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ВЕСТНИК УДМУРТСКОГО УНИВЕРСИТЕТА
СОЦИОЛОГИЯ. ПОЛИТОЛОГИЯ. МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ
UDC 327.2(100+6)(045) A.I. Loiko
INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS IN THE ERA OF THE BREAKUP OF NEO-COLONIALISM
The article describes the dynamics of international relations at the beginning of the 21st century. Strategic miscalculations of Western state elites, especially European ones, in implementing geopolitical pressure on Russia were discovered. The participation of the European Union in this geopolitical pressure showed that the leaders of this Union ignored the obvious connection between the interests of a market economy and the implementation of state ambitions. Such arrogance gave African states the basis for a new look at their geopolitical status, which in fact took the form of a colonial European modification created by France. Western state elites did not expect such a scenario of international dynamics. The result of the transformation is the formation of the Global South, the role of which is constantly growing through the BRICS structures.
Keywords: international relations, neocolonialism, West, African states, Global South. DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-3-378-383 For citation:
Loiko A.I. International relations in the era of the breakup of neo-colonialism // Bulletin of Udmurt University. Sociology. Political Science. International Relations. 2024. Vol. 8, iss. 3. P. 378-383. https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-3-378-383 (In Engl.).
Introduction
Aristotle was one of the first to draw attention to the fact that the economic interests of social communities have political expression. It has the institutional space of the state. Therefore, implementing a systematic approach to society, Aristotle established the subject area of economic and political science. Subsequently, it became known as political economy. The initial statement of this science is that there is a phenomenon of a political worldview of economic interests. A special sphere of political interests of the Western metropolises was their colonies, from which they exported natural resources. After the Second World War, there was a parade of independence, which gave rise to the illusion that the era of colonialism was over.
But in fact, colonialism has become more cunning [1]. It was masked by the formal signs of state independence of the states of Asia and Africa [2]. At the beginning of the 21st century, the next stage of the crisis of colonial policy began [3]. Now everyone is interested in the question of how this stage will end [4].
Theoretical basis
Aristotle, analyzing the structure of the ancient society of the Greek city-states, noted that this society was built on the use of slave labor. The economic interest in the slave trade is due to the minimal costs of maintaining workers. Therefore, economic interests do not include the introduction of technology. The political worldview was built according to the dominance of the slave trade. Only free citizens were involved in the institution of democracy. The reasoning of these citizens about rights did not take into account the inhumane attitude towards certain social groups of people that is obvious from a modern point of view. Even the status of a free citizen was not absolutely guaranteed. Captivity could mark the beginning of the process of being sold into slavery. Plato almost became a slave without being captured. He was put up for sale and only through a ransom did he retain his status as a free citizen.
During the Renaissance, the economic interests of social groups in Europe related to the market economy and industrial activity began to take shape. These interests began to manifest themselves most actively in government activities and political outlook in England. This was manifested in the philosophical teachings of F. Bacon, T. Hobbes, J. Locke, D. Hume. The reflection of English political economy, presented by A. Smith, began to build on philosophy.
K. Marx and F. Engels took advantage of the intellectual achievements of English political economy in the process of writing a work called "Capital". This work clearly formulated the substantive component of the economic interests of the bourgeoisie. It is associated with the phenomenon of surplus value.
СОЦИОЛОГИЯ. ПОЛИТОЛОГИЯ. МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ
The model of free market competition contained risks for the economic interests of the bourgeoisie. These risks are associated with the cyclical functioning of a market economy. The economic cycle ends with a crisis. At this moment, the economic interests of the bourgeoisie need the support of state power structures. J. Keynes came to a similar discovery. His methodology was used by private business and government agencies in the United States during the Great Depression. They did not want to spread the ideology of Marxism. For them, the problem was the existence of the USSR. In Germany, this methodology was not used by the government structures, and as a result, the Weimar Republic found itself under the control of A. Hitler, who adhered to the position of extreme nationalism (Aryan theory). As a result, Europe became the epicenter of the Second World War.
Since the ideology of National Socialism in Germany had a totalitarian orientation, Great Britain, the USA and France began to oppose, together with the USSR, the advance of the German army in Europe and North Africa. The main contribution to the defeat of fascism was made by the Soviet Army. But after the end of the Second World War, Great Britain and the USA declared a cold war on the USSR.
US state capitalism has come to dominate the Western world. His geopolitical ambitions were restrained only by the military potential of the USSR. When the geopolitical balance was upset in favor of the United States, NATO structures began to rapidly advance towards the borders of Russia. This trend could only end in a new geopolitical confrontation. This confrontation reveals the economic interests of large US companies associated with the military-industrial complex and defense orders, as well as the economic interests of energy companies that are interested in dominating the energy consumer market of the European Union. These economic interests shape the political worldview of US government agencies.
Another economic interest of US government agencies is the return of production from the European Union to the country. The Trump administration was concerned about this problem. The Biden administration is strictly following these concerns and is doing virtually everything possible to return production to North America. This is a social issue of employment.
In the new conditions of dominance of the economic interests of US business, the question of the economic interests of private and public business in the Russian Federation is important. This business has traditionally been focused on the energy market of the European Union. His interests largely shaped the political worldview of the Russian state elite. This was a patient policy regarding NATO expansion towards Russia's borders. When the risks of conflict were already realized, the Greater Eurasia strategy was proclaimed, within which an important role began to be assigned to a strategic partnership with the PRC. An economic program for intensive supplies of energy resources to the PRC was oriented towards this strategy. Active modernization of transport corridors has begun. These are Far Eastern Russian ports, railways and roads. These projects require time to implement, since we are talking about difficult climatic and landscape conditions, as well as sparsely populated areas with virtually no roadside infrastructure.
The Black Sea region is important for Russian private business. This region has a well-developed infrastructure of roads and ports. The Russian-speaking population lives here, which has not lost touch with the culture of Russia. There is Turkiye, which is located on the borders of the European Union. Turkiye, at the level of government structures, is in dire need of creating a sustainable economic foundation for the country. This basis is associated with joint projects with the Russian Federation in the field of nuclear energy and natural gas transit to the borders of the European Union.
Through the North Caucasus and the Black Sea ports, Russia carries out trade relations with India and Iran. Land transport and sea logistics are being created in the region, which will contribute to the formation of the economic space of Greater Eurasia with access to the markets of the Middle East and North Africa. The political conditions for Russia's economic cooperation with African states have been created through relations with Algeria, Egypt and the Central African Republic and the continental movement against French neo-colonialism.
Method
The article uses the method of historical and logical research with components of an analytical approach. This made it possible to focus on identifying the essence of political economic interests in the modification of neocolonialism and to detect signs of this discourse in the intellectual space of the European metropolis called the "European Union" [5]. This discourse is characterized by the use of such concepts as "empire" and "post-colonialism" [6]. These concepts are used in the context of the prospects for national states to be in a single economic space, the metropolis of which is the German economy [7]. Also, the con-
380_А.И. Лойко_
2024. Т. 8, вып. 3 СОЦИОЛОГИЯ. ПОЛИТОЛОГИЯ. МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ
cepts of "empire" and "post-colonialism" are projected onto the continuing status of the European classical metropolises [8]. Of particular interest in this context is French neocolonialism.
Results
French neocolonialism is losing ground. Evidence came from the failures of Operation Barkhane in the Sahel. During the active French presence in Mali since 2013, the foreign contingent was unable to defeat the radical formations. Moreover, the situation has only worsened as the number of terrorist attacks increases every year. In the case of the Sahel countries, France's policy rather resembled blackmail. Paris, taking advantage of its position, occupies areas where minerals, such as uranium or gold, are mined, allegedly in exchange for protection from terrorists. However, terrorists continue their activities.
In 2020, the patriotic military in Mali removed the pro-French President Ibrahim Boubacar Keita from power. In 2021, they invited Russian military specialists to the country, who are associated in the media with the Wagner PMC, who had previously proven themselves well in the Central African Republic. At the end of 2020, they helped the country repel an attack by militants led by ex-President Francois Bozize, which was patronized by France.
France tried to put pressure on Mali, but in response received public accusations of supporting terrorism from the country's authorities. The visit of the French President to the Central African Republic was canceled due to the fact that the administration of President Faustin-Archange Touadera was not notified of the visit. In October 2021, Algeria recalled its ambassador from France due to "irresponsible statements" by French President Macron that the country had allegedly rewritten history and instilled "hatred of France." The Algerians regarded this as interference in the internal affairs of the state.
In Africa, demonstrations regularly occur against the French military, financial and cultural presence on the continent. In 2019, the Malians accused France of preparing to organize a military coup, in January 2020 they came out with the slogan "Down with France, the Barkhane must go," and a year later they accused France of a "divide and rule" strategy in Mali. Protests also occurred in Niger, Senegal, Burkina Faso and Nigeria. Among the most prominent opponents of French dominance in the region are the Pan-Africanist movement Kemi Seba (Urgence Panafricaniste), Alternative Espace Citoyen, Yerewolo, Tournons la Page and others. Seba, for example, believes that the "number one disease" killing people in West and Central Africa is not Covid-19 or jihadism, but Francefrica. The new head of Guinea, Mamadi Doumbouy, chose to meet with Seba in October 2021 after the overthrow of Alpha Conde, while the pro-French regional organization ECOWAS imposed sanctions against the country.
Residents of the continent were outraged by the French leader's statement that one of Africa's "main problems" is the large number of children. He was also extremely disrespectful in Burkina Faso, speaking at the University of Ouagadougou, when he joked about the country's electricity problems. The leader of Burkina Faso, Rock Marc Christian Kabore, left the hall, to which Macron said that he had "gone to fix the air conditioner."
The peoples and elites of African countries respond by leaving France's sphere of influence. Discussion
Actors of Western political economic interests, narrowing them to US interests, lost sight of the architecture of neocolonialism created by the Western world. The weak link turned out to be the European continental metropolises, which are accustomed to consuming the natural resources of African states, based on the fact that they are unable to attract alternative investors and establish financial logistics more beneficial for national interests [9]. The European metropolises were facilitated by the virtual absence of national interests among African state elites [10]. These state elites gave preference to corruption and well-established logistics schemes created by European metropolises [11].
In implementing the project of economic isolation of Russia, the European metropolises relied on the natural resources of Africa, which were supposed to become an alternative to Russian oil, natural gas, coal, uranium and precious metal deposits. They planned to use Ukraine as an alternative supplier of grain and other food crops to Russia.
But when they actually organized a conflict situation in Eastern Europe, they faced the fact of the collapse of the French colonial empire.
СОЦИОЛОГИЯ. ПОЛИТОЛОГИЯ. МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ
Conclusions
Thus, the political worldview of economic interests created a new geopolitical situation at the beginning of the 21st century, dominated by the military-industrial complex and US energy companies. The states forming the European Union have adopted a neo-colonial status in relation to this global leader [12]. Their weakness as metropolises follows from this status. In fact, they lose this status. Since such transformations have a long-term perspective in the form of economic consequences, it can be assumed that European economies will be in two negative trends [13]. One will be related to illegal migration [14]. The second trend will be associated with deteriorating business conditions for European companies. They will strive to move production outside the European Union. This observation confirms the thesis that the basis of a market economy will still play a key role and public policy will have to take this role into account.
The confidence of African states in the fight against neocolonialism is fueled by the presence in the world of an alternative investor in the person of China and Russia, which can ensure military and food security. On this basis, the Global South is being formed.
The new system of international payments and financial market infrastructure will be called the "Global South" [15]. It must ensure effective and independent economic interaction between countries.
The Global South will consist of four key elements: a new financial messaging system; direct correspondent relations; alternative international depository settlement hub; new tools for raising capital.
The monopoly of the SWIFT organization is being destroyed. This is an objective and irreversible process, which sanctions have accelerated. Many countries already have their own national systems - Russia, China and India.
As long as much of the world is autocracy, interpreting the Russian-Ukrainian war as a clash between a democratic world and an authoritarian one will only discourage non-Western and developing countries from participating in a pro-Ukrainian coalition. That such a narrative is ineffective and even erroneous, since Russia's actions cannot be justified even if Ukraine were not a democracy. As a result, this emphasis indicates "selectivity" of support rather than an appeal to universal principles.
For countries of the "global South", events in Ukraine are a problem due to socio-economic instability. Rising energy and food prices and their likely political consequences are worrying countries in Southeast Asia, Africa and Latin America. However, mostly they are in no hurry to blame Russia for this. The dominant narrative places responsibility on the West and the United States, which provoked or failed to prevent this conflict and then imposed excessive sanctions on Russia. In the Chinese media, in the Arab world, and in Africa, the pro-Russian version dominates, blaming NATO's expansion policy for the war. The situation is similar in India. The anti-colonial narrative of resistance to US and Western hegemony is definitely more influential than the narrative of "defending democracy under attack by authoritarian despotism."
At the same time, it cannot be said that all countries of the "global South" and especially their elites take a pro-Russian position. In principled votes on war issues in the UN General Assembly, regional leaders - China, India and South Africa - usually abstain.
The choice of behavior strategy for China's unconditional support is dominated by a pragmatic commitment to national interests, to which joining Western sanctions does not correspond. Countries in Africa, Asia and Latin America will continue and expand pragmatic cooperation with Russia, despite sanctions, and this strategy will find support from below. Anti-colonial ressentiment does not work.
In these conditions, the Russian Federation and the China have to follow the path of economic and military-political rapprochement. This rapprochement provides an opportunity to counter US geopolitical expansion in the European and Pacific regions of the planet. This is important for many states that adhere to the values of state independence and sovereignty.
REFERENCES
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382
А.И. Лойко
2024. Т. 8, вып. 3 СОЦИОЛОГИЯ. ПОЛИТОЛОГИЯ. МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ
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12. Matin K. (2011). Redeeming the Universal: Postcolonialism and the Inner Life of Eurocentrism // European Journal of International Relations, 19(2), 353-377
13. Polat, N. (2011). European Integration as Colonial Discourse // Review of International Studies, 37(3), 1255-1272
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15. Mahler, Anne Garland. (2018). From the Tricontinental to the Global South: Race, Radicalism, and Transnational Solidarity. Durham: Duke University Press.
The article was received by the editorial office on 09/28/2023 Submitted for review on 10/01/2023 Recommended for publication on 10/20/2023
Loiko A.I., Doctor of Philosophy, Professor, Head of Department of Philosophical Studies Belarusian National Technical University Nezavisimosti ave., 65, Minsk, Belarus, 220113 E-mail: [email protected]
А.И. Лойко
МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ В ЭПОХУ РАСПАДА НЕОКОЛОНИАЛИЗМА
DOI: 10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-3-378-383
В статье описана динамика международных отношений в начале 21 века. Обнаружены стратегические просчеты западных государственных элит, особенно, европейских, в реализации геополитического давления на Россию. Участие в этом геополитическом давлении Европейского Союза показало игнорирование лидерами этого Союза очевидной связи между интересами рыночной экономики и реализацией государственных амбиций. Подобная заносчивость дала основание африканским государствам по новому посмотреть на свой геополитический статус, который фактически имел форму колониальной европейской модификации, созданной Францией. Подобного сценария международной динамики не ожидали западные государственные элиты. Результатом трансформации становится формирование Глобального Юга, роль которого постоянно растет через структуры БРИКС.
Ключевые слова: международные отношения, неоколониализм, Запад, африканские государства, Глобальный Юг.
СПИСОК ИСТОЧНИКОВ И ЛИТЕРАТУРЫ
1. Anderson, J. (1996). The Shifting Stage of Politics: New Medieval and Postmodern Territorialities? // Environment and Planning D: Society and Space, 14(2), 133-153
2. Behr, H. (2007). The European Union in the Legacies of Imperial Rule? EU Accession Politics Viewed from a Historical Comparative Perspective. // European Journal of International Relations, 13(2), 239-262
3. Borocz, J. (2016). European Union: Imperial Geopolitics and Enforcement Chains // Behr & Stivachtis, 59-73
4. Chakrabarty, D. (2009). Provincializing Europe: Postcolonial Thought and Historical Difference. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press
5. Chowdhry, G., & Nair, S. (eds) (2002). Power, Postcolonialism and International Relations. Reading Gender, Race and Class. London & New York: Routledge
СОЦИОЛОГИЯ. ПОЛИТОЛОГИЯ. МЕЖДУНАРОДНЫЕ ОТНОШЕНИЯ
6. Fisher Onar, N., & Nicolaidis, K. (2013). The Decentring Agenda: Europe as a Post-colonial Power // Cooperation and Conflict. 48(2). 283-303.
7. Foster, R. (2013). Tabula Imperii Europae: A Cartographic Approach to the Current Debate on the European Union as Empire // Geopolitics. 18(2). 371-402.
8. Hansen, P. (2002). European Integration, European Identity and the Colonial Connection // European Journal of Social Theory. 5(4). 483-498.
9. Holden, G. (2008). World Cricket as a Postcolonial International Society: IR Meets the History of Sport // Global Society. 22(3). 337-368.
10. Jabri, V. (2007). Solidarity and Spheres of Culture: The Cosmopolitan and the Postcolonial // Review of International Studies. 33(4). 715-728.
11. Langan, M. (2015). Budget Support and Africa-European Union Relations: Free Market Reform and Neocolonialism? // European Journal of International Relations. 21(1). 101-121.
12. Matin K. (2011). Redeeming the Universal: Postcolonialism and the Inner Life of Eurocentrism // European Journal of International Relations. 19(2). 353-377.
13. Polat, N. (2011). European Integration as Colonial Discourse // Review of International Studies. 37(3). 1255-1272.
14. Schmidt, S. (2012). Soft Power or Neo-colonialist Power? - African Perceptions of the EU // Review of European Studies, 4(3), 100-110
15. Mahler, Anne Garland. (2018). From the Tricontinental to the Global South: Race, Radicalism, and Transnational Solidarity. Durham: Duke University Press.
Ссылка на статью:
Лойко А.И. Международные отношения в эпоху распада неоколониализма // Вестн. Удм. ун-та. Социология. Политология. Международные отношения. 2024. Т. 8, вып. 3. С. 378-383. https://doi.org/10.35634/2587-9030-2024-8-3-378-383 (на англ. яз.).
Статья поступила в редакцию 28.09.2023 Передана на рецензирование 01.10.2023 Рекомендована к публикации 20.10.2023
Лойко Александр Иванович, доктор философских наук, профессор, заведующий кафедрой философских учений Белорусский национальный технический университет 220113, Беларусь, г. Минск, пр. Независимости, 65 E-mail: [email protected]
