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0Идахоса С.О. (Нигерия)
ИСТОРИЯ СЛЕДОВАНИЯ ПО ПУТИ НЕСТАБИЛЬНОСТИ В НИГЕРИИ И ПОТРЕБНОСТЬ В РОССИЙСКО-НИГЕРИЙСКОМ ВОЕННОМ СОТРУДНИЧЕСТВЕ
Аннотация: Нынешнее усиление нестабильности в ряде государств Западной Африки, в частности в Нигерии, является следствием действия комплекса причин, как исторического характера, так и возникших в последнее время. Россия на протяжении всего периода независимого развития Нигерии прилагала усилия к смягчению противоречий и преодолению сепаратизма в стране. Россия никогда не имела колоний в Африке и внесла огромный вклад в деколонизацию континента. В данной статье анализируются причины нестабильности в Нигерии, эволюция ситуации с безопасностью в стране, обосновывается необходимость военно-стратегического сотрудничества России и Нигерии.
Ключевые слова: нестабильность, Нигерия, МАССОБ, МЭНД, Матайцине, Биафра, Дельта реки Нигер, мятеж, терроризм, Россия
Stephen Osaherumwen Idahosa (Nigeria)
THE HISTORICAL PATH OF INSTABILITY IN NIGERIA AND THE NEED FOR A RUSSIA-NIGERIA MILITARY COOPERATION
Abstract: The present wave of instability in West Africa, particularly in Nigeria has drawn the attention of the world; this has always had a root cause within the Nation historical path. There is a long history of conflict with evidence of myriads of causes that has led to the present spate of instability in the country. Russia's historical connection with Africa is an important asset in developing its contemporary relations with Nigeria. Although Russia never had colonies in Africa, it made essential contributions to Africa's decolonisation. This paper discusses the evolution of the instability in Nigeria and its policies, including the reasons for the need for a Russia-Nigeria strategic military cooperation. It pays special attention to the current state of Russia's military capability and its needed bilateral relation with Nigeria. The aim of this paper is to examine the historical path of instability that has given birth to the present state of Nigeria security challenges and the needed Russia - Nigeria relations.
Keywords: Instability, Nigeria, MASSOB, MEND, Maitatsine, Biafra, Niger Delta, Insurgency, Terrorism, Russia
Introduction
«.. .remember your seventy-year-old grandmother who still farms before she eats; remember also your poverty stricken people; remember too your petroleum which is being pumped out daily from your veins, and then fight for your freedom».
Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro1.
Conflicts and instability are common phenomena in developing societies like Nigeria, a situation that affects peaceful co-existence and the attainment of sustainable development2. Instability arises as a result of the inability of government and the society in general to adequately address the grievances of the population or particular subset of that population3. The road-map to the present instability in the country emerge as a result of the oath created by the Declaration of the Niger Delta Republic in 1966, the civil war otherwise known as the Biafra war of 1967 to 1970, and the Matiansine insurgency group of 1980s.
The interconnection of activities of The Declaration of the Niger Delta republic led to MEND (Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta) and later to Niger Delta Avengers (NDA). The agitation for secession that led to the civil war, which eventually became one of the bloodiest war fought in African continent, has also inspired the agitation of Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) and Independent People of Biafra (IPOB) today. Also, from the Matiasine insurgency group in the North to Boko Haram terrorist group has led to a measure of destabilization of peace and security of lives and properties in Northern Nigeria.
The complexity of the nature of the problems Nigeria faces ranges from the social composition of the Nigerian state, the political, ethnic, and marginalization level in the country which has a root and path in the history of this great Nation - Nigeria. Russia's historical connection with Africa is an important asset in developing its contemporary relations with the continent. Although Russia never had colonies in Africa, it made essential contributions to Africa's decolonisation and the eradication of apartheid. Russia historical assistance to Africa and to Nigeria in particular is needed to redeem Nigeria from its state of instability.
Hence, there is the need to analyze and examine the implication of these groups' contribution to the historical state of instability and the security challenges it poses to Nigeria and the need for a Russia-Nigeria strategic military cooperation.
The Declaration of Niger Delta Republic
Previous insurgencies in Nigeria have been of sophistication and intensity in different ways. We need to briefly consider them.
In the history of Nigeria the first known insurgency/terrorism attempt or earliest post-independence act of armed resistance may be credited to the movement to liberate the Niger Delta people led by a former teacher, police-officer, students' union leader and activist of Ijaw ethnic minority extraction: Major Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro4. His struggle and complaint was against the exploitation of the oil and gas resources of the Niger Delta or call it a revolt against the socio-economic system that imprisons the Niger-Delta people55 by both the federal and regional governments in total disregard of the citizens of the area. On 23 February 1966, the Niger Delta Voluntary Force (NDVF) declared the Niger Delta Republic. The Republic lasted only 12 days before the federal military forces crushed the insurgency and arrested Boro. He and his followers were charged, tried and imprisoned for treason6.
However, on the eve of the Nigeria-Biafra war in July 1967, the former Head of State in Nigeria (1966-1975), General Yakubu Gowon granted them amnesty. Boro enlisted in the federal forces in the war against the rebel Biafran forces of Odumegwu Ojukwu (see below)7.
* Boko Haram is an Islamic extremist/terrorist group based in north-eastern Nigeria which is also active in Chad, Niger and northern Cameroon. The group had alleged links to al-Qaeda and has also pledged its allegiance to the Islamic State of Iraq and the Levant. And was ranked as the world's deadliest terror group by the Global Terrorism Index in 2015. It has since 2009, kidnapped thousands, killed over 20,000 and displaced over 2.3 million from their homes.
From this episode of Nigerian history, we can identify that the Niger Delta issue of instability did not start today, it continues to be on the front burner in matters of security, insurgency and instability. This is the background to the emergence of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND), which was founded in 20048 and other groups that have emerged over the years. Finally, it is noteworthy that the causative factors in this instability are still very much visible in the entire Niger Delta region.
Nigerian Civil War and Massob
The Nigerian civil war (sometimes called the Nigeria-Biafra War) was fought from 6 July 1967 to 15 January 197099. This was as a result of a coup d'état of 15 January 1966, led by military men of the Ibo-speaking ethnic group, and a countercoup d'état of 29 July 1966, led by military men mostly of the Hausa-Fulani-speaking Northern region. Colonel Odumegwu Ojukwu declared independence from the Nigerian Federation on 27 May 1967, naming the new state the Republic of Biafra. The civil war that ensued was probably the most devastating that the African continent has ever witnessed10. The ethnocentric cum religious issues that were part of the driving force towards belligerent insurgency have not only not abated, but there is a visible crescendo in their intensity and complexity.
There has been a rise in the levels of distrust, mutual suspicion and antagonism that might well be making inroads into the political class. The Ibos felt not fully integrated into the body politics of Nigeria, and this gave the rise to a feeling of marginalization and alienation11. As the Ibo are a major tribe in the Nigerian demographic structure, such feelings has fan the desire to rekindle the Biafran flame with all the attendant consequences for security and stability of the polity. The primary cause of the Nigeria-Biafra War was ethno-religious hegemony and the problem of the consequential control of economic resources12. This factor is still very prominent in Nigerian politics and ethno-religious struggles for supremacy.13
Massob
More than two decades after the end of the Nigerian civil war, emerged the Movement for the Actualization of the Sovereign State of Biafra (MASSOB) with the aim of securing the resurgence of the defunct state of Biafra14, it adopted the Biafran national flag and displayed same in some of the Eastern states. Led by Mr Ralph Uwazurike, an Indian-trained lawyer, MASSOB has been reported to be well armed and there have been reported cases of confrontation with the Nigerian police and military forces.
The conspicuous display of the Biafran flag in a territory that would otherwise be Nigerian sovereign territory suggests that a state of Biafra still exists - at least in the minds of the Ibos. The agony of defeat, coupled with the unsettled issues that continue to bedevil the Nigerian polity, naturally extends the erstwhile belligerent 7 posturing into this new strategy in anticipation of better opportunities to resuscitate full-scale belligerency15. However, MASSOB did introduced and circulated Biafran currency notes as legal tender. As well as issued allegedly Biafra passports16.
Mend
More than 3 decades after the demise of Major Isaac Jasper Adaka Boro, a resurgence of the armed protest arose against the federal government of Nigeria and the multi-national companies engaged in the oil industry of the Niger Delta.
The Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) was one of the largest militant groups in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria. The organization claims is the exposure of the exploitation and the oppression of the people of the Niger Delta in Nigeria and the dev-
astation of the natural environment by public-private partnerships between the Federal Government of Nigeria and corporations involved in the production of oil in the Niger Delta region of Nigeria17.
However, before the death and execution of Ken Saro-Wiwa, a non-violent environmental activist of the Movement for the Survival of the Ogoni People (MOSOP) by the Nigerian government, the agitation was seemingly peaceful as in Umuechem and Ogoni in Rivers State, which were mostly non-violent, the death and execution fuelled an insurgency across the Niger Delta18.
At the climax of the Niger Delta insurgency, some of the groups had a very sophisticated and destructive arsenal that would have been the boast of any group in the history of guerilla warfare. In these groups were that of Ateke Tom's and Alhaji 8 Mujaheed Asari Dokubo's Niger Delta People's Volunteer Force, both of which has their tentacles throughout the entire Niger Delta region.
This is the period that saw the emergence of the Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND)19 group. MEND considers itself to be the umbrella group, that was coordinating the large number of groups of lethal capacity and capability and of various sizes and strength that spread across the entire length and breadth of the Niger Delta region, from the creeks of Ondo State in the west, to the mouth of the Cross River in the extreme east of Nigeria's Atlantic coast and up north to the point of primary bifurcation of the river Niger, in that triangular fashion20.
As part of the conflict in the Niger Delta region, MEND has been linked to attacks on petroleum operations in Nigeria, engaging in actions including theft, sabotage, wanton destruction of properties, kidnapping and guerrilla warfare. With different kind of weapons and arsenal, particularly using speed boats and highly sophisticated weapons, they often swiftly outmanoeuvre and overrun security operatives hired to guard the oil operations in the area specially the creeks, swamps and offshore areas. MEND's stated goals were to secure reparations from the federal government for pollution caused by the production and extraction of oil both by industry and to also localize control of Nigeria's oil21.
There have been several incidents of bombings reported to be attributed to MEND, including the incident that occurred in Abuja for which the leader of MEND, Henry Okah, was convicted in South Africa. Henry Okah was Charged in South Africa and found guilty of 13 terrorism-related charges over twin car bombings during 9 Nigeria's Independence Day celebrations in 2010. At least 12 people were killed and 36 others injured. The country had the jurisdiction to try him under the International Cooperation in Criminal Matters Act. Based on reported activities beyond the confines of the Niger Delta, MEND seems to have expanded beyond the Niger Delta region to become a virtually nation-wide insurgency. In a warning through an email in January 2006, MEND warned the oil industry and their workers to leave or die, that its "aim is to totally destroy the capacity of the Nigerian government to export oil"22. The use of modern communication technologies for propaganda purposes demonstrates an increased level of sophistication of MEND capabilities and its preparedness to embrace elements of information warefare23.
As a result of the arrest of Ijaw leaders Mujahid Dokubo-Asari and Diepreye Alamieyeseigha who were arrested, jailed and charged with treason and convicted of corruption respectively, MEND requested for their release from then President Olusegun Obasanjo. And was later released by President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua in 200724.
The Nigerian Government on June 26, 2009 under the auspices of Former Nigerian President Umaru Musa Yar'Adua announced the granting of amnesty and an unconditional pardon to Militants in the Niger Delta, who were required to surrender their weapons of different
magnitude that includes; Rocket-propelled grenades, guns, explosives, ammunition and even gunboats were all surrendered to the government in return for training and rehabilitation by the government. The former President signed the amnesty after consultation with the National Council of State25. This program still continues until today26.
The indirect use of vigilante groups in political struggles has not stopped completely as well as the interaction between politics, corruption and violence more generally. Besides, as the situation demonstrates, a diverse range of state and non-state actors27 represent interest groups bound together in a shadow economy28 of violence with extensive connections inside Nigeria and abroad29.
The Maitatsine Uprising
The Maitatsine uprising were a series of violent uprisings instigated by Islamist militants in northern Nigeria up to 1985 and it represented northern Nigeria's first major wave of religiously-inspired violence30. Maitatsine was the nickname of a Cameroonian religious teacher Muhammadu Marwa who died a violent death in Kano, Nigeria, in 198031. His nickname -Maitatsine - developed because he would say, in halting Hausa " Wanda bata yarda ba Allah ta Tchine" (May Allah curse the one who disagrees with his version) - thus, Mai Tachine, later rendered more accurately as Maitatsine32. His teachings and preaching were deeply heterodox, and cantankerous33 he referred to himself as a prophet. He was also notable for his vociferous condemnation of Western culture, education, and technology, and Marwa was known to refer to anyone who sent their children to a state school as an "infidel," which is echoed in the contemporary Boko Haram movement34.
The first riot broke out on December 18, 1980 in Kano, the city was convulsed by what was virtually civil war and resulted in over 4,000 deaths (including Marwa from injuries he sustained from the clash)35. A renewed uprising erupted in October, 1982 at Bulumkutu, 15 kilometres from Maiduguri, far to the east. 3,350 were killed. Fighting also broke out in Ri-gasa village, near Kaduna over 3,000 died, which spread into the city. In March, 1984 there was an outbreak of violence in Yola, the capital of Gongola State (now Adamawa and Taraba), which left between 500 and 1,000 dead36. At this time of the uprising Musa Makaniki, a close disciple of Maitatsine, emerged as a leader and Marwa's successor. Makaniki later fled to Gombe his hometown. And in April, 1985, there was yet another rising in Gombe, in Bauchi State, when over a hundred were killed. His followers are usually called "Maitatsine"; the movement is also known as Kalo Kato.37
Russia-Nigeria Military Cooperation
Russia occupies a unique place among the actors in Africa. And Russia seems to be not as active in West Africa as other Africa; although it is not a newcomer to the continent and it maintained intensive relations with many African countries during the Soviet period38. In a speech at the Organization of African Unity (OAU) now African Union (AU) summit in January 1976, Murtala Muhammed, head of the Federal Military Government of Nigeria, compared the policy of the Soviet Union and the US: We are all aware of the heroic role which the Soviet Union and other Socialist countries have played in the struggle of the African people for liberation. The Soviet Union and other Socialist countries have been our traditional suppliers of arms to resist oppression, and to fight for national liberation and human
dignity. On the other hand the United States which now sheds crocodile tears ....... has not
only completely ignored the freedom fighters whom successive United States administrations branded as terrorism, she even openly supported morally and materially the fascist Portuguese Government39.
In their classical treatise "Resource Potential of Africa and Russia's National Interests in the XXI Century", the renowned Russian scholars in the field of African studies Irina Abramova and Leonid Fituni emphasized that «In the New Millennium, Russia is neither a totally "new", nor an "old" player on the African continent. The old Soviet heritage, especially in the sphere of political support and sometimes unparalleled altruism, staunch anti-colonial stance and massive assistance in 1960s-1970s to the creation of national economies form a very positive environment for a possible reactivation of the nation's positions on the continent and bilateral relations with African countries»40.
With Russia been ranked world's second most powerful military, by the annual ranking of Global Firepower, an analytical website exploring the military power of different countries. The United States headed the list, while China was ranked third in the rating, which does not include nuclear weapons, only conventional ones. According to the analysis of the ranking, Russia surpasses the United States in the number of tanks - 15,000 versus 8,000 - the Russian air force lags behind the United States by the number of units - 3,547 versus 13,44441.
Analysts from Credit Suisse and Congressional Research Service of the U.S had also released reports ranking Russia as second among the world's armies this is with nuclear capabilities. The reports as with Global Firepower made the ranking depending on their military capabilities, that the U.S., Russia and China were also ranked first, second and third. And on the release report by Congressional Research Service of the U.S. Russia and the United States dominated the arms supply to developing countries, taking up first or second position depending on the year. In total, the United States signed agreements to supply $115 billion worth of military hardware to developing countries during this period (46.3 percent of the total value of arms supplied to these nations), while Russia spent $41.7 billion (16.8 percent of the total)42.
The constructive engagement with Russia in its experience and military capability in terms on Nigeria security and ultimately West Africa Sub-region is a needed cooperation, if the government wants to ensure stability, peace and development. However, with Nigeria-Russia recently agreeing on areas of military co-operation, is a welcoming idea to ensure a better security architecture in the country.
The Nigeria-Russia established military technical cooperation which would be tagged „Joint Defence Technical Cooperation Committee' (JDTCC). The JDTCC, poised to consider present and prospective bilateral cooperation in military technical areas43.
According to the Minister of State for Foreign Affairs, Khadija Abba-Ibrahim, "we have two agreements on military cooperation which we have negotiated and are likely to be signed very soon. Mrs. Abba-Ibrahim, represented by Baba Garba, Director, European Affairs in the ministry, made the disclosure at the end of the fourth Joint Commission meeting between Russia and Nigeria in Abuja on Friday November 12. Mrs. Abba-Ibrahim said noted that Nigeria and Russia had enjoyed cordial relations over time and that "Russia has always been in
support of Nigeria........in the area of fighting terrorism,". Abba-Ibrahim added that there is a
consideration on various areas of cooperation, including solid minerals, atomic energy, trade, power, works and housing, transport, petroleum, communication, water resources, defence, agriculture and health44. The recent development of Nigeria acquiring some Russian MI-35s and MI-17s, including SU-29 which is a ground attack plane and the training of Nigerian Special Forces and been that many have also graduated from this training., is however what Nigeria and Russia has work on to ensure the necessary productive outcome Nigeria has bought some Russian MI-35s and MI-17s, including SU-29 which is a ground attack plane. Moores also added that Russia is now training Nigerian Special Forces and many have graduated from
1 • • • 45
this training .
Conclusion
In conclusion, it is very clear that, despite the time past between Maitatsine uprising and the Boko Haram insurrection, the Declaration of Niger Delta Republic and MEND militancy, the Civil war and MASSOB movement, the indicators and the socio-economic conditions that sustained these uprising and insurgencies in the historical path of the Nigerian existence are still relevant to the present state of instability in the nation Nigeria.
To deal with the causative effect, I would want to recommend the following:
- The federal government must as a matter of priority need to re-position the intelligence agencies and the police concurrently actively strengthening Nigeria-Russia military strategic cooperation.
- An urgency in addressing the high levels of poverty and illiteracy in the Northern region, the overall educational system and religious (Islamic) teaching and preaching, as these contribute to young people becoming more easily susceptible to manipulation and recruitment
46
into extremist groups .
- Structural policies implemented to address the fundamental causes of succession movement and militancy in the South and South-East of Nigeria respectively.
Therefore, it will be safe to point out that the instability in Nigeria, its social, political, ethnic nature has the potentials of creating a perpetual instability if not well addresses. Russia-Nigeria strategic military and active military relations, will deal with the indicators of Nigeria becoming a "breeding grounds of instability, mass migration, and murder", as well as a purported reservoirs and exporter of terror in
West Africa sub-region. The failure to use or take advantage of such relations to constructively deal with it, will might make a country that harbours such magnitude of instability, that does not only threatens the lives and livelihoods of its own people but endangers world peace. With the end result of ultimately incapable of projecting power and asserting authority within her own borders, leaving her territory governmentally empty47.
Finally, it is an imperative for the Federal government to utilize an institutional framework that incorporates religious, traditional and political actors. With reflect on the historical path and present state of instability and the turbulence in the contemporary polity in the country. The policy choices made, will certainly dictate whether Nigeria can survive as a State or not.
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Adeyeri, Segun. Conflict and Political Instability in Nigeria: A Critical Discourse // International Journal of Advanced Research in Management and Social Sciences. Vol. 2, No.10 October 2013.
Agbiboa, Daniel Egiegba. The Internationalization of an Internal Resistance Ethnic minority Conflicts and the Politics of Exclusion in the Niger Delta, pg 112 // Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (MA) in International Relations at the School of Politics, University of KwaZulu-Nata, South Africa. November, 2011. - http://researchspace.ukzn.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10413/8283/ Agbiboa_Daniel_Egiegba_2011.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
Allswell Osini Muzan. Conflicts, disputes and strife in the Niger Delta oil industry: A causal analysis // Nigerian Journal of Jurisprudence and Contemporary Issues. 1999, Vol. 4, № 53.
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Chidi Nkwopara. MASSOB launches "Biafran Int'l Passport" to celebrate 10th anniversary // Vanguard News. - http://www.vanguardngr.com/2009/07/massob-launches-biafran-intl-passport-to-celebrate-10thanniver sary/
Chief G. Fawehinmi. The Murder of Dikibo. Another Lesson for Niger Delta. -http://www.dawodu.com/fawehin1.htm; Max Siollun. Op. cit.
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Daniel Howden. Nigeria: Shell may pull out of Niger Delta after 17 die in boat raid (2006-01-17) -http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=13121; Henry Okah: Nigerian oil militant jailed for 24 years // BBC NEWS 26 March 2013. - http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-21937985
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1 Daniel Egiegba Agbiboa. The Internationalization of an Internal Resistance Ethnic minority Conflicts and the Politics of Exclusion in the Niger Delta, pg 112 // Dissertation submitted in fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Master of Arts (MA) in International Relations at the School of Politics, University of KwaZulu-Nata, South Africa. November, 2011. - http://researchspace.ukzn.ac.za/bitstream/handle/10413/8283/ Agbiboa_Daniel_Egiegba_2011.pdf?sequence=1&isAllowed=y
2 Dobell, Graeme. The Pacific 'arc of instability // Correspondent's Report. 20 August 2006. -http://www.abc.net.au/correspondents/content/2006/s1719019.htm
3 Adeyeri, Segun. Conflict and Political Instability in Nigeria: A Critical Discourse // International Journal of Advanced Research in Management and Social Sciences. Vol. 2, No. 10 October 2013.
4 Elias Courson. Movement for the Emancipation of the Niger Delta (MEND) political marginalization, repression and petro-insurgency in the Niger Delta - http://nai.divaportal.org/smash/get/ diva2:280470/ FULLTEXT01; Allswell Osini Muzan. Insurgency in Nigeria:16 Addressing the causes as part of the solution // African Human Rights Law Journal. 2014, Vol. 14, № 1; Max Siollun. Isaac Adaka Boro and Niger Delta Militancy. 2008 - https://maxsiollun.wordpress.com/2008/08/02/isaac-adaka-boro-and-niger-delta-militancy.
5 Chief G. Fawehinmi. The Murder of Dikibo. Another Lesson for Niger Delta. - http://www.dawodu. com/fawehin1.htm; Max Siollun. Op. cit.
6 Max Siollun. Op. cit
7 Allswell Osini Muzan. Op. cit.
8 Ludovica Iaccino. Nigeria's oil war: Who are the Niger Delta militants? // International Business Times. 24 September 2015. - http://www.ibtimes.co.uk/nigerias-oil-war-who-are-niger-delta-militants-1520580
9 Margery Perham. Reflections on the Nigerian Civil War // International Affairs (Royal Institute of International Affairs), Vol. 46, No. 2. (Apr., 1970), pp. 231-246 - http://www.jstor.org/stable/2613824
10 Alexander A. Madiebo. The Nigerian Revolution and the Biafran War // Published by Fourth Dimension Publishing Co. 2000-09 (2000) // ISBN 10: 9781561173 ISBN 13: 9789781561177; GodfreyMwakikagile. Ethnic Politics in Kenya and Nigeria // African Studies Review. Vol. 46, No. 2 (Sep., 2003), pp. 92-98 // Cambridge University Press. - http://www.jstor.org/stable/1514828.
18 Allswell Osini Muzan. Conflicts, disputes and strife in the Niger Delta oil industry: A causal analysis // Nigerian Journal of Jurisprudence and Contemporary Issues. 1999, Vol. 4, № 53.
11 Godwin Okaneme. Marginalization of Some Ethnic Nationalities in Nigeria: The Igbo Experience // International Review of Social Sciences and Humanities. 2014, Vol. 8, No. 1, p. 43-47 - www.irssh.com.
12 Фитуни Л.Л Африка: ресурсные войны XXI века. I., 2012
13 Biafra News - 04.13.2009. - http://cwis.org/FGE/biafra/news20090413.php
14 Allswell Osini Muzan. Op. cit.
16 Ibidem.
16 Chidi Nkwopara. MASSOB launches "Biafran Int?l Passport" to celebrate 10th anniversary // Vanguard News - http://www.vanguardngr.com/2009/07/massob-launches-biafran-intl-passport-to-celebrate-10thanniver sary/
17 A closer look at Nigeria's GDP rebasing // CNBC Africa. 11 Apr 2014. -http://www.cnbcafrica.com/news/ westem-africa/2014/04/11/a-closer-look-a-nigerias-gdprebasing/.Retrieved 28 June 2016.
18 Allswell Osini Muzan. Conflicts, disputes and strife in the Niger Delta oil industry: A causal analysis // Nigerian Journal of Jurisprudence and Contemporary Issues. 1999, Vol. 4, № 53.
1!J Ibidem.
20 Risky toughness // The Economist. September 18, 2008
21 Hanson Stephanie. MEND: The Niger Delta's Umbrella Militant Group // Council on Foreign Relations. 22 March 2007. - http://www.cfr.org/nigeria/mend-niger-deltas-umbrella-militantgroup/p12920; Nigeria's shadowy oil rebels // BBC News Online. April 20, 2006.
22 Daniel Howden. Nigeria: Shell may pull out of Niger Delta after 17 die in boat raid (2006-01-17) -http://www.corpwatch.org/article.php?id=13121; Henry Okah: Nigerian oil militant jailed for 24 years // BBC NEWS 26 March 2013. - http://www.bbc.com/news/world-africa-21937985
23 Абрамова И.О., Поликанов Д.В., Фитуни Л.Л. Интернет, трансформация обществ и сетевые войны. // Российские стратегические исследования Москва, 2002. С. 136-150.
24 International Crisis Group (December 5, 2007). Nigeria - Ending the unrest in the Niger Delta // Africa Report, No. 135 - http://www.crisisgroup.org/en/regions/africa/west-africa/nigeria/135-nigeria-ending-unrest-inthe-niger-delta.aspx
25 Africa Nigeria offers militants amnesty // BBC News. 2009-06-26. Retrieved 06 July 2016 -http://news.bbc.co.uk/2/hi/africa/8118314.stm; Curbing Violence in Nigeria (III): Revisiting the Niger Delta // Crisis Group. 29 September 2015 -http://www.crisisgroup.org/~/media/Files/africa/west-africa/nigeria/231-curbing-violence-in-nigeriaiii-re-visiting-the-niger-delta.pdf
26 Responsible Development in a Polycentric World Inequality, Citizenship and the Middle Classes // 14th EADI General Conference 23-26 June 2014, Bonn - www.gc2014.org; Engaging the Nigerian Niger Delta ExAgitators: The Impacts of the Presidential Amnesty Program to Economic Development -http://www.eadi.org/typo3/fileadmin/Documents/Events/General_Conference/2014/gc2014-abaziehumphrey-41.pdf; Why Buhari Will Sustain Amnesty Programme - Presidency // InformationNigeria. 25 April 2015. -http://www.informationng.com/2015/04/why-buhari-will-sustain-amnestyprogramme-presidency.html.
27 Фитуни Л.Л., Абрамова И.О. Негосударственные и квазигосударственные акторы большого ближнего востока и проблема «евроджихадизма» европейское лицо экстремистской угрозы // Азия и Африка сегодня. 2015. № 11. С. 2-11.
28 Фитуни Л.Л. Роль теневого международного движения капитала в условиях глобализации // Восток. Афро-Азиатские общества: история и современность. 2000. № 3. С. 18-19.
29 Ibeanu O. and Luckham R., "Nigeria: Political Violence, Governance and Corporate Responsibility in a Petro-State," in Oil Wars, edited by M. Kaldor et al. L.: Pluto Press 41-99.
30 Adimbola O. Adesoji. Op. cit.
31 Денисова Т.С. Нигерия: От Майтацине до Боко Харам // Восток/Oriens// Восток. Афро-Азиатские общества: история и современность 2014.; Adimbola O. Adesoji. Between Maitatsine and Boko Haram: Islamic Fundamentalism and the Response of the Nigerian State // Africa Today. 2011, Vol. 57, No. 4, p. 98-119 -
http://rlp.hds.harvard.edu/faq/maitatsine-riots; Elizabeth Isichei. The maitatsine rising in Nigeria 1980-85: A Revolt of the Disinherited // Journal of Religion in Africa. Victoria University, Wellington, New Zealand. 1987, Vol. XVII, № 3 - https://wikileaks.org/gifiles/attach/10/10138_The%20Maitatsine%20Risings%20in%20 Nige-ria%20- %201980-1985.pdf
32 Денисова Т.С. Указ. C04.;Elizabeth Isichei. Op. cit., p. 194.
33 Elizabeth Isichei. Op. cit.; Mahmud Jega. Between Maitatsine and Boko Haram // Dailt Trust 29 December 2014. - http://www.dailytrust.com.ng/daily/columns/monday-columns/43060-betweenmaitatsine-and-boko-haram.
34 Adimbola O. Adesoji. Between Maitatsine and Boko Haram: Islamic Fundamentalism an the Response of the Nigerian State // Africa Today, Vol. 57, No. 4 (2011), p. 98-119 - http://rlp.hds.harvard.edu/faq/maitatsine-riots.
35 Adimbola O. Adesoji. Op. cit.; Pham J. Peter. In Nigeria False Prophets are Real Problems // Foundation of Defense for Democracies. 19 October 2006. - http://www.defenddemocracy.org/media-hit/in-nigeria-false-prophets-are-real-problems/. Retrieved 4 July2016; Hiskett, Mervyn. The Maitatsine Riots in Kano, 1980: An Assessment // Journal of Religion in Africa. Vol. 17, Fasc. 3 Oct., 1987, pp. 209-223. -http://www.jstor.org/stable/1580875.
36A.O.Omotosho. Religious Violence in Nigeria the Causes and Solutions: an Islamic Perspective // Swedish Missiological Theme. 2003, p. 15-31.
3378 Ibidem.
38 Abramova I., Fituni L. Competing for Africa's Natural Resources // International Affairs: A Russian Journal of World Politics, Diplomacy and International Relations. 2009. Т. 55. № 3. С. 47-58.
39 Alexandra Arkhangelskaya and Vladimir Shubin. Is Russia Back? Realities of Russian Engagement in Africa. Pages 1-3. Accessed on 04 December, 2016. -http://www.lse.ac.uk/IDEAS/publications/ re-ports/pdf/SR016/SR-016-ArkanghelShubin.pdf; Alexandra Arkhangelskaya and Vladimir Shubin. Russia's Africa Policy // South African Institute of International Affairs. African perspectives. Global insights, Occasional Paper 0157.
40 Fituni L.L., Abramova I.O. Resource Potential of Africa and Russia's National Interests in the XXI Century. Russian acad. of sciences. Moscow, 2010. P. 55
41 Russia Military Strength. Current military capabilities and available firepower for 2016 detailed Global Firepower. Accessed on 04 December, 2016. - http://www.globalfirepower.com/country-military-strength-detail.asp?country_id=russia.
42 Marina Karpova. Russia ranked world?s 2nd military power after U.S. // RBTH. February 17, 2016. -http://rbth.com/defence/2016/02/17/russia-ranked-worlds-2nd-military-power-afterus_568639.
43 Bukola Ogunsina. Russia To Partner With Nigeria In Military Technical Cooperation // Leadership News. Nov 19, 2016. - http://leadership.ng/news/560088/russia-to-partner-with-nigeriain-military-technical-coopera tion
44 Agency Report. Nigeria, Russia agree on military cooperation // Premium Times. November 12, 2016. -http://www.premiumtimesng.com/news/top-news/215168-nigeria-russia-agree-militarycooperation.html
45 Joe DeCapua. Analysts Weigh Nigeria-Russia Arms Deal // Voice of America. 10 December 2014. -http://www.voanews.com/content/nigeria-russia-10dec14/2553173.html.
46 Hannah Hoechner. Porridge, Piety and Patience: Young Quranic Students' Experiences of Poverty in Kano, Nigeria // Africa, Volume 85, Issue 02. May 2015, pp 269 - 288 - http://journals.cambridge.org/ ab-stract_S0001972015000029; Freedom C. Onuoha. Why Do Youth Join Boko Haram? // United States Institute of Peace, Special Report 348. 9 June 2014. - https://www.usip.org/sites/default/ files/SR348-Why_do_ Youth_Join_Boko_Haram.pdf.
47 Idahosa, Stephen Osaherumwen. 2016. "Contemporary Arc of Instability in West Africa: A Case Study of Nigeria." Global Journal of Advanced Research 3 (September): 884-894.
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