kimeshek, like other clothes sample has gone through time of appearance by its sonority. Directly with the help of the "Kimeshek is a spiritual patron" we tried to create an accord of the old and new ones, harmonize it with the modern time and globalization and revive the historical image of the Kazakh woman amid the main head-wear. With the help of the bright appearance of a woman, we tried to open her inner world. This work is the critical step and tactical action for the sake of the prosperity of the artistic relic of people.
We believe that today's kimeshek which through centuries has been improving its charm an content as well as its modern sophisticated models, will find a way to hearts of the wide public of the independent country.
Keywords: Kimeshek, clothes.
Studying headwear from Kazakh women
The traditional costume is distinguished by a deep sense fullness and a variety of symbolic components. "The symbol does not belong to a certain temporary (historical) slice, but penetrates time vertically from the past into the future, it carries out the memory of culture. The study of Kazakh clothing, like any area of national life, is closely related to the study of a number of important problems of the history and culture of the Kazakh people.
Since the ancient time, people attached great importance and respect to a head - wear. People have preserved until today customs and traditions following which it is not allowed to throw a head -wear on the ground or give it to a stranger. A head -wear was the indicator of joy and distress. A triumphant man was tossing a borik (borik is both men and women head-wear) to the sky, and was throwing it to the ground in the time of sorrow.
Fixation of hair around head is the daily life of woman has great and aesthetic value. The nobility of hair is even superior to the nobility of a head of a person. In ancient time a stranger, who touched someone's hair without permission was subjected to material punishment and public censure. In the Kazakh tradition a groom, who touched hair of his beloved one, was getting rid of the zhenge with the "shash sipatar" superstition [1, p. 225].
Even such everyday work, as child care, cooking and other, forces to pay more attention to hair. People believe that hair is like an "antenna", which easily sponges negative and information.
And now let's talk about a kimashek, (the kimeshek is the old woman's head-wear made of white calico and sometimes decorated with the pattern over an oval of a face) which has begun its way as the traditional and indispensable headwear. Its roots go deep in prehistoric times. Since the ancient, in the time of the nomads of the great steppe and with the penetration of Islam, this comfortable and modest head - wear referred to the honorable head-wear of mothers and grandmothers, all women. As the result of the politics of 1930es this head -wear had become the sign off feudalism and became a social outcast of the Soviet time. In such a manner, a kimeshek has become talisman, a forbidden relic [2, p.168].
Using the retained date, it is possible to define age periods of a woman proceeding from the nature of the ornaments. Older women felt ashamed admiring the beauty of a young daughter-in-law and to try it on and that is why they were trying not to envy a hair-wear of a khanshi. (khansha is a woman of a khan family) Every woman, who strictly adhered to her status, conscientiously respected national tradition.
When guests saw a kimeshek, they immediately could define the age of woman, her status and tastes. It seems that in due time a kimeshek was some kind of an ID or a CV.
The appearance of kimeshek has old and informative history, however, we have very few information about it. Collecting information, pictures and fragments, relating to women's clothing, we are happy to every discovery.
White is a symbolic colour of the Kazakh woman's head-wear. Kazakhs say about a woman that "Ak zhaulyktyn ary ortak" (honour of the white handkerchief is a common property), "basy agaryp shyksyn" (she should got with the brightened head) [3, p.464].
One of the oldest forms kimeshek, has come down to us in chronological order is the orama kimeshek (consisting of several parts fastened matter). It means that covering your head with a cloth, wrapping it around the hair was dictated by a necessity, particularly useful for the head.
Then there were the burmeli kimeshek (shir), which was covered by a borik, auyzdyk (rim)...
Until 1930es a kimeshek referred permanent woman's head-wear. During the Soviet time we had to endure the parody of grandmothers from the scene of a theatre, which were played by the masculing woman without head-wear. If in a far-away village you can see a woman wearing a kimeshek, you remember lines from a poem by Mukagali: "If I see a white kimeshek." [4, p.448]
But it is glad to know that the honorable kimeshek, which has withstood the challenge of time and humiliating attitude from representatives of the government recovered from ashes like a phoenix.
In the second half of the nineteenth century national head-wear was faded, beginning from Khan's astrakhan cap to Malakhai. Head-wear were inherited by the allied authorities.
In Soviet times, the national types of clothing were found "remnants of backwardness" and uraza or namaz (prayer) were banned. Having survived the terror of the red power, passing through humiliation and "Golo-schekin hunger", our people came to what became squeamish to treat yourself.
Volitional involvement of women in social production has led to the fact that the percentage of housewives decreased from 44 to three. These are fruits of the Stalin era, based on the power of discipline and directed to specific interests. Talking about the results of the Bolshevik policy, J. Becker said that this policy reflected traditions, culture, religion and everyday life of the Kazakh people. In the late thirties, Soviet policy has changed the culture, and at the same time has made adjustments in the relationship of the Kazakh society.
The folded ancient type of a kimeshek was worn in 1920-1930es by Kazakhs of the Akmola region (ar-gyn and naiman) [5, p.384].
Women of the Junior Juz, living in Syr-Darya, were another form of isolated a kimeshek, the tuck. Its front part makes up the triangle and the lower long part is hanging on the chest, and the upper side is wrapped to surround the face on both sides.
Like a kimeshek, all handkerchiefs had their own peculiarities from tribe to tribe. The edge of a shawl reached the heel and the front part covered hands of a woman. The top of a shawl is formed in a special way in the form of rounding. The shawl is wrapped like a strip worth to 15,20,25, centimeters. Mangystau women wore shawls, wrapping them in a spiral, Semei women preferred triangular shape and Saryarka women wore a couple of scarves, which were named the top and bottom. Kenzheahmetov S.[6, p.136] said that there were single small samples of shawls.
In the early twentieth century young wives of the Torgai region wore shawls and type saukele (a saukele is a cone -shape head-wear of a bride decorated with gem stones) and sulama (sulama means spacious; stretched).
These head-wears were widely used in Bukeyev Horde in the first half of the nineteenth century, that is, this pattern of clothing (carved scarves forms) is a peculiarity for residents of the north-west of Kazakhstan. Later shawls of Kazakh women have spread among the peoples of Central Asia.
There are visual manuscripts showing that a ki-meshek is originally a creation of the Kazaks. Campaigns of Genghis Khan and the impact of the Great Silk Road played a significant role in the dissemination and improvement of a kimeshek.
Kazakh people, who never afraid of strangers, remained committed to their traditions and customs. So, in 1925, in the north-eastern part of the Navoi region formed the Kazakh - Karakalpak Autonomous Region. According to the counting control committee of the Ka-nimekh area 20268 people out of 30760 were Kazakh. Local people here also liked the samples of a kimeshek [7, p.384]. For example, Northern Khorezm lechek of the Uzbek women are very similar to our kimeshek. Samples of clothing like kimeshek were found in the early twentieth century in the northern areas of the Uzbek and Tajik peoples.
Head-wear of the Turkmen women in the Stavropol region, which is called "Borik" is very similar to the Kazakh kimeshek.
At first Kazakh women of Mongolia are putting of a kimeshek, then covering head with a shylauysh (a shylauysh is a large white handkerchief worn over a ki-meshek) and fixing with a tobeldirik (a tobeldirik is an ornament woven in the top of the national head-wear). Women are also wearing the kundik zhaulyk (sun skarf) [8, p.568].
A kimeshek is the symbol of ethnicity and at the same time, a symbol of independence.
The nation, which honours the woman's head-wear, always respects women. Kazakhs always treated the traditional national head-wear with reverence. During the test, each of them tried to preserve the original of skullcaps or cap, telpek or capes.
After the October revolution in a comparatively short period there were great changes in the national clothes of the Kazakhs. Traditional clothes they had
special changes until the 30s and by the 50s the characteristic features of modern Kazakh clothes had already formed [9, p. 168]. The decisive role was played by such factors as the tremendous socio-economic transformation in Kazakhstan, especially the collectivization of agriculture, accompanied by a meeting of nomadic and semi-nomadic groups of the population, a change in the forms of their production activities, the emergence of a huge army of popular intelligentsia, the development of cities. Modern women's clothing has retained more national traits. According the modern dress only the townspeople. In rural areas, even in the costumes of representatives of the intelligentsia, urban and national uniforms are combined. Elderly and young women sew dresses of national cut. In young people, the breed is usually cut in a slightly modified form; some details of urban clothing have been entered into it, for example, cuffs, tucks and folds that make the bodice more fitting, cuffs on the sleeves. Scarves and kerchiefs became the most common headwear, and for winter - warm shawls of factory production. In the south of Kazakhstan girls wear Uzbek skullcaps. Old takiya are rare, they are worn by girls or members of amateur art activities. Of the national headgear, the kimeshek is preserved, which is now the distinctive headdress of older women, from 40-45 years old. Very few old Kazakh women wore turbans. The change in folk clothes is logical and follows from the enormous changes in the life of the Kazakh people that occurred during the years of socialist construction.
Talking about woman's clothes, a unique and hallowed kimeshek, we just pulled down slightly a thin blanket from the chest that keeps our moral and spiritual wealth. And how many secrets are waiting to be revealed!
Our noble purpose is to preserve and protect the great legacy of ancestors, not to let then splash and sink into irretrievable past.
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1. Traditional clothing of the Central Asia and Kazakhstan. - Moscow: Nauka, 1989. -225 p.
2. Orynbekov M. Yezhelgi Kazakhtyn duni-yetanymy. Almaty: Gylym, 1996.-168 p.
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