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Extremism and terrorism represent the continued display of ideas of radicalism based on the rebirth of religion.
"Nauchnaya mysl Kavkaza", Rostov na Donu, 2012, N1, pp 35-39.
Rustam Khaidarov, Independent expert (Tajikistan) INTERACTION OF RELIGION AND THE STATE IN TAJIKISTAN: PROBLEMS AND PROSPECTS
In the Central Asian countries, particularly Tajikistan, the population's interest in Islam, especially among young people, has grown considerably in recent years. This is due, above all, to a difficult socio-economic situation and the ideological and spiritual vacuum in Tajik society. The ideas of a secular, law-abiding and democratic state proclaimed by the Constitution of Tajikistan are not fully implemented in society. Proceeding from this, the population, especially young people, turn to religion, namely, to Islam ever more frequently in search of truth and justice.
Meanwhile, in the absence of well-developed and high-quality secular education most young people grow up illiterate, with narrow spiritual horizon, and this is why, while visiting mosques, they can possibly become objects of manipulations on the part of religious figures of various kind. This is one of the most serious problems in modern Tajik society.
Another serious problem in Tajikistan at present is a shortage of high-quality religious education. It is the latter that can become the basis for the development of tolerant Islam in Tajik society. The growing influence of Islam in many transition societies of Central Asia is not prevented by anyone or anything at present. A question arises
whether the development and strengthening of western-type democracy become an alternative to the growing role of Islam, and whether democracy as a West-European value is necessary to Central Asia.
Today many believers are sure that it is only the Islamic principles that are able to solve their social problems. In the absence of a pluralistic political field in Central Asian countries, Islam could, perhaps, become a platform or an instrument for expressing the social protest of the distressed population. In this case, as I see it, the political influence of Islam will grow in modern Central Asian societies. In this situation Islam will demonstrate its other essence, for Islam is not only a religion, it is also a political doctrine. It should be taken into account that Prophet Mohammed was the spiritual, religious and political leader.
Proceeding from this, one can forecast that most political regimes in Central Asian countries have an opportunity to control the growing role of Islam. This is the legalization of moderate Islamic movements -for instance, the Party of Islamic revival in Tajikistan was legalized, and also the state put forward initiatives to revive Islam. For example, the Khanafite mazhab was proclaimed the official trend of Islam in Tajikistan. This was done by the Tajik state in order to reduce the possibilities of distributing other Islamic trends, for instance, Salafism in Tajik society. In this case, Islam is possibly integrated in national ideology. But what then should be done in this context with the principle of secularism in the Tajik state?
Another road is to adopt radical measures against the growing influence of Islam in society. But such "secular extremism" on the part of the state can provoke the growth of religious extremism.
There is also the third, alternative development way, namely, the formation of a stable civil society.
Islam began to spread on the territory of Central Asia at the end of the 7th - beginning of the 8th century. This process lasted several centuries, and as a result Islam became state religion of many Central Asian countries. All civil, criminal, family and other laws were based on the Muslim Sharia Law. The form of state government was feudal and in essence it was not religious, but Islam played the leading role in politics.
Further on, the social revolutions in Europe and scientific and technological progress did influence Central Asia. The first Islamic political reformers in Central Asia and Afghanistan during that period were Djamoliddin Afghani (1842-1899) and Ahmadi Donish (18201886). The Tajik scholar Usmon Dawlat writes: "Under the influence of Europe the idea of separating religion from the state and politics came to the Muslim world at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century. During several decades, especially after World War II, the rulers of the newly-emerged independent Muslim countries began to oust religious groups from power. Nevertheless, the idea of the unity of Islam and politics became, and still remains, one of the foundations of the political culture of the Muslim world.
In order to better understand the political situation connected with the revival of Islam in Central Asian countries today it will be necessary to turn attention to the stepping up of religious processes on the territory of Central Asia at the end of the 19th - beginning of the 20th century.
In the latter half of the 19th century the ideas of pan-Islamism and pan-Turkism based on Islam began to be formed on the present territory of Central Asia. Pan-Islamism, propagated by the Jadid movement placed the reformation of the existing system and creation of an Islamic state at the center of the problem. Among the outstanding propagandists of these ideas were Ahmadi Donish and Abdurauf Fitrat. Advocates of
pan-Turkism were also armed with Islamic ideas and propagandized the creation of Islamic caliphate under the aegis of Turkey.
After the October revolution of 1917 Soviet power deprived religious leaders of the opportunity to take part in political affairs, yet during the Soviet period Islam was used by the Soviet leadership for foreign-policy aims.
In 1943, the First Congress of Muslims of Central Asia and Kazakhstan was held, which formed the basis for the setting up of the Spiritual board of Muslims, in other words, legalization of Islam took place, and it was included in the further socio-political process.
The most active revival of Islam and its greater participation in public and political life in post-Soviet countries began along with the process of perestroika initiated by M. Gorbachev. In 1990 the U.S.S.R. Islamic party of revival was formed in Astrakhan. However, it should be noted that the revival and development of Islam in Central Asian countries played the role of a destabilizing factor and exacerbated the political situation there.
After the disintegration of the U.S.S.R. a spiritual vacuum has formed in Eurasian society. Political storms and uncertainty in the 1990s, material deprivations and the loss of the former status made the life of common citizens extremely difficult, and their emotional world was thrown into turmoil. In these conditions people began to turn to traditional symbols and rituals in order to find calm and quiet and civil orientation. Islam gave them the feeling of stability.
In Tajikistan the underground Muslim organization of young people created by Said Abdullo Nuri became quite active in 1974 (Later he headed the Tajik united opposition). This illegal organization armed with the ideas of Djamoliddin Afghani and other Muslim reformers had the aim to revive Islam. At the same time its activity was also aimed at changing the existing political system. During the period of perestroika
such Islamist movements were regarded democratic because they had an openly anti-communist character. But as soon as these Islamic organizations began to claim political power, their leaders were immediately taken for fundamentalists, religious extremists, and the like.
Meanwhile, it should be noted that for political representatives of the legalized Islamic movement in Tajikistan the words "Tajik" and "Muslim" were synonyms. It should be remembered that Islamic movements in Tajikistan had no plans for the revival of Islam in Tajik society.
The Tajik scholar Murodullo Dawlatov writes: "One of the reasons for the civil war in Tajikistan was connected with the fact that the entire political field in the country was filled with international Islamist projects. After the proclamation of independence of Tajikistan, various trans-national Islamist projects have been put forward, because the Tajik Islamists did not, and could not, have any project of their own. Thus, they actually tried to implement the ideas and plans of other people, who did not take the national interests of Tajikistan into account."
The civil conflict in Tajikistan, in which the Islamic opposition took an active part, was settled thanks to a dialogue between the secular and religious forces. Tajikistan played the role of an original sociopolitical laboratory, as it were, in which various models of secular-religious dialogue were evolved, and which could be used in other Central Asian countries if need be. Above all, it is participation of a religious party in the political processes going on in Tajikistan. Today, the Party of Islamic revival of Tajikistan is sitting in the republican parliament and taking part in the country's political life by using legal political methods. Legalization of the Party of Islamic revival in Tajikistan made it possible to minimize the spreading of radical
extremist sentiments among the population, but did not solve all problems connected with religious life in Tajik society.
Some followers of the party considered its compromise with the government of the country a deviation from the principles and ideas of an Islamic party. Disappointed and disillusioned by the party's activity, these people switched over to other religious organizations and movements.
Meanwhile, during the post-conflict period in Tajikistan the "Salafia" movement stepped up its activity. The chairman of the Party of Islamic revival of Tajikistan Muhiddin Kabiri wrote the following about it: "At first some persons in the republican government preferred to use Salafites against our party, inasmuch as adherents of this movement proceeded from the premise that Islam forbids the formation of political parties, and the head of state, whoever he might be, bears the title 'Amir Abd-al Mumin' ('the emir of all the faithful in any country'). The Salafites maintain that opposition to the Amir Abd-al Mumin contradicts all principles and standards of Islam. These assertions had an impact on many government officials, and in 2008 Salafites were given time on the radio and TV for propaganda of their ideas among the population, whereas representatives of the officially registered religious political party (Party of Islamic revival) were practically deprived of time on the radio and TV. Nearsightedness and opportunistic approach of government officials have led to the rapid distribution of Salafite views in the country, especially among young people. But in a year's time, the authorities swayed to another extreme by banning the Salafite movement altogether."
On March 5, 2009, a new law was adopted in Tajikistan - "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations". According to the law, the Islamic legal school "Hanafia" was recognized as the official religious movement. Presenting this draft, the Minister of culture of
Tajikistan Mirzoshohruh Asrori said that the new law should replace the existing law "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Organizations" adopted by the republican parliament in 1990. Religious radicalism, nihilism and some other trends of Islam which emerged lately, but are alien to the Tajik people, were the reason for the adoption of the new law. At present there are about 3,000 mosques and 18 religious associations officially working in Tajikistan. They have been registered as followers of the Hanafite trend of Islam, which was why this trend was pronounced the official religious current in Tajikistan.
In the view of the leader of the Party of Islamic revival Muhiddin Kabiri, this decision was adopted because the overwhelming majority of Tajik Muslims (over 95 percent) believe in Hanafite Islam. "Hanafia" exerts a profound influence on culture. The distribution and popularity of the Hanafite legal school in Central Asia can be explained as follows. It is known that there are two main trends in Islam: Sunna and Shia. The former has four basic legal-theological schools: Hanafism, Malikism, Shafiism and Khanbalism. The Hanafites are the most loyal to adat (customs), the Malikites and Khanbalites strictly adhere to the Sunna orthodox principles, while the Shafiites stand in between representatives of these mazhabs. The overwhelming part of Muslims in the Central Asian region, including Tajiks, has for centuries believed in Islam of the Hanafite mazhab. It is the most rational and flexible of all, opening broad opportunities for innovations. As to Salafism, the authoritative encyclopedic dictionary "Islam" defines Salafites as religious Muslims calling for orientation to the way of life and faith of the early Muslim community, "righteous ancestors," and rejecting all "innovations" in life and religion.
Modern Salafite fundamentalist groupings come out for jihad, that is, an armed struggle not only against the infidels, but also against all Muslims who oppose the Salafite interpretation of Islam.
The Constitution of Tajikistan declares it a secular country where religion is separated from the state. Meanwhile, many people, some researchers included, believe that the principle of dividing the functions and competence of religion and the state is impossible in an Islamic country; it can only be implemented in the Christian world.
Many western countries do not take into account this specificity of Muslim communities and negatively assess the present religious policy in the countries of Central Asia, which is aimed at strict control over religious processes. For instance, the new law of the Republic of Tajikistan "On Freedom of Conscience and Religious Associations" adopted by the republican parliament on March 5, 2009, was criticized by the U.S. mission at the Organization of Security and Cooperation in Europe. It said that the law gave too much power to the state in controlling the activity of religious organizations, introducing strict censorship of religious literature, banning certain religious ceremonies, restricting religious activity and religious education of children, and creating conditions for political interference in appointing imams and organizing the work of mosques. On the whole, this law gives a gloomy picture of the situation with regard to religious tolerance in Tajikistan. At the same time, the United States fully understands natural concern over growing religious extremism and the need for solving this problem in a comprehensive manner.
Indeed, this law gives the state more power in controlling religion and religious institutions. In this connection it should be said that in Islam the state and politics are inseparable from religion. Despite the fact that Hanafism, in the view of certain Tajik researchers, allows the state to secularize, to a degree, politics without harming religion, and make Islam more tolerant to cultural and civilization diversity, nevertheless, it will reflect, just as other religious-legal schools, inseparability of religion from the state. This means that the
proclamation of an Islamic state on the territory of present Central Asia is not impossible; the only question is when it can happen.
Today, according to the logic of the ruling elite, the principle of the separation of religion from the state, which has been proclaimed by the Constitution of Tajikistan, cannot be realized in Tajik Muslim society. That is, if the state weakens its control over religious processes, then sooner or later even moderate Islamic movements will try to win power. It should be admitted that Tajikistan, despite declaring itself a secular state, has Muslim society where Islam, due to the weakness of civil society, increases its influence on all spheres of public life.
Western researchers, and not only they, write that Islam does not confine its activity to purely religious matters, it is a political system. Although some of its most civilized and progressive followers want and try to separate religion from politics, they cannot do it because all Islamic theories are based on the premise that religion and politics are inseparable and cannot and should not be divided.
The Tajik authorities are facing a serious problem. On the one hand, they should restrict the influence of various Islamic movements and control religious life, and on the other, they are bound to give the people greater freedom in search for their religious identity. In our view, it is necessary to think not only of the problems of religious identity. The Tajik state should create conditions for the political and socio-economic self-realization of the population.
Representatives of the secular state should realize that in the conditions of the narrowing down the secular area, which is protected by civil society, the political and social interests of the various groups of the population are expressed by religion through religious organizations. It should be borne in mind that the social agents of civil society in Tajikistan - political parties, the independent mass media, scientific and educational societies, etc. - have very limited
opportunities to realize their potential. This is why in the absence of the opportunities to implement their political and social rights and interests, people will turn to religion more and more frequently and go to the mosque. However, there is no guarantee that in the mosques people will get trustworthy, and not distorted, information, which could only contribute to social disorientation of people.
At present, the poor and distressed (and they comprise about 70 percent of the entire population) trying to receive help in solving various social and other problems go to mullahs ever more frequently. For example, sick people without money to pay for a visit to a doctor or for treatment go to mullahs who either read them excerpts from the Koran or give various charms for help. In search for solving psychological or any other problems, many people also go to mullahs.
Muslim marriages become more popular in Tajik society. Parallel to that, polygamy is also widespread in Tajikistan, although it is banned by law. This form of marriage is of greater significance for newlyweds than official marriage. Today the Tajik mass media discusses these problems, particularly, legalization of polygamy.
There are broad discussions on wearing the traditional Islamic headscarf - hijab so widespread among young girls and women. Today, according to an order issued by the republican Ministry of education, it is prohibited to wear hijab at schools and institutes. However, there are more and more girls and women wearing it everywhere. The number of people visiting mosques for prayer is growing, especially on Friday. Visiting any government body, one may not find the necessary person at his place of work, because he left for namaz. Students also miss their lectures and lessons for the Friday namaz. Soon, Friday may become the day-off as in all Islamic states. People go to mosques to discuss any problem of importance to various social groups. Among the subjects are
absolutely all problems - from purely personal to global political and economic ones.
In Tajikistan today mullahs give answers to their parishioners on all socially important questions, and it is in the mosques that public opinion is formed.
The mosque and Islamic clergy answer both theological and other questions reflecting the realities of modern Tajik society. It can safely be said that they actively participate in forming public consciousness, and also choosing social behavior, especially of young people. But why are the Tajik authorities unable to answer such question as, for example why young people do not have work and have no opportunities for economic and political self-realization? Why is the overwhelming majority of the population so poor? Why has corruption penetrated all spheres of state and public life in the republic? True, it should be said that the living conditions of most school pupils and students have improved, and education has become better, although the professional level of teachers of religion is not always up to the mark. Another problem in this sphere is the unwillingness of religious figures to introduce and complete reforms in religious education, because they fear that as a result of these reforms they may lose their status, work and comfort.
The absence of clarity concerning the above-mentioned problems leads to growing social protest and creates seats of social tension. There are many of them due to poverty and corruption in Tajikistan and other Central Asian countries. If the belt of chronic poverty widens in one of the most dangerous and highly-explosive regions - the Ferghana Valley - Islamist projects will become an instrument of social retribution, because the masses of poor Muslims in the transition societies of Central Asia place their only hope on the revival of Islam. But there is another variant of the development of Central Asian
countries. When corresponding conditions for the development of political parties, public associations and the independent mass media in transition societies are created, the state may acquire an opportunity, as international experience shows, to manage socio-political processes and create mechanisms to eliminate seats of social tension. For this purpose it will be necessary to create conditions for the development of real democracy.
Modern history shows that in order to preclude various sociopolitical conflicts Central Asian societies need to create a pluralistic political system. Under this system diverse political, public and other organizations adhering to the most diverse (sometimes entirely opposite) views on different social problems can exist and function quite freely. But the modern history of the post-Soviet states shows that in most of them, despite the existence of a market economy, there is neither a stably developing middle class nor a pluralistic political system. Today a state needs to develop a normative legal base to create conditions for the interaction of state power bodies and organizations of local self-government with religious institutions in order to oppose the growing activity of religious extremists. In the sphere of relations with religious organizations Tajikistan should do the following:
Support the atmosphere of mutual respect and dialogue in society;
Contribute to improving legislation aimed at prevention of manifestations of religious extremism, religious intolerance, etc.;
Improve the mechanisms of state control over observance of legislation by religious institutions;
Create conditions for cooperation between the existing institutions of civil society and religious organizations to solve important problems facing civil society;
Create conditions for disseminating knowledge about the history of religious faiths at general educational institutions with a view to developing tolerance toward other confessions. It will be necessary to introduce and study the subject "Introduction to Religion" at general educational establishments, which should be taught in a neutral and objective form;
Create the legal foundation for integrating religious institutions in the sphere of social services to socially vulnerable sections of the population. As is known, mosques collect donations of Muslims, but nobody keeps a record of these means or of how they are spent. Probably, religious institutions should be allowed to set up charity organizations whose activity would be directed to solving social problems facing people, and not only pursuing purely religious aims;
Evolve mechanisms of cooperation of government bodies with religious institutions in combating drug addiction, alcoholism, and other social ills;
Government bodies and civil institutions should also:
Study international experience in the sphere of religious education, personnel training for religious institutions, methods of teaching history of religion, etc.;
Use the potential of the mass media in disseminating knowledge about the history of religion and modern religious processes in society. This concerns, primarily, the production of TV and radio programs, creation of an Internet page in the Tajik language, etc. Tajik society needs the development of specific journalism which would be oriented to objectively describing religious processes in the country. Such information backing of relations between the state and religion would help the two sides adopt correct decisions on disputable questions;
Carry on constant monitoring of religious processes, above all, sociological surveys on questions dealing with the attitude of the state and its citizens to religion;
Evolve mechanisms of the interaction of religious organizations with special services with a view to preventing breaches of law among the population. It is necessary to educate officials at law-enforcement agencies in the spirit of religious and civil tolerance. Today's Tajik newspapers carry information about the police and special services using crude force in dealings with people suspected of illegal religious activity;
Work with religious institutions in fostering leader qualities in women. In present-day Tajik society women bear the brunt of social responsibility. This is due to the considerable migration of the mail part of the population to other countries in search of work. This means that everyday economic and social problems have to be tackled by women. This is why the implementation of projects aimed at raising the role of women in society and fostering of leader qualities in them will help solve many problems of present-day Tajikistan. It is important to make society and women themselves realize that Islam does not restrict their right to economic and political self-realization.
The Islamic factor in the countries of Central Asia is especially important in the socio-political sphere. Islam today takes part in forming value orientations of people and adjusting relations between them. In doing this Islam can play the role of an instrument in the political sphere with due account of the socio-political situation in the Central Asian region, and its role as such will be growing. And it may cause certain confrontation between secular radicals and religious groupings.
Today various religious organizations of an extremist nature are stepping up their activity in Central Asia. This can negatively influence stability in society and engender new threats.
At present, religious organizations and their objects become ideological centers uniting people and fostering the feeling of collectiveness and solidarity in them. However, it is not yet known where these centers will lead people to. Some religious leaders, whose activity is not controlled by the state, may manipulate public consciousness, especially of young people. The growth of religious extremism and dissemination of the ideas of Islamic fundamentalists among young men are quite possible in the region due to the difficult socio-economic situation.
Despite the active work of government bodies, the activity of such religious groupings as, for example, "Hizb-ut-tahrir" in Central Asia, could not be stopped. According to information from various sources, the activity of "Hizb-ut-tahrir" has become more widespread and radical. And as shown by international experience, radical Islam can destabilize the socio-political situation in society very rapidly.
The developing relations between the state and religion require search for new legal forms of cooperation and improvement of the models of these relations in Tajik society. Solution of various problems in the sphere of religion should be a strategic priority in the activity of the republican government.
At the same time the Tajik state is concerned with the problem of political Islam penetrating Tajik society. At present, neither the state nor religious institutions clearly understand that relations between them should be based on the principles of partnership.
The Tajik authorities should contribute to the development of civil society in the country. It is only the high level of public
consciousness and culture that can prevent the dissemination of religious fundamentalism and extremism in Tajik society.
"Islam v SNG", Moscow-Nizhni Novgorod, 2012, No 2 (7), pp. 28-35.
Murat Laumulin,
D. Sc. (Political Sciences), Kazakhstan Institute of Strategic Studies VIRTUAL SECURITY OF CENTRAL ASIA
The forthcoming withdrawal of western coalition troops from Afghanistan and the possible deployment of arms and operational bases of the United States on the territory of certain states in Central Asia create a new situation in the region. One should consider the decision of Uzbekistan to suspend membership in the Collective Security Treaty Organization (CSTO) taken at the end of June 2012 in this context. The Charter of the organization prohibits the deployment of military bases of the third countries on the territory of the Organization's member-countries. Non-participation will allow Uzbekistan, on a legal basis, to receive any military-technical means, including arms, from NATO, which the latter deems necessary to leave on the way out from Afghanistan.
True, official claims and complaints of Uzbekistan to the Organization boil down to the fact that the latter remains symbolic, even virtual. When things go as far as to the need to rebuff the real threats to security and stability, as was the case of the invasion of Islamic militants in 1999 and 2000, or the Osh massacre of 2010, the Organization did not play any role at all. Are these complaints well-substantiated?
