CC BY
3
Вестник Томского государственного университета. Культурология и искусствоведение.
2024. № 109. С. 126-145. Tomsk State University Journal of Cultural Studies and Art History. 2024. 55. pp. 126-145.
Original article УДК 930.85
doi: 10.17223/22220836/55/11
INVESTIGATION OF THE VISUAL COMPONENTS OF XWARRAH IN THE ELYMAIS RELIEFS OF TANG-E SARVAK
Ebrahim Raiygani1, Hasan Basafa2, Mahsa Veisi3, Marziyeh Kheradmand Nik4
1 2 4 University of Neyshabur, Neyshabur, Iran
3 Institute for humanities and cultural studies, Tehran, Iran
Abstract. Xwarrah was one of the essential components of the legitimate government in ancient Iran. Tang-e Sarvak's Elymais reliefs have been one of the places to show the political and religious legitimacy of the local Elymais dynasty. The present study aims to explain the various instances of Xwarrah in Tang-e Sarvak. The necessity of conducting this research is to identify the missing link of Xwarrah's political and religious components. This article has tried to answer the following questions: what are the most important visual components used to portray the Xwarrah in the reliefs of Tang-e Sarvak? what was the purpose of creating such features by the Elymais? As a result, the collection of Tang-e-Sarvak reliefs displayed the political and religious concepts of Xwarrah in the form of some symbols. The present study's data results from authors' survey studies and citation studies, and we have examined them through historical, descriptive analysis.
Keywords: Xwarrah, Tang-e Sarvak, Elymais, Cultural continuity, Relief
For citation: Raiygani, E., Basafa, H., Veisi, M. & Kheradmand Nik, M. (2024) Investigation of the visual components of Xwarrah in the Elymais reliefs of Tang-e Sarvak. Vestnik Tomskogo gosudarstvennogo universiteta. Kul 'turologiya i iskusstvovedenie - Tomsk State University Journal of Cultural Studies and Art History. 55. pp. 126-145. (In Russian). doi: 10.17223/22220836/55/11
Научная статья
ИССЛЕДОВАНИЕ ВИЗУАЛЬНЫХ ЭЛЕМЕНТОВ ХВАРРЫ НА ЭЛИМЕЙСКИХ РЕЛЬЕФАХ ТАН-И САРВАКА
Ибрагим Райгани1, Хасан Басафа2, Махса Вейси3, Марзия Херадманд Ник4
1 2' 4 Университет Нейшабура, Нейшабур, Иран 3 Иранский институт гуманитарных наук и культурологии, Тегеран, Иран 1 [email protected] 2 [email protected] 3 [email protected] 4 [email protected]
© E. Raiygani, H. Basafa, M. Veisi, M. Kheradmand Nik, 2024
Аннотация. Хварра была одним из важнейших элементов легитимации правления в древнем Иране. Рельефы Тан-и Сарвак Элимаиды были одним из мест, демонстрирующих политическую и религиозную легитимность местной династии Элимаиды. Цель настоящего исследования - объяснить различные образцы рельефов Хварры в Танг-и Сарваке. Актуальность исследования заключается в выявлении недостающего звена между политическими и религиозными составляющими Хварры. В результате исследования выяснено, что коллекция рельефов Танг-э-Сарвак отображала политические и религиозные концепции Хварры в виде некоторых символов.
Ключевые слова: Хварра, Танг-и Сарвак, элимаиды, культурная преемственность, рельеф
Для цитирования: Райгани И., Басафа Х., Вейси М., Херадманд Ник М. Исследование визуальных элементов Хварры на Элимейских рельефах Тан-и Сарвака // Вестник Томского государственного университета. Культурология и искусствоведение. 2024. № 55. С. 126-145. doi: 10.17223/22220836/55/11
Introduction
Tang-e Sarvak Elymais1 reliefs are among the collected works of the Parthian-Elymais era in southwestern Iran. This complex, which consists of five separate stone blocks, reflects the cultural and political characteristics of the Elymais people in the Parthian period. Tang-e Sarvak's historical complex is an individual complex in a gorge between the Hatam and Maghar mountains in Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad provinces in southwestern Iran (Fig. 1). Today, these works are considered of the most important civilizational heritage available from the dark period of the Elymais rule over this part of southwestern Iran. The purpose of creating such Patterns was to show the legitimate political and divine power of the Elymais over a wide area of the mountainous region of the South Zagros. In the present study, we have considered the pursuit of this vital component as the primary goal of the research. In these reliefs, the founders and sculptors emphasized the depiction of Xwarrah in a dependent and acquired way. Xwarrah was one of the basic requirements of a legitimate ruler in ancient Iran and even up to the Islamic era [1. P. 81]. This divine spark, which must have originated from an eternal source of power, had many symbols, and every ruler usually had a sign of this divine spark with him. The central subject of this research is to study the portrayals of Xwarrah in Tang-e Sarvak's reliefs. We aim to recognize the issue of artistic and cultural continuity from the past periods to the later periods. This research seeks to answer the questions: What are the most important visual components used to portray Xwarrah in Tang-e Sarvak's reliefs? And what was the purpose of creating such features by the Elymais? To answer these questions, we used the method of historical, descriptive analysis, and to collect data, we conducted a survey and citation study.
Xwarrah
Xwarrah, or Divine Glory, was a central concept in ancient Iran. Xwarrah is a gift that has both hereditary and acquisitive aspects [2. P. 41]. A ruler needed this blessing to gain power and maintain the course of governance. According to the Avestan text, Xwarrah (Avestan: Xaenah; Middle Persian: Xwarrah) was the central point of Iranian royal ideology, and was considered a precondition for a
1 After the expansion of Seleucid power in Iran, the Elymais formed a local government in the northern regions of Khuzestan and the mountainous region of the South Zagros. They ruled until the rise of the Sassanids.
legitimate government. Xwarrah, according to God's judgment, goes to the Iranian rulers or escapes from the non-Iranian liars. Thus, on Sassanid petroglyphs, Ahouramazda or other deities such as Anahita give the Xwarrah to the kings in the form of a ring [3. P. 5]. It is worth noting that although the word Xwarrah appeared in inscriptions on rhytons in Parthian times, it first appeared on coins in 591 AD. Although Xwarrah is the central concept of the legitimate government in ancient Iran, especially in the Sassanid period, it is strange that it is not mentioned on coins created before 591 AD [4. P. 44-46], and only its portrayal and symbols appear on coins [5. P. 68].
The primary ideological attitude towards the kingdom in ancient Iran from the Achaemenid, Parthian, and the Sassanid era originated from Zamiad Yasht of Avesta [6, 7]. In Zamiad Yasht, Xwarrah plays a role as proof that its absence causeed the kingdom's ruin and the relevant legitimacy with it [8]. "Xwarrah is a fiery liquid that comes from the sun," Duchesne-Guillmin writes, quoting Spiegel [9. P. 41]. Therefore, Xwarrah seems to have an identity like the Zoroastrian religion. In Zamiad Yasht Avesta, the conflict between Atar and the giant Azhi Dahaka over the possession of Xwarrah is mentioned. According to this narration, Azhi Dahaka attacked in order to capture Xwarrah to extinguish it, and Atar hastened to attain it as well and saved that unattainable Xwarrah [10. P. 32]. This narration indicates the nature of Xwarrah as a kind of fire-based light, which is extinguished by various factors, including the devil's attack.
Scholars did numerous studies in the field of Xwarrah in the Achaemenid and Parthian periods. Some scholars consider the concept of Fravashi in the Achaemenid period to be the same as Xwarrah or Farr-i Izadi or possibly Farr-i kiyani [11, 12]. Regarding this blessing, Shahbazi says: "It is a special power that was related to the great king" [11. P. 136]. There are quotations that Xerxes sought help from the ancient Persian Xwarrah in battle with the Greeks. In addition, Darius III planned to protect his troops in the war against Alexander the Great with the help of Persian Xwarrah [13. P. 34]. Gnoli analyzed Xwarrah in the culture of the historical period [14]. Vesta Sarkhosh Curtis [5. P. 67-81] also researched the Parthian era. She examines Xwarrah on Parthian coins. Marek Jan Olbrycht [15. P. 27-61] also implicitly addresses this issue in his article on the Parthian king's Tiara. In a report, he examines the continuity of Xwarrah; he studies the reverence towards the fire from the Achaemenid period to the Parthian era. Also, he discusses some of the components of Xwarrah related to Mithras [16. P. 91-106]. Rahim Shayegan has examined Xwarrah in connection with the ideology of the Parthian and Sassanid kingdoms [17. P. 805-813]. Ghazanfari and Saeedfar also studied the basis of the imperial creed in the Parthian era. They also examined the concept of the king of kings, although in their research, they considered the Elymais rule a semi-autonomous government during the Parthian period, and they did not mention Tang-e Sarvak [18. P. 27-38]. Various scholars completed numerous studies on the Sassanid era in this regard. Compareti [19. P. 1-32] analyzed Xwarrah and its differences with Simorgh in Iranian art. Shahbazi [12. P. 119-147] studied the presence of Xwarrnah in Sassanid art. Soudavar [20] and Daryaee's studies [21. P. 39-50] are also noteworthy in this regard.
Sometimes, this concept disappeared in the Parthian era with the ups and downs caused by the invasion of Hellenic culture. However, the studies mentioned above showed that this concept was still considered and sometimes merged with
the Hellenic culture [5. P. 77]. The whole idea of Xwarrah underwent figural changes from the Achaemenid to Sassanid periods, but there was no noticeable change in its function and nature. For example, an individual from outside the royal family rarely applied for power, as the first condition for becoming a king was the existence of an inherited Xwarrah transmitted through blood [11. P. 136].
If the ruler cannot demonstrate the necessary competence in managing the country's affairs, the laws of the Zoroastrian political jurisprudence dictated that he had not been able to attain an acquired Xwarrah, or his Xwarrah had diminished. Mythology says that Xwarrah accompanies and approves the rulers of Iran as long as they remain within the laws of the Zoroastrian religion. If Xwarrah turns away from the kingdom, he loses his kingdom [4. P. 44-46]. The story of Xwarrah escaping like a bird from Jamshid, the mythical king, was one such casse in Avesta. Xwarrah ran from Jamshid because of deviation from the principles of Xwarrah, one of which was to falsely claim to be a deity [10.P. 35-38]. Thus, Xwarrah is a blessing, and its preservation and protection require practical adherence to the principles of Zoroastrianism and political principles based on the power and welfare of the subjects during the period of rule. Later, Xwarrah became more widespread and was present in the cities and political units of the Sassanid kings. Cities like Ardeshir-Khwarrah are among the first examples of such applications where Ardeshir manifested his Xwarrah [22. P. 24].
Although Xwarrah is both a mental and practical concept, its external appearance has many incarnations. This visualization can be seen in animals, plants, and some objects in various artistic aspects of ancient Iran. Tang-e Sarvak is one of the places where the visual manifestations of this concept are embodied in the relief motifs of the Elymais period. The central problem of the current research is to investigate the depictions of Xwarrah in the Elymai reliefs and to understand the issue of artistic and cultural continuity from the past and the transfer of this cultural component to the later era. In fact, this research seeks to show the continuity of Iranian culture during the period of influence and dominance of Hellenism in Iran, and the authors intend to prove that the Elymais, despite being in a Hellenic context, had Iranian descent and followed Iranian culture. This issue has not been addressed in any of the aforementioned sources, and in this sense, this research is innovative.
Tang-e Sarvak (Gorge of the cypresses -eng.)
The Tang-e Sarvak Valley is located along the southern slope of the first southwestern Zagros Mountains, which stretch in a northwest-southeast direction. A long outcrop with a steep slope extends from north and northeast to south and southeast. This section is one of the ways to enter the-gorge from the north, where Hatem and Mashteh rise in the eastern and western parts. The height and slope significantly reduce as one moves to the south of the gorge. Finally, in the south and southwest, the gorge leads to the lowlands, and this entrance to the gorge is from the plain, or the south (Map 1). This gorge is located 12 km from Likak city, the center of Bahmaei city, in the southwest of Kohgiluyeh and Boyer-Ahmad provinces. Likak plain is in the southwest part of the gorge, and the gorge itself is situated between the Hatem and Maghar mountains.
This area is important due to the discovery of a significant number of reliefs. These reliefs belonged to the Elymais during the Parthian period (247 BC to
224 AD). In other parts of this gorge, one can see traces of scattered settlements from prehistoric times to the Islamic [23]. The existence of stone reliefs, the ossuary of Parthian and Sassanid eras, and pottery and numismatic evidence has made Tang-e Sarvak one of the places that continues preserving the culture of Iran's historical period. Due to the gorge's suitable natural and climatic bed, attention to this area has been attracted to habitation since ancient times. Today, this area connects the Khuzestan Plain with the northern highlands.
Map 1. The location of Tang-e Sarvak in the southwest of Iran. after [24. P. 7]
Xwarrah in Tang-e Sarvak's reliefs
Undoubtedly, Tang-e-Sarvak's reliefs are part of the Parthian-Elymais civilization's heritage in the country's southwest, which shows the influence and spread of this political culture in the surrounding areas. The reliefs were among the only notable works studied by scholars and archaeologists who have visited the gorge. Others also refer to the inscriptions on the reliefs. The reliefs in Tang-e Sarvak are an indicator of the presence of Parthian and consequently Elymais (locally) political culture [25. P. 420-422]. Today, with the discovery of a new example of these motifs (Rajabi and Jafari 2016), we can hope for a clearer horizon about a general review of the relationship between the local government of Elymais and the Parthian Empire. In the following section, we describe the examples of Tang-e-Sarvak's reliefs from the presence of the political and religious elements of Xwarrah.
There are 14 relief scenes in Tang-e Sarvak1 [26. P. 130-131]. These reliefs are in various dimensions and quality. Some are in different parts of this gorge, separate from other motifs. What we have considered in this research are the reliefs that all researchers have studied. We attempt to present the designs based on previous researchers' descriptions and emphasize the motifs with the manifestations of Xwarrah. In addition, to facilitate the research, we numbered the reliefs in the form of stone blocks 1 to 5. We categorized the various scenes of each stone block with letters.
Stone block (No. 1)
There are scenes from the gorge's entrance upwards, among the stone debris, on three sides of a relatively cubic stone block, from Parthian-Elymais sculpture. Regardless of the dimensions and size of this rock [3], the designer and sculptor's intelligence in choosing the block's area and location is attractive.
Here we study the eastern face of this stone block (Fig. 2). Some researchers introduced this part of the stone block as the east and northeast face [24. P. 25]. Irreparable damage to the stone and motifs has led to various interpretations of this relief. The presence of two people in long clothes and full-face, who are close to each other and between them is an unknown object like an altar. It's almost all the description that researchers have given of these reliefs. The ambiguity of the scene and the people on the eastern side of stone block No. 1 is such that scholars have interpreted it as a coronation scene [25. P. 64]. Henning [27. P. 160] (1952, 160) expressed the same view. Stein [28. P. 102-106] also mentions some of the religious aspects of this relief, but he also implicitly recognizes the resemblance to the coronation scene. The design (Fig. 3) presented by Vandenberg and Shipman [24. P. 65, FIG. 8] is comparable to the commemorative scenes of the coronation of the early Sassanid kings, including Ardashir I (d. 242-224 AD) in the Tang-i Ab valley, Firuzabad, Fars's province (Fig. 4). A closer image (in terms of time) and more similar is the scene of the transfer of power known as "khasak," discovered from Susa (Fig. 5), which, according to its inscription, is attributed to the year 215 AD [29. P. 163-204].
1 In recent years, with continuous and regular archaeological studies, a relief in the style of the previous motifs have been discovered in the upper parts of Tang-e-Sarvak, which belongs to Elymais. However, shallow designs are also carved on the stone, these designs are informal, and their chronology seems complicated (for more information, see [23. P. 119-123].
Fig. 2. East face of stone block No. 1, Fig. 3. East face of stone block No. 1,
(photo by authors) after [24. FIG. 8]
Fig. 4. The investiture relief of Ardashir I, Tang-i Ab valley, Firuzabad (photo by authors)
Fig. 5. The investiture relief of Ardavan V, Satrap of Susa, Khasak, after [26. P. 268]
The difference between the scene in question (eastern face of block No. 1 in Tang-e Sarvak) and other similar motifs mentioned above is a religious symbol that has appeared on the scene as an observer. With its unusual shape and the ribbon
attached to it, it depicts another part of the religious culture of the Middle East and brings a holy symbol of a God as a witness into this scene. Interpretations of such an object in this scene offers theories such as the altar or fireplace [27. P. 160], the symbol of the Baal deity [30. P. 238-239], the symbol of the temple of the Palmyrian God [28. P. 103] and the presentation of Prince Orodes's vows to the Heracles - Varethragna [24. P. 64]. Rajabi and Jafari [23. P. 50-52] have criticized all the views mentioned above and believe that this scene is a continuation of the intellectual and cultural circulation leftover from the Achaemenid period which also transferred to the Sassanid era.
While agreeing with Rajabi and Jafari, we believe that the object carved here is decorated with a ribbon in waves on top of it. This ribbon is considered a symbol of "Xwarrah" in Iranian studies. The use of ribbon as a part of the symbol of Xwarrah in Sassanid art is a continuation of the visual effects inherited from the Achaemenid and Parthian eras [20]. Furthermore, this ribbon was necessary to legitimize the kingdom. In their recent research, Rajabi and Jafari consider the ribbon carved around the object on the eastern face of the stone block No. 1 as a mistake of the previous researchers. In the images of this object, they placed the human head on a rectangular volume [23. P. 85-84].
Even if this object is a symbol of a human head, the ribbon tied to it symbolizes the Xwarrah. This cylindrical volume, along with the waving ribbon, can play the role of an observer in the investiture of the local power or a religious and political ceremony. This scene depicts the artistic continuity in Tang-e-Sarvak, which began in the Achaemenid period and lasted until the Sassanid period. The subject of such continuity is the presence of a high-ranking observer on the scene, whose existence has already been proven in most Mesopotamian visual monuments [31. P. 201]. This observer is usually a God, Goddess, or even their symbol, seen in Akkadian, Babylonian, and Assyrian monuments. In the Sassanid era, this symbol finds human incarnation, and Ahuramazda, Mithras and Anahita are portrayed as human beings.
Stone block (No.2)
This is probably the essential stone block in Tang-e Sarvak, due to the numerous motifs and interpretations related to the Elymais rule found in the lithographs carved on this stone. Henning called this stone block A [27]. It seems that the presence of inscriptions and the completeness of the sculptural scenes convinced him to consider this stone block as the first monument in terms of importance. There is up to one kilometer of space between blocks No. 1 and No. 2, however, the exact dates of their creation is unknown, and the opinions expressed in this regard are different and sometimes contradictory. The natives of the region call this stone, which is in their migration route, "Bard-e Rostam." Perhaps this term reminds us of heroism and hidden Mithraism in the aforementioned motifs [32. P. 87-110]. Six reliefs and seven inscriptions were carved on this block. Henning studied the less comprehensible inscriptions of this block [27].
A: Northeast face, 1 and 2 (upper and lower)
Upper: This scene shows a man lying on a round pillow. He lounges on a throne. Behind him, a man in Parthian clothing is caring for him. The Parthian man has an object in his hand. The lounged person holds a cup up to his chest. He holds an object in his right hand. This object is similar to the ring of power (Fig. 6). Two
people are sitting on benches in front of his feet. Each holds an object such as a spear or a stick vertically in their right hands.
Fig. 6. Northeast face of stone block No. 2, upper part (Drawing by Erik Smekens 1975 in [24. P. 69. FIG. 9]
At the lower part of the scene and on the platforms that probably form the throne's base are three birds (probably hawks) that look in different directions. Tassels are hanging from the throne, reminiscent of the tassels of the modern nomadic tents (Fig. 7). The pillow is similar to the backrests widely used today among the natives of the Tang-e Sarvak region (Fig. 8).
Fig. 7. Interior decoration of the nomadic tents (photo by authors)
Fig. 8. Pillows used among the natives (photo by authors)
Perhaps, as previously thought, the throne decorations are not carved on wood. But it is a rug with embroidered or embroidered yarn decorations, and today among the nomads, it is in the form of kilims, Gabbehs, and even carpets. Plenty of such
ornaments are seen on pouches and other textiles. The nomads and villagers who live in Tang-e-Sarvak used them.
Scholars have declared numerous interpretations about the people present in this scene [33. P. 221-245]. However, it seems that this relief is an investiture scene (according to the inscription, this relief shows the investiture ceremony of Orodes, son of Bal-Dosha) [27. P. 163].
The inscriptions vaguely tell us about the possible meanings of the scene. We should examine the people present in this scene from their situations. But the question that arises is how can we justify the king lying down in front of a God while the God is sitting on the throne politely and humbly? This is a question that we have no answer for. From the appearance of the scene, we can see some signs related to Xwarrah. The Armenian word "Bazmoc'k," meaning "to lounge," refers to a throne or bench placed at a party, and the nobility and the king would lounge on it during the celebration at the court. The courtiers lean soft pillows (Barj), and the number of the backrests showed the person's importance in the court. Some of the benches had a place for two people to lounge. And whoever sat next to the king was a sign of his pride or closeness to the king [34. P. 515]. And this lounging on the throne can probably be considered the same as lounging on the "four royal pillows" [20. P. 37].
One of the most fundamental concepts of the kingdom in ancient Iran is the inseparable concept of "throne and crown." This concept is mentioned many times in Shahnameh. Usually, someone deserves to rely on the kingdom's "throne," fasten the kingdom's "belt." and finally put on the king's "crown" that has "Xwarrah." Ferdowsi has mentioned these concepts in many poems:
"He tied his waist with Xwarrah; all the world's people accepted his kingdom"[35. Vol. 1. P. 41. Stanza 5].
Some scholars have considered the word "belt" to symbolize servitude and devotion in ancient Iran [36. P. 24-27]. There are several cases where the word "waist" is usually the royal belt that must be fastened to the king during the coronation and is not necessarily a sign of servitude. When this word is mentioned next to "Xwarrah," it implies the concept of a legitimate kingdom. Therefore, the belt should be considered one of the components of having Xwarrah. Ferdowsi also described the accession of Ardashir I, the founder of the Sassanid Empire, as follows:
He sat on an ivory throne in Baghdad and put on the royal crown; While he was fastening his waist and holding a wand [35. Vol. 6. P. 193. Stanza 1-2]
In these verses, the words "throne," "crown," "waist (belt)," and "wand" are among the apparent requirements of legitimate sovereignty, all of which are signs of having "Xwarrah."
He has already written about Manouchehr's accession to the throne: So that Farrokh, your ancestor, gave you kingship, the throne, and the crown; May this throne be eternal for you, as well as crown and Xwarrah [35. Vol. 1. P. 163. Stanza 27-28].
At the time of Ardeshir's will to his son Shapur, he sings like that: No religion can exist without a throne; No throne remains without faith [35. Vol. 6. P. 231. Stanza 553]
Thus, "throne" is of great importance in the imperial dictionary of ancient Iran, and "crown" and "waist (belt)" are also often mentioned beside it. These devices are the outward manifestations of having Xwarrah. In the scene of the
northeastern face of stone block No. 2 in Tang-e Sarvak, sitting or lounging on a throne is one of the signs that depicts a political claim and having Xwarrah.
Some research in the history of art and archeology introduces two people present in the scene in question as the Gods Mithras/Helios and Athena/Anahita [33. P. 224]. We do not know whether the setting of the lounging king or prince next to the God in this image is ideologically and culturally acceptable or not, but they do not seem to show a deviation from religious limits. The king or prince has lounged on his throne in peace. He has no fear of God's power and taking the ring of power, which is considered a symbol of Xwarrah [20. P. 37]. This ring is a result of these Gods' grace to the king.
During the study of metalworks of the Sassanid era, Harper and Meyer [37. P. 99-123] examined the Parthian period thrones. During this study, one of the cases described was this relief. They do not discuss the characters and their appropriate behavior in this relief. While in their view, in some images of the Sassanid era, the character's behavior is debatable.
However, there was no such subject on stone reliefs to base judgement of it on in the Sassanid era. There are numerous Sassanid silver vessels with these motifs: a throne, a pillow, a king lounging on it with a ring of power (which is the symbol of Xwarrah) in his hand and a person (a lady) leaning on the throne next to him (Fig. 9). The similarity of the motifs in these vessels with the Elymais-Parthian relief in Tang-e Sarvak is remarkable. Among these commonalities is the cup in the king's hand up to his chest. Also, the ring that the king has held and sometimes shared with the person sitting next to him. Sometimes this person is depicted a little further away from him.
Fig. 9. The role of the Sassanid king and Anahita(?) And vouchsafement the ring of power (source of photo:
https://thewalters.org/)
Interestingly, the cup that rises to the chest is visible in all these scenes. Soudavar (20. P. 37) considers this scene the coronation of a Sassanid king by Anahita. In this scene, Anahita wears a crown in the shape of a ram's head.
A debatable point in the presented plates is the ribbons in the first plate (Fig. 9) as the king and the lady have similar ribbons, which are seen differently in
the second plate (Fig. 10). The king's ribbons are fluttering, and the lady's ribbons are drooping. In the scene under study in Tang-e Sarvak, the ruler holds the ring in his hand (symbol of gaining Xwarrah), but he did not put anyone on his throne and held the cup in question in his hand and raised it to his chest.
Fig. 10. A king who holds the ring of power away from the lady (source of photo: https://thewalters.org/)
Among the notable items in the collection of the understudy's motifs (including the Sassanid plates and the northeast face in the upper part of stone block No. 2) is the existence of sacred creatures that are Xwarrah's symbol. The animals visually embodied in the Sassanid art as a symbol of the divine Goddess are hawks, boars, and rams [38. P. 119-159]. The animal symbols on this relief in Tang-e Sarvak is a falcon or a hawk, and on Sassanid, the animals on the silver plates are a boar and ram. Researchers who have studied the Xwarrah in Tang-e-Sarvak have considered the birds depicted in this relief as eagles and state that these birds are the symbols of Xwarrah [5]. However, the bird introduced in Avesta and Zoroastrian religious texts as a symbol of Xwarrah is a hawk and not an eagle [19]. Thus, the birds carved in Tang-e Sarvak should be considered hawks and not eagles, because the hawk has appeared in Zoroastrian texts as a bird that brings Xwarrah [20. P. 87]. We should note that the hawks below the throne of the lounging king in Tang-e Sarvak are also repeated in a Sassanid silver cup, and this is the continuation of the association of Xwarrah's meanings during the political history and artistic life of Parthia to the Sassanids (Fig. 11).
Fig. 11. Sassanid silver cup and hawks carved on the bottom. Source of photo: (https://thewalters.org/)
Regarding the general concept of the relief in stone block No. 2 in Tang-e Sarvak, some scholars considered it to be the scene of the investiture of Elymais Prince Orodes. He shows the ring of power to his subordinate commanders [27. P. 163]. Others believe that it depicts the presence of the Gods of ancient Iran, including Ahuramazda, Mithras, and Anahita, for delegating the royal power to Orodes by Ahuramazda [39. P. 116]. (Seyrig 1970, 116). In the context of the general concept of this role, Girshman [40. P. 5] states that this scene is the delegation of royal power to Orodes by Mithras and Anahita, which became more formal with the presence of Orodes's grandfather.
Von Gall [41. P. 213] also referred to the presence of Xwarrah in this scene and believes that the lounging king received the ring of power from the Hellenic Goddesses, including Artemis and Athena. Vandenberg and Schippmann [24. P. 70-72] see it as an investiture that has already taken place. The king is now showing the ring to those in charge of his court. Interestingly, in this relief, none of the Gods mentioned in the scene offers any connection with the investiture scene. As in later Sassanid motifs, we see the direct presence of God or Gods related to him, including Mithras and Anahita in the investiture scenes. Thus, these Gods are possibly mere witnesses and observers of a political event where the Elymais ruler or the King of Parthia considers himself justified in gaining Xwarrah and legitimate sovereignty. Scholars such as Harmatta [42. P. 302-303] believe this is a local scene spontaneously carved on the rock by the Elymais ruler, not a royal set. And it is merely a representation of a joint event that has happened before. In this way, the relief mentioned above links different historical periods. While looking closely at the concept of Xwarrah, this relief also benefits from the visual components of the Hellenic-Iranian Gods as stage observers.
B: Northern face
This part of the stone has four levels of relief. In the highest scene, the most important person, the king, is portrayed (Fig 12). For ease of study and description of the mentioned relief, we named them from Levels 1 to 4.
Fig. 12. North face of stone block No. 2 (after [24. FIG. 11]
In Level 1, we see a king or prince. He is praying or performing a special ritual in front of an object. Scholars usually refer to this object as an altar. The Parthian clothing of the king or prince indicates the artist's adherence to the dominant visual culture of representation in Elymais-Parthian art. The full-face depiction is also a confirmation of this intellectual and artistic circulation. Suppose we pay attention to the topics of hidden iconography in the image. In that case, we will find a visual and, at the same time, ideological continuity that started from the Achaemenid era and even before in the Assyrian age. If, as Henning [27. P. 157] thinks, this person holds a flower (probably a lotus) in his left hand, he has revived the imagery and ideological tradition of the Achaemenid era. This practice continued in the next period, namely the Sassanid era, in a relief of Bahram II in Barm-e Delak, Fars's province, and an object similar to a lotus flower can be seen in his hand [43. P. 124]. (Sami 2011, 124). The lotus flower was considered an important ideological symbol in ancient Iran, especially in religious texts such as Avesta as the symbol of Anahita and Mithras [44. P. 492]. Therefore, this flower can be considered an indicator of the concept of Xwarrah [20. P. 54-56]. In addition, the conical object that scholars refer to as the altar or symbol of the Baal deity is decorated with a fluttering ribbon. This ribbon is considered one of the signs of the continuity of the concept of Xwarrah in ancient Iran from the Parthian period to the Sassanid era ,sinceXwarrah has two inherited and acquired aspects, and the ribbon is one of its acquired aspects1. Based on such evidence, we can consider this scene a kind of extension of the kingdom and its approval and validity. If the present person in this scene is Orodes, the Elymais prince, he has somehow demonstrated his legitimacy.
C: Northwest Face (Levels 2, 3, and 4)
In Level 2 of the northwest face of stone block No. 2 in Tang-e-Sarvak, we see nine people standing and sitting, which shows the continuity of Elymais to Sassanid motifs in terms of visual effect. Of course, the general composition of the scene was repeated later in the Sassanid era. For example, the reliefs of Shapur I and Bahram II in Bishapour.
At this level, too, the second person on the left, sitting on something resembling a chair, appears to be Orodes (Bel Dosha, the Zoroastrian leader of the Elymais, according to Henning, based on the inscription's translation), who is at Level 1 with the object in question. The fluttering ribbon indicates the aspect of his Xwarrah. The throne or chair here also offers a sublime meaning (see above). In Babylonian and Elamite culture, the "throne" symbolizes the kingdom. Later in Iranian culture, other components such as the bow are used for this purpose and intention [45. P. 61-65].
The ninth person is also sitting on a throne or a chair at this level of the relief (Level 2). And it seems that strings of the ribbon or even water rivulets are flowing down from his neck. If we consider the ribbon, it indicates the acquired Xwarrah of the sitting person; if we accept the second view, it looks like a Goddess with a water fountain that depicts the Mesopotamian and Elamite traditions. The standing people in Parthian clothes are also notable. Based on Pierce's semiotic model and formal appearances, we can say that the sitting people are more important than the
1 In this regard: [24. P. 60-65].
standing people. The halo around their head is either their Parthian hairstyle or a sacred halo that is considered one of the aspects of Xwarrah [20. P. 123].
Levels 3 and 4 depict two animal-fighting scenes. We see these scenes in Achaemenid art on Persepolis palace's reliefs [46. P. 137], royal seals [47], and other artistic elements. According to historical texts, Briant [48. P. 217-221] considers the visual scenes of hunting in the Achaemenid period as a part of the imperial ideology. Therefore, the continuation of this idea in Parthian times is also an Xwarrah-enhancing factor for a legitimate ruler. In this way, fighting and achieving victory is one of the requirements of Xwarrah. In a comprehensive analysis, Soudavar considers the coronation of Narseh from Anahita as a justification for the acquisition of Xwarrah and the defeat of Bahram III [20. P. 62]. In a symbolic narration, Ferdowsi also mentions Bahram Gore taking the crown among two predatory lions [35. Vol. 6. Stanza 651-680], emphasizing the connection with Xwarrah.
Stone block (No. 3)
The only surviving scene of this severely damaged stone block shows a trotting (not invading) armored rider with a spear in his hand and a quiver full of arrows and fluttering ribbon (Fig. 13).
Fig. 13. Stone block No. 3 Tang-e Sarvak .after [24. FIG. 12]
Vandenberg and Schippmann [24. P. 80] used the term knight to refer to this rider. The armor used on the horse's body and the knight's trousers is reminiscent of the intermediate role between the Parthian and Sassanid eras. On the other hand, it recalls the image of the hunter Mithras in Susa and the fresco of Dora Europus. It also suggests the cavalier's relief of Khosrow II or Peroz I in Taq-e Bostan and Ardashir I in Firuzabad and Hormoz I or II in Naqsh-e Rostam [49].
The semiotic contradiction of this image indeed tells a story of the natural and geographical reality of the military operation scene. One of the apparent features of
this geography is the use of stone in battle in the highlands. This factor, previously, in Aryobarzan's resistance against the Macedonian army, created superiority for Aryobarzan for some time [50. P. 292-293]. On the other hand, the Greek robe and the Greek bow of the person standing in the back is an auxiliary point of this conjecture and marks the presence of a Greek soldier in a battle1. Rajabi and Jafari [23. P. 63] consider Nike the Goddess of Greek victory. However, Rajabi and Jafari do not mention the reason for Nike's presence in this scene. Interestingly, some researchers have compared this scene to a battle scene on a bone plate discovered from Orlat [51.P. 94].
The political interpretation of this relief seems logical. But the most crucial problem here is the impossibility of adapting this scene to the historical-political events of the Elymais Kingdom. Written sources about the history and historical events of the Elamites are scarce, and save for the reliefs of Tang-e Sarvak and some coins, no narration of this period is available. We are aware of the destructive attacks of the Antiochus to gain access to the treasures of the Elymais temples [52.P. 24-26]; But can such relief be linked to that event?
The fluttering ribbon is also the symbol of the same cultural circulation that existed in this period: the acquired Xwarrah, and that the victorious battle is one the most important examples of attaining Xwarrah [20. P. 62]. Thus, the present scene is one of the most critical semiotic circulations in the Parthian-Elymais era, which we call "in search of the legitimacy of the kingdom." We discussed many symbols in these reliefs, including a halo around the head, a fluttering ribbon, the presence of animals such as lions and hawks, lotuses and rings of power, and victorious battle. Thus, besides a brief depiction of a presumably real battle, this relief tries to justify legitimacy to a local ruler. Perhaps this scene can be interpreted as the Elymais ruler's request to his people to support him as a legal king (which have the signs of Xwarrah, including the fluttering ribbon and the victory in battle).
Analysis
It seems that the Tang-e Sarvak's reliefs intend to legitimize the Elymais ruler during the Seleucid period until the beginning of the Sassanid period. However, these reliefs are neither a collection nor individual works because none have the same continuous subject. Due to the lack of precise knowledge of the political, military, and social history of the Elymais people, we do not know exactly which of the most important political, social, or military events took place during their reign.
Scholars have considered the period of these reliefs to be the end of the first century AD to the beginning of the third century AD [26. P. 145, 53]. Tang-e Sarvak was implicitly important to the Elymais because of the presence of these reliefs [54. P. 105]. We know very well that the carved scenes on the stone blocks and the interpretation of the people present in the scenes were highly controversial among scholars of art history and archaeology. The reason is the lack of clarity of the existing motifs and the incomprehensible inscriptions. So far, scholars have read these inscriptions in different ways. Finally, we can say that these reliefs have
1 The authors do not claim to link the two battles of Alexander the Great with Aryobarzan, nor the relief of the stone block No. 3 Tang-e Sarvak.
been evidence of the existence of a strong local artistic tradition that lasted until the beginning of the Sassanid era [25. P. 420-422]. One of the continued aspects is Xwarrah, manifested in various forms.
For the final interpretation of his impressions of these reliefs and the collection of Tang-e Sarvak, Von Gall writes:
"The reliefs on the four stone blocks [today we know that there are five stone blocks] in the open-air temple of Tang-e Sarvak are a perfect example of showing the full-face view. Here, not only are all the worshipers full-face, but in the actions where the faces must be half-faces, the people are full-face. On the other hand, this is true about the armored rider of stone block No. 3 and in stone block No. 2. Here, a ritual banquet (and not a crowning scene) has been carved in which the Elymais ruler sits on a throne with two female Goddesses. According to the coins, they can be considered Athena and Artemis, the two prominent Hellenic Goddesses. The great independence of small cities and kingdoms is a feature that manifests itself in heterogeneous local styles in architecture and art" [55. P. 90-93].
Von Gall considers Tang-e-Sarvak as an open-air temple, however, based on the evidence mentioned above, the authors of this study believe that Tang-e-Sarvak was not a temple but an important (and not necessarily magical place) place for the Elymais rulers. We agree with Von Gall about the full-face showing in the reliefs, but we have a new interpretation for this issue. Von Gall believes that a ritual banquet is taking place here and does not clarify what he means by a ritual banquet. We believe that these scenes intend to show the politico-religious legitimacy of the Elymais rulers over the occupied territories. One of the legitimizing aspects is the existence and presence of the symbols of Xwarrah. Various signs of this legitimizer's political and religious element can be seen in these reliefs. Thus, Tang-e Sarvak was an important and respectable place for Elymais, its natural geopolitical location and facilities. All these reliefs show the political and religious legitimacy of this ethnic group. The creation of reliefs like coinage has been considered one of the identifying and legitimizing factors of a political movement to seize religious and political power. Xwarrah is one of the inseparable elements of political legitimacy. Continuation of the concept of Xwarrah from the Achaemenid period to the Parthian and Sassanid eras is seen in the relief motifs of Tang-e Sarvak. These motifs are hawks, fluttering ribbons, fierce battles with victory, lounging on the king's throne, lotus flowers, and the support of Goddesses including Mithras and Anahita. They show the attention to this political and religious element in Elymais kingdom. The depiction of such symbols in reliefs in the Elymais era was not limited to Tang-e Sarvak. In other reliefs of this semi-autonomous kingdom, including on Mount Tina [24. FIG. 5], or Khong Azhdar [56] is clearly visible.
Conclusion
Tang-e Sarvak is one of the sites that shows the continuity of ancient Iranian culture and is the site of a collection of the most critical Elymais-Parthian reliefs. Important components borrowed from pre-Parthian times, and the Achaemenid Empire, are depicted in this place on reliefs. On the other hand, this collection can be a mediator for the continuation of the cultural traditions of the Achaemenid and Parthian eras to the political-cultural rule of the Sassanids. Xwarrah is one of these cultural components with a political and religious concept in the Achaemenid and
pre-Achaemenid periods. This essential element also has a worthy place in attaining power in the Parthian era. Also, in the Elymais motifs, especially in Tang-e-Sarvak, the visual manifestations of Xwarrah can be seen. In the reliefs of Tang-e Sarvak, this religious and political legitimacy is represented in visual symbols. These symbols are the fluttering ribbon, sitting on the throne or lunging on the throne, fierce battle with the enemy or the beast, companionship with a God, the presence of the hawk and most importantly, the ring of power.
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Information about the authors:
Raiygani E. - Ph.D. Assistant Professor in Archaeology University of Neyshabur (Neyshabur, Iran). E-mail: [email protected]
Basafa H. - Ph.D. Assistant Professor in Archaeology University of Neyshabur (Neyshabur, Iran). E-mail: [email protected]
Veisi M. - Ph.D. Assistant Professor in Archaeology Institute for humanities and cultural studies (Tehran, Iran). E-mail: [email protected]
Kheradmand Nik M. - M.D Graduated M.D in Archaeology University of Neyshabur (Neyshabur, Iran). E-mail: [email protected]
The authors declare no conflicts of interests.
Сведения об авторах:
Райгани И. - университет Нейшабура (Нейшабур, Иран). E-mail: [email protected] Басафа Х. - университет Нейшабура (Нейшабур, Иран). E-mail: [email protected] Вейси М. - Иранский институт гуманитарных наук и культурологии (Тегеран, Иран). E-mail: [email protected]
Херадманд Ник М. - университет Нейшабура (Нейшабур, Иран). E-mail: m66. kheradmand@gmail .com
Авторы заявляют об отсутствии конфликта интересов.
Статья поступила в редакцию 30.08.2022; одобрена после рецензирования 24.03.2024; принята к публикации 15.08.2024.
The article was submitted 30.08.2022; approved after reviewing 24.03.2024; accepted for publication 15.08.2024.
