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49ДЕМЧУК СТЕФАНИЯ АНДРЕЕВНА
Кандидат исторических наук, ассистент кафедры истории искусств, Киевский национальный университет им. Тараса Шевченко stephanierom07@gmaiL.com https://univ-kiev.academia.edu/StefaniiaDemchuk
«Испанская ярость» в гравюрах Франса Хогенберга (1535-1590): «кочующие» образы времен Восьмидесятилетней войны
Статья посвящена механизмам конструирования образов «Испанской ярости» в гравюрах времен Восьмидесятилетней войны. Исследование охватывает гравюры Франса Хогенберга, которые издавались в 15721576-х гг. и были посвящены «кровавым баням» в Нардене, Зютфене, а также захвату и разграблению Антверпена, которое и получило название «Испанской ярости». На их примере проанализированы два параллельных явления: конструирование образа «Испанской ярости» самим Хогенбергом и копирование и заимствование отдельных элементов его работ в других гравюрах, более поздних, изданных как иллюстрации в «Истории испанской тирании в Нидерландах» и трактате «Истоки, начало и продолжение Нидерландских войн» П. Бора.
Автор выделяет две основные темы серии: город в огне и пытки («тирания») испанских солдат. Город рассматривался как символ процветания Нидерландов и потому особенно большим риторическим потенциалом обладал его антитип - город разрушенный и разграбленный. Вторая тема, связанная с особенной жестокостью «безбожных» (gottlosen) испанцев, апеллировала к уже сложившемуся стереотипу испанской Инквизиции, введенной Карлом V в Нидерландах в 20-х гг. XVI в.
Образы войны Хогенберг конструировал, используя средства визуальной риторики. Они не были прямым отражением реальности войны. В дальнейшем они конструировались и деконструировались в зависимости от запросов аудитории и целей автора, и стали одним из инструментов анти-испанской пропаганды Объединенных провинций в XVII веке.
Ключевые слова: другой; пропаганда; имагология; аллология; Восьмидесятилетняя война; испанская ярость; Франс Хогенберг.
ДЛЯ ЦИТИРОВАНИЯ/ FOR CITATION
DemchukS. A. The Spanish Fury in Frans Hogenberg's Engravings (1535-1590): "Wandering" Images of the Eighty Years' War // Vox medii aevi. 2018. Vol. 2(3). P. 167-194. URL: http://voxmediiaevi.com/2018-2-demchuk
STEFANIIA DEMCHUK Candidate of Sciences (History), Assistant Lecturer at the Chair of Art History, Taras Shevchenko National University of Kyiv stephanierom07@gmaiL.com https://univ-kiev.academia.edu/StefaniiaDemchuk The Spanish Fury in Frans Hogenberg's Engravings (1535-1590): "Wandering" Images of the Eighty Years' War This paper aims to analyse the construction of the "Spanish Fury" image in engravings during the Eighty Years War. In the focus of this research are engravings by Frans Hogenberg published in 1572-1576 and depicting "the bLoodbaths" in Naarden, Zutphen as weLL as the capture and Looting of Antwerp Later named "the Spanish Fury." They were used to iLLustrate two co-existing phenomena: constructing of the image of "the Spanish Fury" by Hogenberg himseLf and copying as weLL as borrowing of certain eLements from his engravings in other ones (pubLished to iLLustrate "the History of Spanish Tyranny in the NetherLands" and tractate "Origin, Beginning, and Continuation of the Dutch Wars" by Pieter Bor). Current research has detected two key topics addressed by this series: the city on fire and the tortures committed by Spanish soLdiers ("the tyranny"). The city was considered to be the symboL of the prosperity of the NetherLands that gave a huge potentiaL to contrasting it with its antitype - the razed and Looted ruins. The second topic is reLated with the outrageous scaLe of atrocities committed by "the godLess" (Ger. "gottLosen") Spaniards associating them with the estabLished perception of the Spanish Inquisition introduced in the NetherLands in the 1520s by CharLes V. It is evident that Hogenberg had been consciousLy constructing his war images. They underwent numerous further constructions and deconstruc-tions serving the needs of the audience and authors, and have become an essentiaL tooL of the anti-Spanish propaganda of the Seventeenth century United Provinces. Key words: Frans Hogenberg; ImagoLogy; Propaganda; Spanish Fury; the ALien; the Eighty Years War.
Stefaniia Demchuk
The Spanish Fury in Frans Hogenberg's Engravings (1535-1590): "Wandering" Images of the Eighty Years' War
The Dutch Liberation War against Spain, commonly referred to as the Eighty Years War, provoked shifts not only in the political life of both countries but also facilitated emergence of the Dutch identity where "the alien", i. e. the Spaniards, played a prominent role. Animosity towards Spaniards culminated in the so-called "Black Legend", a trend in art and historical writing that demonised the Spanish. "The Black Legend" is more associated with the accounts and images depicting atrocities of the Spanish in the new colonies, Americas, than with their violence in Europe. However, the Legend portrayed not only the enslaving and annihilation of the Indians. It also included "the Spanish Fury" — several violent city sieges and raids during the war against the rebellious Low Countries unleashed by Philip II of Spain. It comprised two elements: the actions of the Duke of Alba and the atrocities committed by the mutinous Spanish garrisons.
"The Spanish Fury" (dut. "De Spaanse Furie") had substantial presence in narrative and visual traditions. The latter was developed by Frans Hogenberg (1535-1590), one of the most prominent Dutch engravers of the second half of the 16th century. Born in Mechelen, he worked in Antwerp for a while influencing Pieter Breughel the Elder. In 1568 Hogenberg was banished from the city amid religious prosecutions masterminded by the Duke of Alba. The engraver moved to Germany where almost simultaneously he created two of his most prominent series of engravings: the atlas
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"Civitates orbis terrarum" (1572) and the aforementioned engravings depicting "the Spanish Fury".
It is evident that Hogenberg was depicting the events that he had never witnessed: at that time, he had already been living in Germany and that fact affected inscriptions on the engravings — all accompanying poems are written in German. Today problematic character of Hogenberg's engravings (his sources are unknown) to a large extent remains unnoticed by researchers. These images are mostly regarded as illustrations either supporting or complementing the narratives. A more thorough look at "the Spanish Fury" series as a construct, a set of "wandering images", might assist in obtaining a deeper outlook on the underlying mechanics of the creative process and, what is of equal importance, on ways of creating, copying and dissemination of propaganda images.
2.
Historiography on the Spanish Fury in the F. Hogenberg's engravings can be divided into several categories. The first category includes the studies of art historians who researched the artworks by Frans Hogenberg and his influence on other artists (in particular on the aforementioned Pieter Breughel the Elder). The earliest research that falls into this category is the article by M. Friedländer1. J. Keun-ing2 researched in 1963 the history of creation and publishing of the city atlas co-created by Frans Hogenberg. The Hogenberg's cartographic heritage attracted attention of P. Whitefield3, and others.
W. S. Gibson also scrutinised the Hogenberg's works analyzing their influence on Pieter Breugel the Elder4. M. Meadow5, M. Sullivan6, E. M. Kavaler7 and others studied the Hogenberg's influence from the same perspective.
The second category brings together the monographs and articles on creation, build-up and dissemination of "the Black Legend" in Europe and colonies, mostly in South America8. They greatly outnumber research papers which belong to the first category. The article by K. W. Swart9 exemplifies the second category. He has thoroughly scrutinised the narratives underlying the lore
1. Friedländer M. Nicolas Hogenberg und Frans Crabbe die Maler von Mecheln // Jahrbuch der Preuszischen Kunstsammlungen. 1921. Bd. 42. P. 161-168.
2. Keuning J. The "Civitates" of Braun and Hogenberg // Imago Mundi. 1963. Vol. 17. P. 41-44.
3. Whitefield P. Cities of the World: A History in Maps. Los Angeles; Berkeley, 2005.
4. Gibson W. S. Some Flemish Popular Prints from Hieronymus Cock and His Contemporaries // The Art Bulletin. 1978. Vol. 60. №4. P. 673-681;
Gibson W. S. The Turnip Wagon: A Boschi-an Motif Transformed // Renaissance Quarterly. 1979. Vol. 32. №2. P. 187-196.
5. Meadow M. Pieter Bruegel the Elder's Netherlandish Proverbs and the Practice of Rhetoric. Zwolle, 2002.
6. Sullivan M. A. Bruegel and the Creative Process, 1559-1563. London; Los Angeles, 2010.
7. Kavaler E. M. Pieter Bruegel: Parables of Order and Enterprise. Cambridge, 1999.
8. Keen B. The Black Legend Revisited: Assumptions and Realities // The Hispanic American Historical Review. 1969. Vol. 49. №4. P. 703-719; Gravatt P. Rereading Theodore De Bry's Black legend // Rereading the Black Legend. The Discourses of Religious and Racial Difference in the Renaissance Empires. Chicago, 2008. P. 225-243.
9. Swart K. W. Black Legend during the Eighty Years War // Britain and the Netherlands / ed. by J. S. Bromley, E. H. Koss-man. The Hague, 1975. Vol. 5. P. 36-58.
surrounding "the Black Legend" in the Netherlands. However, no visuals are included in his research. The monograph by P. J. Arnade on the political culture of the Dutch revolt10 also gives a detailed account on "the Black Legend" and "the Spanish Fury". He and only a handful of other authors afterwards have been frequently and fruitfully using engravings in analysis of political debates and ideological clashes.
Finally, the third category includes research papers on political culture and military history of the Netherlands. This category is represented by the works by H. Koenigsberger11 who studied practices of the political elite in Europe during early modern period, and the research by A. C. Duke on the Dutch national identity12. The study by L. Cruz deserves particular mentioning. In her article on historical myths propagated in the Netherlands during early modern time, she examined the correlation between the nascent national identity and emergence of the images of "the alien" in pamphlets and treatises created in the late 16th century13. She concluded that these images united the Dutch population and gave impetus to creation of the United Provinces. G. Parker exposed in his research the economic and military notions underlying "the Spanish Fury"14.
Therefore, despite the existing historiographic references engravings by Frans Hogenberg have never been subjected to analysis as constructs. The present article strives to cover this apparent gap.
10. Arnade P. Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt. New York, 2008.
11. Koenigsberger H. Politicians and Virtuosi: essays in early modern History. London, 1986.
12. Duke A. C. Dissident Identities in the Early Modern Low Countries. London, 2016.
13. Cruz L. Turning Dutch: Historical Myths in Early Modern Netherlands // The Sixteenth Century Journal. 2008. Vol. 39. №1. P. 3-22.
14. ParkerG. Mutiny and Discontent in the Spanish Army of Flanders 1572-1607 // Past & Present. 1973. №58. P. 38-52.
3.
Engravings by Frans Hogenberg published in 1572-1576 and depicting "the bloodbaths" in Naarden, Zutphen as well as the capture and looting of Antwerp later named "the Spanish Fury" are in the focus of this research. Through comparative analysis of engravings by Frans Hogenberg and his followers, we revealed two co-existing phenomena. Firstly, constructing of the image of "the Spanish Fury" by Hogenberg himself (his own artistic inventions were combined with elements and compositions from the earlier engravings by different masters). Secondly, copying as well as borrowing of certain elements from his engravings in other ones that
were later published to illustrate narratives ("the History of Spanish Tyranny in the Netherlands" and tractate "Origin, Beginning, and Continuation of the Dutch Wars" by Pieter Bor). The comparative analysis of engravings was followed by the iconological one, which was applied to reveal the meaning behind all the changes in composition of engravings.
4.
When did "the Spanish Fury" emerge in the Netherlands? The punitive actions unleashed by the Duke of Alba who brought the army into the Netherlands in 1567 is traditionally considered to be the inception point of "the Spanish Fury". He was wreaking havoc in the provinces for almost five years striving primarily to suppress and subjugate the Dutch nobles to the empire and also to curb the dissemination of the Reformation beliefs. The Council of Troubles that later became known as the infamous Council of Blood was established to pursue these goals. The execution of Egmont and Horn, banishing of members of the Orange family and Hendrik van Brederode indicated that the first Alba's goal had been achieved. However, the sweeping moves of Wilhelm of Orange and the Beggars ("De Geuzen") shattered the further plans of the Spanish generals. Following several years of rather feeble resistance to the Spanish troops the Dutch were able to get their first significant victory on April 1, 1572. "The Sea Beggars" ("De Water-geuzen") banished from England by Elizabeth I seized the port of Brielle aiming to establish a stronghold. This capture signaled the start of a revolt in the Northern provinces against the Spanish rule.
The response of the Duke of Alba was swift: he drove his troops to the north intending to stage in several cities a few spectacular executions similar to those of the Counts of Horn and Egmont. He set his eyes on Zutphen (Guelderland) and Naarden (Holland). The capture of these two towns is commonly referred to as "the Bloodbath" (Dut. "de Bloedbad"). Alba reported to Philip II that during the siege of Zutphen "among burghers and soldiers not a man born escaped"15.
15. "Degollaron burgueses y soldados sin escarpse hombre nacido" Cit. in: Arnade P. Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt. New York, 2008. P. 233.
Pic. 1. Frans Hogenberg. Capture of Zutphen. Engraving. 1572. Source: https://resolver.kb.nl/resolve?urn=urn:gvn:BVB01:BDH26247PK
The narratives were also full of vivid details. Pieter Bor reproduces the accounts of eyewitnesses stating that the Spaniards offered the citizens of Naarden to surrender and to gather in the church, surrounded it and murdered everyone inside. He described the scale of massacre with "...of such a great murder, has never been heard, neither in the South nor in the North"16. Then the Spaniards led by Don Fadrique lunge to the streets to continue carnage, "plundering and setting on fire, they cut open pregnant women to remove their fetuses"17.
The ruthless capture of Zutphen and Naarden in 1572 was one of the first themes in a series of engravings by Frans Hogenberg. The capture of Zutphen (pic. 1), the first town on the Alba's trail, was portrayed rather insipidly, probably, due to the commitment to his primary task at that time — creating the city maps for his atlas.
16. "Van sulcke groote moort, En is noyt veel gehoort, In zuyden noch in noorden". Bor P. C. Den Oorspronck, beginende aenvanck der Nederlantscher Oorlogen, geduyrende de Regeringe van-de Hertoginne van Parma, de Hertoge van Alba, ende eensdeels vanden Groot Commandeur. Leyden, 1617. Vol. 1. P. 44.
17. "GepLondert en verbrant, Hebben sy't aen aLLen cant, De buycken opgesneden, Van vrouwen met kind' swaer <...>" Ibid.
Pic. 2. Frans Hogenberg. Massacre of Naarden. Engraving. 1572. Source: https://resolver.kb.nl/resolve?urn=urn:gvn:BVB01:BDH19775PK
It is worth mentioning that narratives are also vague containing only a scanty reference that Guelderland surrendered right away being intimidated by the bloodshed committed against the citizens of Zutphen. As Peter Arnade put it, the failure of the uprising in that province resulted in if not its complete exclusion from Dutch propaganda, but in the reduction in the number of references to it in comparison with similar uprisings in other towns18.
"The Bloodbath" in Naarden (pic. 2) on the right side triggered the opposite reaction — the revolt in Holland flared up with a new force and other provinces began joining in. Unlike with Zuphten's engraving, Hogenberg applied other techniques to depict the massacre in Naarden. The high skyline enables the artist to open up the city panorama. Almost all engravings contain recognizable build-
18. Arnade P. Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt. New York, 2008. P. 233.
ings located in the downtown area (a cathedral or a town hall). The static town buildings are contrasted with the chaotic commotion of people in the streets. We can see the Spaniards slaughtering the locals indiscriminately: men, women, children; carrying the loot from the burgher houses; fighting with the remaining Dutch who are still capable of putting up resistance. The fire raging in the houses on the left side completes the scene of destruction. This engraving is meant to fill the public with indignation and fear, to influence their perception and to urge to act. No wonder that the well-laid composition scheme of the massacre in Naarden served as a prototype adopted in countless portrayals of similar events in other Dutch towns.
The artistic approach of Frans Hogenberg had rhetorical background: the artist contrasted a peaceful city, a city from "Civitates orbis terrarum" and other peacetime vedutas, with a city razed by war, set ablaze, full of citizens slaughtered in its streets. How did he succeed in achieving such effect? First, one has to employ a recognisable cityscape; then one needs to present it in the same perspective used in other paintings so that an unequivocal contrast is achieved. Both of these features are present in the most significant engraving in that series — the Sack of Antwerp in 1576.
Many researchers consider Antwerp to be the commercial and cultural capital of the Netherlands in the 16th century. It is fast economic expansion attracted new residents: artists, artisans, merchants and representatives of foreign banks. In 1568, the city population exceeded the mark of 105 00019. In "Description of the Low Countries" published in 1567 Lodovico Guicciardini attributed the amazing rise of Antwerp to its fairs, spice trade and security: strong fortifications and lack of armed internal clashes or upris-ings20. These factors contributed to the shattering effect delivered on November 4, 1576 by the mutiny of Spanish garrisons. More than 7 thousand residents fell victim to carnage and fire and more than 400 houses were burnt. The city was looted and its morale was crushed.
19. De MunckB, Karel D. Innovation and Creativity in Late Medieval and Early Modern European Cities. London; Los Angeles, 2014. P. 95-96.
20. Guicciardini L. Descriptions de touts les Pays-Bas. Amsterdam, 1641. P. 109-110.
Having spent half of his life in Antwerp, Frans Hogenberg reacted to this event with a series of engravings. Let us take a closer look at two of them: most popular and having the biggest number of replicas. The first engraving (pic. 3) has an imposing view of the Antwerp's city hall portrayed in meticulous detail. It is set ablaze. In the foreground, one can see the raging fight between the Spaniards and the city defenders and judging by the positioning of the latter smothered to the bottom right corner they are on the verge of defeat. The square in front of the city hall is littered with dead bodies.
Hogenberg had deliberately picked the image of the city hall wrapped in the raging fire. Since for the Netherlanders, as Peter J. Arnade remarked in his works, a city hall carried powerful symbolic associations with their freedoms, privileges and city power. And,
Pic. 3. Frans Hogenberg. Sack of Antwerp. Engraving. 1576.
Source: https://resolver.kb.nl/resolve?urn=urn:gvn:RIJK04:RP-P-OB-78.784-145
generally speaking, it was considered to be a cornerstone of the burgher way of life and country's political system. The most cherished assets for citizens were perishing both physically and symbolically inside the burning city hall. Surprisingly, but Hogenberg is not the original author of the city hall's painting. He copied it down to the finest detail from the engraving by Cornelis de Hooghe dated 1565 (pic. 4). Hogenberg is considered to have bought it in Antwerp and to have taken it with him to Germany. Anyone who had ever seen the engraving by de Hooghe could easily find the contrasting differences between the peacetime environment surrounding the Antwerp's city hall and get shell-shocked by the wartime landscape. The original engraving of 1565 has burghers strolling along the square and chatting with each other. In the bottom right corner, the last retreat for the Hogenberg's agonising defenders of Antwerp, one can find a dray with merchandise.
What captions accompanied both engravings? The difference in captions is also conspicuous. The engraving by Cornelis de Hooghe 21. "senati populoo. antverpiensis
•1 1 ..u «TArlu 1 C-1 • 11« 4- J -1-u A 4-U- GULIELMUS SILVIUS GRATITUDINIS
is inscribed with Wilhelm Silvius dedicated with gratitude this ERGO DEDICABAr [engraving] to the Council of Antwerp"21. It was a gift presented
Pic. 4. Cornelis de Hooghe. City hall of Antwerp. Engraving. 1565. Source: http://hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.COLLECT.124585
by a young publisher, Wilhelm Silvius, coming from s'-Hertogen-bosch, for the citizenship granted in Antwerp22. What caption did Hogenberg pick?
Oh, Antwerp, Antwerp so high esteemed, How now will help your
luxury and goods / Your bargains and bankers / Now, when everything lies in pieces / Your city hall, a world's wonder <...>23.
The Hogenberg's rhetoric permeates the text: a thankful message from a prospering citizen is replaced with a woeful mourning for the economic capital of the Netherlands whose treasures and citizens proved to be unable to save it from razing.
No wonder that the image of the Antwerp's city hall on fire found its way to other engravings. For example, Hans Collaert amplified the Hogenberg's symbolic allusions in his engraving dated 1577 (pic. 5). The engraving is virtually split into two segments by the tree trunk. Two allegorical figures deployed in the foreground on the both sides of the tree trunk embody the message delivered by both segments: "Patience" ("Patientia") and "Poverty" ("Pau-pertas"). The female symbolising the patience is portrayed seated. A lamb is dozing on her lap and she is holding a cross in her right hand with her eyes fixed on it. She is leaning on a big slab with an open book on its top: the inscription on its pages "Evangelium" means that it's the Gospel. A smelting furnace can be found right behind it bearing a Latin caption casting light on its symbolic connotation: "As gold is tried in the fire, so are acceptable men in the furnace of suffering"24 (Eccl. 2:5). The middleground and background portray what kind of suffering is implied here — "the Spanish Fury in Antwerp". The city hall is set ablaze, the square and all nearby areas are littered with agonising soldiers and civilians, the unburied corpses are dumped into a shallow ditch.
Next to Antwerp, city par excellence, the other segment of this engraving portrays the countryside as a symbol of "paupertas" that the Spaniards brought to the Netherlands. The Spanish soldiers are snatching food and cattle from helpless unarmed peasants and taking away their property on carts. The sheep left unattended dis-
22. Clair C. Willem Silvius // Library (Lond.). 1959. Vol. 5-XIV(3). P. 192.
23. ""O Antorff Antorff hoch gamut / Was hilft dir ietz dein pracht und gut / Dein finantz, wucher und practick / Da mitt du vil hast bracht in strick / Dein Rathaus ein wunder der wellt <...>"
24. ""Ut auru probatur in ignem, ita homo in tribulationem".
Pic. 5. Hans Collaert (I), after Crispijn van den Broeck. Allegory of Patience in time of troubles. Engraving. 1577. Source: http://hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.collect.97232
persed. Such dim reality surrounds the allegorical figure symbolising the Poverty: an elderly man who has slashed his foot off and is surrounded by beggar boys.
The second Hogenberg's engraving depicting "the Spanish Fury" in Antwerp proved to be equally successful with the first on and had numerous incarnations in its "Nachleben" (pic. 6). It was also published in 1576 and portrays the tortures and murders committed by Spanish soldiers in the streets of a city. Unlike the previous engraving, this one lacks any characteristic features where the location of events can be identified only by the caption "Antorff" in the top. The skyline here is positioned at eye level inviting the public to participate in the unfolding events transforming them from relaxed observers contemplating the panorama from the bird's eye
Pic. 6. Frans Hogenberg. Spanish Fury in Antwerp. Engraving. 1576. Source: https://resolver.kb.nl/resolve?um=um:gvn:RIJK04:RP-P-OB-78J84-147
view into eyewitnesses. The street running deep is bordered by two burgher houses with unfolded walls allowing the audience to watch the events taking place inside. In the house on the right side, one can see a naked woman dangling from the ceiling with a weight tied-up to her feet to make her suffering worse. A man brought up by the ladder in the forefront is about to experience the same torture. One can witness even worse tortures in the house on the left side where a man is hanged by the genitals, and a woman — by her breasts. Tortures are taking place in other rooms of that house as well: a young man is being hooked up to the ceiling in the manner similar to the one demonstrated in the opposite house. A woman is running away from another room trying to escape rapists but the soldiers are dragging her back by the hair. The street is already
filled with decapitated bodies and scenes of helpless fight of citizens with the Spanish soldiers.
Many researchers assert25 that house and home environment were considered by the Dutch to be as sacred as the city hall — the symbol of municipal power. A house served as a symbol of burgher prosperity, private property, whereas a home environment was meant to remain intact. Invasion into a home environment was branded as sacrilege. This statement can be illustrated by the accounts of Franciso de Enzinas filled with anger on the night arrests of burgher "heretics" that had been taking place in 1550s26: the Dutch considered break-in and unauthorised entry into a citizen's house to be the blatant acts of barbarism.
25. Arnade P. Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt. New York, 2008. P. 254-255; Génard P. La Furie Espagnole. Documents Pour Servir À L'histoire Du Sac D'Anvers en 1576 / recueillis et annotés par P. Génard. Antwerp, 1876. P. 535-546.
26. Enzinas F. La chasse aux Luthériens des Pays-Bas. Souvenirs de Francisco de Enzinas / ed. par A.Savine. Paris, 1910. P. 9-10.
Pic. 7. Hans Burgkmair. Brazen bull. Engraving. 16th century.
Source: https://www.allposters.com/-sp/The-Brazen-Bull-Torture-Instrument-Posters_
i1864990 .htm
Descriptions of tortures committed by the Spanish are equally impressive. Did they take place in reality or simply were the product of propaganda? As it has already been mentioned, above Ho-genberg did not witness these events himself and could rely solely on the narratives produced by the participants (however, it took quite a while for them to emerge whereas the engraver did not have the luxury of waiting) and other images.
It seems that this engraving was created at the time when existing stereotypes about atrocities of Spaniards became full-fledged, in particular about tortures practiced by the Inquisition. Hogenberg found his inspiration in them. Although no direct borrowing, like in the case with the city hall, can be found here, a very popular engraving by Hans Burgkmair (1473-1531) deserves mentioning here — the so-called "Brazen Bull" (pic. 7). It contains skillful presentations of three tortures: "the brazen bull" itself, water cure and finally strappado where the victim's hands are tied behind the back and suspended by a rope attached to the wrists and weights are attached to the feet to intensify the pain.
However, other sources can also be found. These types of tortures can be met quite often in other paintings created in the first half of the 16th century. The engraving by Niklas Manuel Deutsch portraying the torture of a monk selling indulgences by Suisse Protestants (pic. 8) is one of them.
What is the most important in Hogenberg's engravings is that during the construction of the "Fury" he referred to the images from other discourse, legal or even inquisitional. The creativity demonstrated by the Spaniards torturing the citizens stands in contrast with
Pic. 8. Niklaus Manuel Deutsch. Der Ablasskrämer. Engraving. Burgerbibibliothek, Bern. Mss.h.h.XVI.159, 2r. (1525). Source: Müller M. Niklaus Manuels Sichtbarmachung: Reformatorische Rhetorik zwischen Tradition und Innovation // Schweizerische Zeitschrift für Geschichte. 2007. №57. Heft 2. P. 139.
Pic. 9. Frans Hogenberg. Spanish Fury in Antwerp. Engraving. 1576. Source: https://resolver.kb.nl/resolve?urn=urn:gvn:RIJK04:RP-P-0B-76.862
the concept of "the Spanish Fury" — swift mindless violence and murders. Instead of doing harm to the engraving's popularity these logical contradictions of visual image contributed to its recognition.
In 1577, Frans Hogenberg himself or one of his followers made a replica of this engraving on a big sheet (pic. 9). As well as other engravings from this series it was published in Cologne. He combined seven paintings: the general almost cartographic plan of Antwerp is placed in the centre (this image comes from both Civitates orbis terrarum published in 1572 or even from an earlier edition of "Description of the Low countries" by Lodovico Guicciardini dating back to 1567) (pic. 10) and is surrounded by six scenes from "the
Pic. 10. Braun-Frans Hogenberg. Map of Antwerp from Civitates Orbis Terrarium. Painted engraving. 1572. Source: http://www.wikiwand.eom/en/Timeline_of_Antwerp#/16th_century
Spanish Fury". The two bigger scenes located in the bottom are the above-mentioned engraving with the city hall and a depiction of tortures. Barely visible modifications can be found in elaboration of certain figures. The other four paintings portrayed the street fighting, the escape attempted by Antwerp's residents and the siege.
The Hogenberg's engraving portraying tortures in the streets of Antwerp was reprinted several times in different formats. Just six years later, in 1583 Michael Eytzinger used it in his book "Leo Belgicus" published in Cologne where Hogenberg worked at that time (pic. 11)27. Although this illustration was reproduced down to the finest detail, several modifications were made. The caption was appended with a lengthy remark in French. It conveys the general message from the Dutch original but goes far beyond its initial meaning. An anonymous author claims:
27. Aitzinger M. De leone belgico eiusq[ue] Topographica atq[ue] historica descriptione liber. Ouinq[ue] partibus Gubernatorum Philippi Regis Hispani-arum ordine, distinctus, in super & el-egantißimi illius artificis. Köln: Gerardus Campensis, 1586.
Pic. 11. Anonym after Frans Hogenberg. Spanish Fury in Antwerp. Engraving. 1613-1615. Source: http://www.akg-images.de/archive/-2UMDHURGIXHE.html
Mais l'unhumaine cruauté et tyrranie a ont ceste duc suberbe Nation Espagnolle a use contre les Bourgeois et habitant de ceste sand rennomée ville de Anvers surpasse de beaucoup toutes celles des Antiques Tyrans.
It contains an apparent reference to the Duke of Alba, although at that time a rather moderate Luis de Requesens had already succeeded him. However, Alba was branded as a symbol of "the Spanish Tyranny" and the author simply ignored the fact that "the Spanish Fury" had been provoked by the mutinying garrisons.
In 1618-1624, the Hogenberg's engraving was reprinted several times (pic. 12) and having undergone profound revisions was incorporated into the popular series "the History of the Spanish Tyranny in the Netherlands" (dut. "De Spaensche Tiranye gheschi-et in Nederlant"). Facing the lack of space to fit in the whole painting, the unknown artist cropped it eliminating the houses on the right of the painting. However, he managed to keep the image of the woman hanged by the wrists from the house on the right side shifting it to the left foreground. He added her a bulging stomach
SPAENSCHE FURIE TOT ANTWERPEN
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De Stad Antwerpen door het enßmig tmtjtendtr Spangtaarden, diehet Kaf-teelbefet badden, met tegenßaande die van de Stadt ßgdaar wel tegens voorßm meenden te hebben , worden aldaar met Branden, Blaken > Hungen 9p ongeboorde li'jfen en alle bedexkclijkf Moorderyen en IVreetheden, foodanigmishandelt als geen van alle Steden nog gedaan was.
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Pic. 12. Anonym after Frans Hogenberg. Spanish Fury in Antwerp. Engraving. 1618-1624. Source: http://hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.COLLECT.444711
Pic. 13. Anonym after Frans Hogenberg. Massacre of Naarden (1618-1624). Engraving. From: Bor P. Nederlantsche oorloghen, beroerten, ende borgerlijcke oneenicheyden... Part. 1. Bk. 4. Leyden: Govert Basson, 1621. Fol. 306.
Source: https://commons.wikimedia.Org/wiki/File:Bor-Nederlantsche-Oorloghen_9165.tif
hinting at pregnancy. He also inserted bodies of children into the heaps of mutilated corpses lying sprawled in the streets. The narratives must have caused these modifications as they emphasised the murders of women and children — the most vulnerable categories of citizens28.
The scenes of "the Spanish Fury" raging in the streets of Antwerp are universally considered to be the most successful engravings in that series. However, it does not mean that other engravings were spared from such revisions or did not become "wandering" images. Almost all of them were assembled in 1595-1603 in the landmark work "Origin, Beginning, and Continuation of the Dutch Wars" by Pieter Bor (appeared in 37 volumes). The first volume29 deserves the most thorough examination in the context of this research.
28. Bor P. C. Den Oorspronck, beginende aenvanck der Nederlantscher Oorlogen, geduyrende de Regeringe vande Her-toginne van Parma, de Hertoge van Alba, ende eensdeels vanden Groot Commandeur. Leyden, 1617. Vol. 1. P. 43-44.
29. We will refer to the available edition printed in 1617.
In order to expose the methods that the illustrator of Bor's work employed in borrowing the Hogenberg's images let us return to the aforementioned engraving of the bloodbath in Naarden (1572) (pic. 13). The Dutch verses accompanying the original engraving were replaced with heavily abridged Latin caption that is referring to the event in an allegorical manner30. The new text is purged of the original pathos: although it also contains a reference to the Tyrant relishing the murders of civilians31 the colourful epithets from the Dutch original beginning with "The world has never seen a greater murder than done by Spanish here..."32 vanished.
The painting was also subjected to profound revisions. Firstly, the handful of Spanish soldiers carrying loot disappeared from the square and doorways. The author must have tried to emphasise the effect of murders of innocent civilians diminishing the importance of looting. Secondly, a conspicuous inscription "Don Fredrico" (the son of the Duke of Alba) who was in charge of the "bloodbath" organised in Naarden emerged above the soldier standing at the tavern's door and swinging the sword to slash the prostrate citizen. Here again the illustrator did not pay particular heed to keeping the painting close to reality since a chief commander would hardly ever demote himself to an infantryman walking down the square to murder the residents. He intended to establish a mnemonic association between the murderer of the civilian and Fadrique's name. This method reminded the audience of the son of the Duke of Alba and his role in the city's capture33.
The author of "The History of the Spanish Tyranny in the Netherlands" (1618-1624) (pic. 14) could not help sharing his interpretation of the events in Naarden. Following suit of the engraving portraying the capture of Antwerp it underwent more profound revisions in comparison with the version published in the Bor's tractate. The illustrator lowered the high vantage point of the Hogenberg's perspective. This trick allowed to bring the painting closer to the public throwing the viewers into the heat of the fight right in the middle of the square in Naarden. The gallows with three
30. ""Narda doce quos non pallentes misit ad umbras / Filius ille patris similis quae gessit Olympus / Audijt et vidit stillantes sanguine dextras / Hec satur ille fuit civili caede Tyrannius".
31. "".„Hec satur ille fuit civili caede Tyrannius".
32. ""Es ist khein grosser mordt gesehen, / Dan den die Spanger hie begehen.".
33. Spinks J.,Zika C. Disaster, Death and the Emotions in the Shadow of the Apocalypse, 1400-1700. London, 2016. P. 100.
Pic. 14. Anonym after Frans Hogenberg. Massacre in Naarden. Engraving. 1618-1624. Source: http://hdl.handle.net/10934/RM0001.COLLECT.444705
dangling bodies are placed on the left side. Right beneath it one can see kneeling women with praying hands imploring the Spanish soldier to spare her baby that he has already grabbed by the hand. On the right of the painting another soldier is spearing a man's chest to finish him of. In the middleground and background right behind them, a battle unfolds: the Spaniards are shooting at the unarmed citizen and a soldier is leaving the burning house through the window with a heavy sack full of loot.
The effect of this scene is comparable to the impression left by the portrayal of tortures in Antwerp. The artist transformed a rather insipid original painting by Hogenberg into a unnerving display delivering a much more powerful message to the audience.
The collection of engravings by Frans Hogenberg on "the Spanish Fury" had been considered for a while to simply portray key events of the Eighty Years War; it also served as a proof of atrocities committed by the Spaniards (e. g. in the above-mentioned research by Peter J. Arnade34). However, a more thorough scrutiny has unequivocally shown that these engravings are not to be used as mere illustrations. They should be considered to be a full-fledged object for research by art historians and imagologists. It has been discovered that in his bid to build up the image of "the Spanish Fury" Hogenberg deliberately borrowed elements from successful engravings created by other artists.
This research has detected two principal topics addressed by this series: the city on fire and the tortures committed by Spanish soldiers ("the tyranny"). The first topic correlated with the previously published atlas of European cities "Civitates orbis terrarum" and the tradition of city vedutas, particularly topical in terms of such a metropolis35 as Antwerp. The city was considered to be the symbol of the prosperity of the Netherlands that gave huge potential to contrasting it with its antitype — the razed and looted ruins. The second topic concerned with the outrageous scale of atroci-
34. Arnade P. Beggars, Iconoclasts, and Civic Patriots: The Political Culture of the Dutch Revolt. New York, 2008. P. 231ff.
35. Stock J. van der. Antwerp, story of a metropolis: 16th-17th century. Gent, 1993.
ties committed by "the godless"' (Ger. "gottlosen") Spaniards corresponded with the established perception of the Spanish Inquisition introduced in the Netherlands in the 1520s by Charles V. Frans Hogenberg witnessed its deeds: starting from the first executions of heretics (the Augustinians who converted to Lutheranism) and culminating with the infamous murders of the Count of Egmont and the Count Horn in 1568.
Therefore, while creating this series of engravings Frans Hogenberg relied on both his own experiences from life in Antwerp for about twenty years and other images (the torture machines by Burgkmair and anonymous artists, the city hall by Cornelis de Hooghe and other). Therefore, he was able to reproduce mostly the perceptions associated with the crimes of Spanish in the Netherlands. Of course, many of his paintings are dedicated to the events that indeed took place, e. g. "the bloodbaths" in Naarden and Zut-phen, the looting and murders in Antwerp, Mechelen, Maastricht and other cities, overwhelming the Europeans by the scale of atrocities. However, his pictorial representations are, in fact, constructs.
Hogenberg's engravings corresponded with the moods and perceptions of Dutch and German burghers, made them lucrative and ingrained their images into the visual tradition of both countries. The images of the city hall on fire, the woman hanged by wrists, the hanged in Naarden and other elements from the engravings by Hogenberg were wandering across other paintings for decades remaining recognisable even after revisions and cropping. The Protestant propaganda (the series "The History of the Spanish Tyranny in the Netherlands") and first historians researching the Republic of the Seven United Provinces (e. g. Pi-eter Bor) used them as a primary source of evidence. Therefore, unsurprisingly Pieter Bor, a very meticulous researcher, chose to present them in his work in the pristine condition, whereas the explicitly biased series on "the Spanish tyranny" full of propaganda presents them with profound revisions aimed at exacerbating their emotional effect.
The most prominent researchers of the Black Legend, e. g. Koen-raad Wolter Swart, Peter J. Arnade, A. Duke, argue that the atrocities of Spaniards during the Eighty Years War were heavily exaggerated. They have identified the influence of another Black Legend, which came from the New World and was documented primarily in the work by Bartolomé de las Casas on the Dutch narratives. Las Casas's work was translated and published in the Netherlands in 1578 for the first time and saw numerous reprints. The myths of the cannibalism and torturing of pregnant women practiced by the Spanish soldiers originates from that book.
Are the Hogenberg's engravings anywhere close to the reality? Can they serve as a source of historical evidence? Judging by their contents, the answer is affirmative. As it was mentioned above they also convey popular perceptions: e. g., the inquisitional torturing of Antwerp's residents. At the same time, the portrayal of looting and pillaging on the Hogenberg's engravings is very close to reality since the mutiny of Spanish garrisons in 1576 erupted when their salaries were delayed. The author of captions accompanying the engravings also saw the genuine cause of "the Spanish Fury". According to him money, gold and luxury (Ger. "gelt" and "pracht") were the principal drivers of their deeds, whereas the narratives emphasise the murders of civilians ignoring the economic background underlying these events. Therefore, the engravings by Frans Hogenberg provide an invaluable source for studies of the early anti-Spanish propaganda, and, with certain reservations, of the grim realities of the Eighty Years war. Taking into account the lack of detailed narratives written in 1570s and patchy accounts of eyewitnesses, these engravings provide an indispensable addition to sources suitable for historic research. At the same time revised Hogenberg's engravings, implanted in to other series and narratives should be interpreted with extreme caution since they had to fit the needs of the state propaganda of the nascent United Provinces.
It is obvious that Hogenberg had been consciously constructing his war images taking advantage of methods offered by visual
rhetoric. They underwent numerous further constructions and de-constructions serving the needs of the audience and authors. The present research focused on five most prominent engravings. However, further analysis of other engravings from that series will provide additional information about the mechanics underlying creation and later "wandering" of images of the Eighty Years War.
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