CC BY
15
INDIGENOUS CULTURAL REPRESENTATIONS AND MINING: A
REFLECTIVE STUDY
1DANY NORI TICAHUANCA QUISPE, 2LUIS DANIEL HUAMAN ASILLO, 3ALEJANDRO JAVIER MÁLAGA NUÑEZ-ZEBALLOS, 4CARLA SOLEDAD GARCÍA GODOS PEÑALOZA, 5LUZ MATILDE GARCÍA GODOS PEÑALOZA, 6NELLY CARMEN CHAVEZ ROJAS, 7JESSICA YESENIA GARCÍA
APAZA
1https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2487-1439 [email protected] Universidad Nacional de San Agustín de Arequipa, Perú Arequipa, Peru 2https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8253-4510 [email protected] Universidad Nacional de San Agustín de Arequipa, Perú Arequipa, Peru 3https://orcid.org/0000-0003-4861 -4418 [email protected]. pe Universidad Nacional de San Agustín de Arequipa, Perú Arequipa, Peru 4https://orcid.org/0000-0002-8112-1212 [email protected] Universidad Continental Arequipa, Peru 5https://orcid.org/0000-0003-0591 -2191 [email protected]. pe Universidad Católica Santa María Arequipa, Peru 6https://orcid.org/ 0000-0002-9629-8926 [email protected] National University of San Agustín de Arequipa Arequipa, Peru 7https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2586-0619 [email protected] Universidad Nacional de San Agustín de Arequipa Arequipa, Perú
Summary
Mining in Latin America has caused environmental and cultural problems due to the high environmental impact of excavations and the lack of cost-benefit. Furthermore, the exploration is mainly politically motivated and does not benefit the affected sectors or the country. In this paper, an analysis of the mining situations presented in the Tambo Valley in Peru has been carried out to identify the social actors involved in the conflict and the cultural representations. To this end, qualitative research with content analysis was carried out. The sample consisted of 674 testimonies processed with Atlas.ti version 8 software. Data were segmented using an open coding process into interpretive categories. Respective semantic analyses were carried out, both from the miner's and the anti-miner's perspectives, achieving worrying results that motivated the development of the conflict. Finally, the results show that the proposed mining is not beneficial for the region, does not contribute significantly to local development, and on the contrary, affects productivity, the environment, and social stability, and is also about political rather than social interests.
Keywords: mining, environmental impact, social conflict, semantic analysis.
I. INTRODUCTION
Mining is an economic necessity of some countries with a significant number of natural resources that, when exploited, can contribute significantly to the economy of nations and
the job opportunities of their inhabitants. However, these actions by governments are only sometimes timely or correct since, in the case of Latin American countries, other interests prevail, leaving aside social needs. This lack of interest in the inhabitants has caused disputes and controversies to be generated in different sectors of the region since, although the mining industry should contribute economically and labor, despite the environmental impact, these have yet to be the results. In countries such as Venezuela, Brazil, Ecuador, and Peru, the ecological impact caused by mining production has been high, causing permanent damage to nature without economic or labor benefits to citizens but enriching governments more.
Latin America has remained stagnant in the mining production phase in recent years, while China has grown dramatically as a producer and consumer of refined products. Some elements indicate an inflection in globalization, including the slow recovery of the world economy, the weakening of multilateralism, and an escalation of growing protectionism among nations. Other indicators are The technological trade tensions between the U.S. and China, the accelerating technological revolution and the uncertain future of work, climate change that urges a shift in the energy paradigm, the global demographic transition, and new migratory flows. For its part, Latin America and the Caribbean have a relevant participation in the world reserves of the leading metallic minerals (ECLAC, 2018)(ECLAC, 2018).
In the particular case of Peru, the extractive policy of natural resources has been perceived by the population as a mechanism by which dependence on transnational capital is maintained; This model was objected to because they do not see reflected the supposed benefits it generates. Despite public opposition, politicians in power in Peru continue to defend, promote, and impose policies that benefit a small group at the expense of the majority. This alliance between economic and political power has persisted throughout Peru's history, resulting in a small elitist group controlling the State. In addition, this extractive policy implies the imposition of a logic of plunder, pollution, recolonization, and new dependence. If not also, it involves violence, fraud, corruption, and authoritarianism. This divergence of meanings has a social, ideological, and cultural impact on society, whose greatest exponent is the social conflicts where the protagonists, dissenting as the local population, the Government, and the mining companies, expose knowledge, meanings, and symbolisms that social conflict represents. (Flores, 1994)(José, Taddei, & Algranati, 2013).
On the other hand, the analysis of the representation of social conflict leads to consider several factors. In the first place, the geographical aspect, according to Henri Lefebvre, has three levels: that of material realities (nature itself), that of social facts (product of occupation), and mental realities (the formal abstractions of it). The territory becomes a space of resistance, resignification, and the creation of new social relations in the face of extractive politics. Every produced area serves as both an instrument of thought and action, allowing for the social appropriation of space. Secondly, the cultural factor influences the identification of the protagonists and antagonists of the social conflict. Where cultural prejudices towards others persist in terms of inferiority based on the educational aspect, intelligence, and culture as new discriminatory criteria, it is an underhanded racism that hides behind these criteria. Geography also influences that, in the case of Peru, it predominates a culturally determined geography because the territory encompasses ideas and images with a significant burden that reflects social, economic, political, and ethnic inequality (Lefebvre, 2013) (José, Taddei, & Algranati, 2013)(Solano, 2020)(Rangel, 2020).
Identifying the Peruvian Government as responsible for perpetuating injustice reveals the persistent alliance between economic and political power, which has hindered the country's development. This problem stems from the need for an honest and competent state that prioritizes all citizens' well-being over a small group's interests. In this sense, the persistence of the pseudo-liberal mentality confuses private interest with the national welfare, and that confusion ultimately lies in the cause of all corruption. Establishing a structural crime of abuse of power plus impunity and less citizen participation, with its network of complicities and collusions, which today integrally distorts the State, market, and society (Estela, 2001 )(Estela, 2001)(Sandoval, 2016). (Estela, 2001)(Estela, 2001)(Sandoval, 2016).
The mining project that gives rise to the social conflict is developed in the Tambo Valley, in the Arequipa province of Islay. In the districts of Cocachacra, Dean Valdivia, and Punta de
Bombón, propaganda against the Tía María copper project of the Southern Copper Corporation is seen on the roofs and doors of the houses. As a result, the Ministry of Energy and Mines (Minem) will issue the necessary permits for exploitation. However, this will depend on the National Environmental Certification Service for Sustainable Investments (Senace), which will evaluate the company's environmental proposals (El Comercio, 2018).
On the other hand, the political aspect whose opposition to the Tía María mining project challenges the dominant social, political, and economic order. There are multiple power relations in the specific form of domination and resistance. Configuring from collective action is the construction of us of a new disruptive political identity. An identity of resistance refers to actors in positions/conditions devalued or stigmatized for the logic of domination. Because social movements question the confinement of politics as a specific and monopolistic activity of the State, the State questions freedom of demonstration and expression through social protest, which is assimilated as a crime. In this controversy, social movements create frameworks of collective action where the values of justice, freedom, and solidarity act as foundations to justify and legitimize the demands oriented towards the defense and deepening of democracy of citizens' civil liberties. (Martinez, 2017) (Martinez, 2017)(Vallejo, 2020) (de la Garza Talavera, 2023)(Seoane, Emilio, & Clara, 2013)
This paper analyzes the social conflict surrounding the Tía María mining project and its impact on social attitudes, culture, environment, politics, and labor. Interviews and comments posted on YouTube were used to conduct the analysis. These sources provide valuable cognitive, evaluative, and attitudinal insights into how the conflict is represented. The study considers the territorial, cultural, and political factors that shape personal mental models and socio-cultural beliefs, leading to social representation. These representations interact during interindividual communications, forming ideas and opinions (Avilés, 2015)(Carbajal, 2017)(Van Dijk, 2010)(Pino, 2010).
In addition, all this baggage of meanings is proper knowledge under criteria of truth that are materialized in the experience of individuals because, through these meanings, they perceive, feel, judge, and act. These social representations are in constant assimilation of new experiences. In other cases, they endure through time and are assumed as symbolic representations. So it is the case with culture, a comprehensive system with a significant shared burden. By this, it can know what happens in that place, what it is supposed to look like, and how individuals should behave (Pastor, 2006)(Lotman, 2002)(Paez, 2013).
II. SOCIAL REPRESENTATION, CULTURE, AND SOCIAL MOVEMENTS
Representation would be the objective, mythical, or imaginary cognitive substitution of an object, event, person, or idea, which influences the production of common-sense knowledge used by the subject to interact with the social environment and conditions their understanding of it. Therefore, social representations refer to forms of social learning by which people interpret and think about their daily reality. In addition, the structure of each representation has two inseparable faces. The first is figurative, corresponding to a meaning associated with an image, and each image is a set of specific features. The Second is the symbolic one that alludes to the dynamic aspect of the representation. Some authors claim that the symbol is connected to its object by associating ideas in such a way that they cause its interpretation, which tends to produce a general concept. Finally, it is also necessary to mention the role played by both the individual and society in constructing a social representation. The historical and socioeconomic conditions of culture shape the central social structure, which regulates the emergence and content of the representation. In contrast, the lateral social system alludes to the individual's subjectivity, encompassing cognitive aspects. (Valera, 2002)(Villarroel, 2017)(Villarroel, 2017)(Peirce, 2015)(Dellamary, 2019).
Therefore, the dynamics of social representation show a constant construction and reconstruction whose content reflects its space, time, and cultural characteristics. Culture denotes a historically transmitted scheme of meanings represented in symbols employing which men communicate, perpetuate, and develop their knowledge and attitudes toward life. Thus, cultures are not integrated totalities but unstable, heterogeneous configurations in a
continuous transformation that can harbor contradictions. On the other hand, conflict defines a dynamic of oppositions that result from different valuations, perceptions, or meanings about actions or circumstances linked to society and the environment. That, in many cases, derives from social movements that are collective actors that carry out conflictive activities that imply a questioning of social relations, modes of domination, and how cultural orientations are given (Lotman, 2002) (Paez, 2013) (Dellamary, 2019)(Lotman, 2002).
Through this dynamic, social movements are agents producing meaning for their participants, their adversaries, and the general public to promote social change. Moreover, they are contributing to legitimizing other ways of thinking about politics and social relations where the importance of the territory as a producer and product of meanings and valuations is added. Also, the cultural factor can enter into a process of contradiction that leads to mobilization since they perceive an apparent discrepancy between the ideological justifications in force and the actual behaviors. According to Lefebvre, observing the plurality of senses and meanings that keep the same place for different subjects is essential. So it proposes the concept of spaces of representation to indicate the forms of local knowledge, as opposed to the dominant ideologies of space; This implies that the space of expression is both subject to domination and a source of resistance (Pastor, 2006)(Valera, 2002)(Lefebvre, 2013).
III. THE TÍA MARÍA MINING PROJECT
The project includes exploiting two open pit deposits, La Tapada and Tía María, both of oxidized copper ore with 0.29% Cu. The project above consists of two stages: first, it is intended to exploit the La Tapada deposit, and second, the Tía María deposit, with an intermediate stage where it is expected to use both deposits simultaneously (figure 1).
Figure 1. Geographical description of the mining project
Source: (Peru progress for all, 2015)
This mining project began in 1994, and during all this time, it has been able to yield the following results:
• Exploration activities between 1994 and 2009 - 2010.
• Preparation of the first Environmental Impact Study between 2008 and 2010.
• Preparation of the second Environmental Impact Study between 2011 and 2013.
RUSSIAN LAW JOURNAL Volume XI (2023) Issue 8s
• Two informative workshops in the town of Deán Valdivia:
The First Workshop (October 24, 2013): with an attendance of approximately 600 people, and a Second Workshop (October 30, 2013): about 800 people.
• Public hearing in Cocachacra in December 2013 with approximately 1,600 people attending.
A. EXPECTATIONS OF THE MINING PROJECT
According to the agreements, the mining operation will not use the natural resources of the Tambo Valley, and it is expected that the benefits committed by the company about the Tía María Mining Project (Peru progress for all, 2015) will be:
1. Education: Improvement of Services, Educational Infrastructure, Academic Competencies, and Technical Training.
2. Health: Improvement of Sanitation Services (Drinking Water and Sewage), Improvement in Health Services.
3. Work:
• 3000 jobs - construction stage
• 650 jobs - stage of operation (direct)
• 3500 jobs - operation stage (indirect)
IV. METHODOLOGY
The work had a qualitative approach, consisting of an analysis sheet ordered by categories and subcategories to perform content analysis. The analysis was performed in a conventional, direct, and summative manner. In this sense, the units of study were analyzed inductively. In addition, the codes and categories are based on the theoretical elements, and the data frequencies were analyzed, considering each indicator of the subcategories.
The methodological process was composed of the elements described in figure 2. Note that four fundamental phases allow for discovering the characteristics of the content and creating an appropriate database, reaching 674 data.
Preanálisis
Ll
Formación del sistema categorial
Codificación
✓ — ✓ — ✓ — ✓ —
<2_Í3.
Análisis
Interpretación y resultados
Recolección de datos
Conceptualización
Tabulaciones, cálculos, Software
Figure 2. Description of methodological elements. Source: Authors.
The data collection was focused on the videos associated with the Tía María mining conflict, published on the YouTube platform, for which the database of the following elements was composed: source of origin, date of publication, title, and URL. The primary documents were 69 videos selected from the number of comments, considered an inclusion criterion with a minimum of ten words. Then, each user was identified, reaching a sample of 674.
A. APPLICATION OF ATLAS. TI SOFTWARE
The Atlas.ti software is a tool that allows the organization, analysis, and interpretation of information in qualitative research. It also allows us to work and organize large amounts of information in various digital formats. It also facilitates the realization of contrasts and comparisons, optimizing research times, and making the most of information, analysis elements, and teamwork.
In this sense, the Atlas.ti version 8 software allowed for information segmentation, recognizing the concepts, properties, and grouping of text fragments, giving rise to Tambo Valley, Mining, Government, and Anti-mining Settler variables. Furthermore, axial coding was conducted to identify relationships between categories and subcategories, creating three interpretive types: Representation of the Tambo Valley from an environmental-economic approach.
a. The analysis also examines the socio-cultural representation of the identity of the protagonists involved in the social conflict of Tía María. It includes exploring how their cultural backgrounds, social identities, and historical experiences shape their perspectives and actions within the competition.
b. Socio-cultural representation of the conflictive relationship between protagonists and dissenters
By integrating these three categories, a main type was identified: the cultural representation of Tía María's social conflict. This category addresses symbolisms related to the conservation of life, corruption, and violence, which influence the social construction of the Tambo Valley as a space of resistance against the dominant power.
IV. RESULTS
The results can be classified into two main branches: from the semantic point of view and the content analysis itself.
A. SEMANTIC ANALYSIS
In this sense, the semantic analyses of all the elements involved have been considered, which include:
• The units of analysis
• The environmental-economic approach
• The socio-cultural representation of the anti-mining settler
• The socio-cultural representation of the protagonist and antagonist
• The mining company
• Political empowerment
1. SEMANTIC ANALYSIS OF UNITS OF ANALYSIS
The corpus was structured hierarchically based on 674 units of analysis (users), measured by the number of frequencies supported by the coding system and categories. The predominant words within these units were used to analyze elements of the conflict, including linguistic connotations and implied symbolism. For example, the semantic analysis revealed that mining exploitation predominantly affects water, animals, and the environment. Additionally, the Government is perceived as corrupt and involved in irregularities, while inhabitants who do not support mining activity are often referred to with derogatory language.
2. SEMANTIC ANALYSIS OF THE CATEGORY REPRESENTATION OF THE TAMBO VALLEY FROM AN ENVIRONMENTAL-ECONOMIC APPROACH
It was observed that the semantics associated with the Valley of Tambo could be seen that the words involved are related to the region's productivity, how stability, family, food, and excellent natural environment are available. However, in addition, it can be seen in the words that one of the biggest concerns of the inhabitants is the contamination of water and soil, which can mean a significant problem for the inhabitants, crops, and life in general in the Tambo region.
3. SEMANTIC ANALYSIS OF THE CATEGORY SOCIO-CULTURAL REPRESENTATION OF THE IDENTITY OF THE PROTAGONISTS OF THE CONFLICT OF TÍA MARÍA: ANTI-MINING SETTLER
Derogatory words were observed to be associated with residents who disagree with mining. The lack of an objective vision of the problem and the disrespectful portrayal of these individuals can negatively impact those affected and influence the media. While there may be disagreements between the mining company and the anti-mining residents, using disqualifying language is not prudent as it can generate more discontent and prolong the problem. Instead, respect should be the guiding principle in addressing the situation to benefit all parties involved.
4. SEMANTIC ANALYSIS OF THE CATEGORY SOCIO-CULTURAL REPRESENTATION OF THE CONFLICTIVE RELATIONSHIP BETWEEN PROTAGONISTS AND ANTAGONISTS
The semantic elements associated with the Government could be appreciated. As shown, there is discontent and a strong distrust towards the state entities in charge of negotiations with the mining industry. The individuals who do not support mining activity are viewed as corrupt and unconcerned with protecting the environment and the community's interests. Instead, they are perceived as exploiting the political situation for personal gain, causing significant harm to the environment and the well-being of life in the Tambo Valley.
5. MINING COMPANY
In addition to all the units of analysis described, the study of the mining company was considered. Note that the words associated with this unit reveal a dispersed variety of opinions, which implies that there needs to be more clarity in what the mining industry proposes to the community. Consequently, it is impossible to identify the benefits. Although mining should theoretically provide employment and economic stability sources, this differs from what the inhabitants perceive.
6. Political empowerment of the people of the Tambo Valley
The results show that the inhabitants of the Tambo Valley consider that they have rights over their lands, can comment on the benefits of the inhabitants, and value the contributions offered by agriculture. They also feel offended by the decisions of the State about their community without considering the assistance that may arise and prevailing political interest. The semantic analysis results by frequency range support the coding and category system applied. Through the hierarchy of the elements, we can approach the composition and structural organization of the cultural representation of the social conflict of Tía María.
B. CONTENT ANALYSIS
1. REPRESENTATION OF THE TAMBO VALLEY FROM AN ENVIRONMENTAL-ECONOMIC APPROACH
This section evaluates the elements that emerge from the content and reflects the residents' opinions and evaluations of the mining project (Table 1).
Table 1. Representation of the Tambo Valley from an environmental-economic approach.
Subcategories Frequencies
The mine will pollute the Tambo Valley 122
The Tambo Valley as a food dispense 58
Mining will kill agriculture 23
Agriculture does not generate progress 12
Agriculture generates work progress 9
Source: Authors.
The space where the social conflict of Tía María unfolds is identified as the Tambo Valley, whose form, structure, and function has agriculture as a social product. The value of this activity is related to the value of the place where it develops, transcending its economic dynamics to other areas of significance. Agriculture is seen as one of the main sources of food in future times and has been a mechanism of peoples' survival throughout history. But also a secure source of jobs and food. In this sense, the defense of agriculture as a product of the unity of the value of space and the importance of work is fundamental for the citizens of the Tambo region since mining exploitation can affect a large part of the crops and change the rhythm of life of the inhabitants, affect food products and harm the economic and social benefits produced by agriculture.
This is how the value of the appropriate space shape for this activity represents a symbol of environmental responsibility. Thus, it strikes a balance between natural conditions and man's intervention. And at the same time, it takes a value based on work and creates and transfers values over space. This appropriation of space influences the definition of the identity of the settler as a farmer (Lefebvre, 2013).
It can be seen in Table 1 that a defense ideology is predominant in the form and function of the Tambo Valley, which guarantees the continuity of agriculture. It represents a source of life because it provides food for the surrounding population. This symbolic process has an extra-economic character that is not translated or reduced to market values and prices. Likewise, the continuity of agriculture reaffirms the identity of the valley as a farmer. (Lotman, 2002)
2. SOCIO-CULTURAL REPRESENTATION OF THE IDENTITY OF THE PROTAGONISTS OF THE TÍA MARÍA CONFLICT
Table 2 shows the generalities of the protagonists; this is how they perceive the anti-mining resident, who, in addition to discriminating against him, does not observe him objectively from his reality. While it is true that the anti-mining inhabitants do not have high resources, it does not mean that they are criminals or terrorists. On the contrary, they defend a territory that has belonged to them for generations and that gives them the quality of life they want for their families.
Table 2. Socio-cultural representation of the identity of the protagonists.
Subcategories Frequencies
The anti-mining resident is ignorant 41
The one who is in favor of the mine is ignorant 51
The anti-mining resident is a criminal 30
They are not criminals 11
The anti-mining resident is a terrorist 18
They are not terrorists 8
The anti-mining resident is poor 16
They are not poor 2
The anti-mining resident is wild 10
The anti-mining resident is a migrant 8
Leaders are corrupt 38
Source: Authors.
The opinion towards the anti-mining resident is disconcerting since it shows ignorance about the reality of these, ignorance about life in the Tambo Valley, which has repercussions in the complication of the problem, the discontent of the inhabitants, and greater emphasis of the Government to motivate the derogatory vision of external citizens. In addition, the way of expressing themselves towards anti-mining people allows a biased picture. These subjects are considered to provoke a confrontation with the police, so repression is legitimate. In the same way, they point out that behind these actions are recycled terrorist infiltrators who use these protests to induce their practices. These actions affect capital investment, stop progress, and only generate poverty and chaos, typified as "New Terrorism." This negative perception is shared by sectors of the population and by the mining company SPCC, which once announced the cancellation of the Tía María mining project due to the onslaught of anti-mining terrorism carried out by a violent and minority group. It is also observed that the poor are identified as vulnerable sectors in the face of political and economic power. Likewise, they express that this mining project is an opportunity to satisfy the deficiencies and improve the quality of life of the valley's population.
How the anti-mining person is classified reflects the permanence of cultural prejudices that guide negative attitudes towards a particular group since they attribute characteristics that define them in front of others. Action-based discrimination is observed, assuming that land protection attitudes reflect ignorance and lack of intellectual capacities, which is not consistent with the situation if we presume that villagers have analyzed the negative impacts of the mining project and prefer to maintain their crops, their natural lifestyle and their sources of food and work. Although, if there are migrants, these correspond to those who come from Puno and Cusco, characterized by being indigenous areas, having extensive skills and abilities for agriculture, and contributing to the valley's growth.
One of the elements that prevail in the conflict is misinformation, which, although the people of the Valley do not have the capabilities to understand all the technicalities associated with the mining industry, the Government does not intend for them to understand the project from the technical point of view, since the technical and technological understanding of the project could be a point of conflict. In this way, the settler is considered an ignoramus, easy to manipulate and control, which also favors the elaboration of contracts. Furthermore, disinformation triggers other elements such as corruption, tax evasion, illegal dealings, evasion of environmental protection, and the decoupling of responsibility for protests.
3. Socio-cultural representation of the conflictive relationship between protagonists and antagonists
The content of the interviews on the YouTube platform was analyzed, observing a high prevalence of responsibility on the part of government entities. Table 3 shows the primary expressions captured in the videos, and it can be seen that there is a rejection of the action measures on the part of the local Government. The villagers consider that the first investment made by the mining company is at the political level because they concretize the alliance with the politicians of the day, which guarantees economic projects that will allow them to recover the investment with large profit margins. However, they perceive that there needs to be social interest in the citizens of the Tambo Valley.
Table 3. Government representation
Subcategories Frequencies
Government is corrupt 119
The government applies violent measures against the population 95
Government is murderous 51
The president is responsible 74
Source: Authors.
Local discernment allows the understanding of legitimate violence because the anti-mining inhabitants come from other lands. However, more argument is needed to justify the use of force. Since the support corresponds to the united indigenous masses. The Government's acting is not in tune with the nation's and its people's interests but includes only particular interests. This type of repression threatens life and is not published in the media, which points to an irregularity on the part of the Government.
Table 4 shows the opinions of the inhabitants concerning the mining industry, where it can be seen that there is a significant distrust on the part of local citizens. This indicates that both the mining company nor the State have yet to be able to focus negotiations with the inhabitants based on the benefits of extraction and the environmental guarantees they can offer. This lack of information and communication prevents the conflict from cessation. On the contrary, it accelerates local unrest, causing the problem to be prolonged and more lives to be put at risk.
Table 4. Representation of the mining company
Subcategories Frequencies
The mining company does not guarantee credibility The mining company is foreign 78 58
Mining does not generate development 42
Economic interest in mining companies predominates 31
The mining company is environmentally irresponsible 23
Mining does not generate economic income 23
Mining generates work 14
The mining company is environmentally responsible 8
Source: Authors.
Mining exploitation in Latin American countries has always been a matter of debate since transnational companies are the most suitable for the execution of these processes, either because of the enormous capital they handle or because of the mining extraction technologies they possess. However, in recent years distrust of foreign capital has grown in the region, mainly because the participation of foreign entities has yet to show benefits for local people, causing not only environmental damage without compensation but also the destruction of sources of employment. Although the theoretical idea of foreign participation should be the generation of resources for the nation, these blurred elements need to be clarified. As a result, only the benefit for government entities and companies in charge of mining remains, leaving the inhabitants relegated. This unrest has spread across most of the continent, causing collective disgust toward foreign companies and negotiations with local governments.
4. POLITICAL EMPOWERMENT OF THE PEOPLE OF THE TAMBO VALLEY
The extractive policy has been the product of tough decisions. The Government makes unilateral decisions that are arbitrarily imposed regardless of the population's needs. This is typified as an abuse of power that seeks to intimidate and subdue the people against their will. They are irregular actions that are hidden under the mask of democracy, where dialogue is to impose government decisions regardless of the opinion of the population.
The political empowerment of the population in the Tambo Valley has had a high acceptance, generating a confrontation between the State and the local inhabitants. Consequently, it has been possible to observe the rejection of the mining project in the name of democracy, which is to respect and obey the popular decision, which should result from the dialogue between the State and the population that is materialized in the widespread consultation through a referendum. These elements allow us to affirm two essential aspects: 1) empowerment of democracy by the inhabitants, 2) vulnerability of democracy by the Government. These political contrasts, with their different nuances, motivate the territorial empowerment of the Tambo Valley. Finally, the complicity between economic and political power in favor of interests alien to the welfare of the country is addressed as a double fraud since a financial scam in favor of oligarchies, and economic groups is glimpsed, but also a political copy that promotes entrenchment in political power, with the irregularities associated with the popular vote.
V. DISCUSSION
The mining project, driven by private and political interests, can significantly impact local agriculture, which has been the source of food sustenance in the region and contributes to other food products. In addition, if the mining project is not carried out with due environmental precautions, the natural disaster will likely spread, as has happened in the Venezuelan Amazon, where mining has damaged much of the jungle and the indigenous life of its inhabitants. The disqualification and contempt for the anti-mining inhabitants reflect the disrespect and lack of interest in conciliating the conflict and the agreements that could arise around the problem. On the one hand, considering anti-mining people as criminals creates a deep dialogue gap. On the other hand, the trajectory of the mining industry in the country
has not left a legacy of trust that allows greater clarity in the process and guarantees the agreements that could be reached.
As announced, the mining project would generate 3,000 jobs in its construction stage alone, and 120,000 tons of copper could be extracted annually when production began. This is equivalent to a national copper production of 6%, considered for 2017. However, according to the latest report of the Ombudsman's Office, the conflict does not foresee a dialogue that points to consistent agreements. Moreover, opponents argue that mining will affect agriculture, which is their primary source of income.
The sociocultural representation of a conflictive relationship between dissenting protagonists where two components stand out: the injustice of collective identity and expectations of success; However, people perceive grievances in a situation of collective action, the social movement was described as an action that causes harm and suffering, there is also a fractured communication, where the Government, as the directing body of society, has not functioned as the leader it should be, has not expressed respect for its citizens and has not promoted social integration.
Although critical extractions of material have been carried out, it has yet to be seen that this benefits the inhabitants of the Tambo Valley, which has caused distrust to become stronger. As a result, the possibilities of agreements become more complex. In this sense, the social movement supports the prevalence of land available for agriculture, national labor, environmental conservation, and promoting the local economy from food production. However, this collection of ideas focused on the enrichment of the Tambo Valley from the strengthening of local culture and indigenous symbolism is not in tune with the foreign economic power that for long periods has been dedicated to the extraction of raw material without return to the nation, without local benefits and with a significant environmental impact.
Mining in Peru's Tambo Valley has been controversial and controversial for many years. On the one hand, mining advocates argue that it is an essential source of income for the country and can create jobs and economic opportunities in the region. On the other hand, opponents say mining can negatively affect the environment and the health and well-being of local communities. One of the biggest problems with mining in the Tambo Valley is the environmental impact. Mines often generate large amounts of toxic waste that can pollute local rivers and streams, affecting aquatic flora and fauna. In addition, the construction of roads and other infrastructure necessary for mining can degrade natural habitats and affect the region's biodiversity.
Another significant sign is the impact on the health of local communities. For example, mining often involves the emission of toxic gases and fine particles that can negatively affect the respiratory health of people living near mines. In addition, water and soil pollution can affect the health of people who depend on these natural resources for their livelihoods.
In addition, mining in the Tambo Valley has been controversial due to the need for more consultation and participation of local communities in the decision-making process. Mining companies have often ignored or minimized the concerns of local communities and violated the fundamental human rights of people living in the region. Finally, mining in Peru's Tambo Valley poses several significant challenges in terms of environmental impact, public health, and human rights. While mining can be an essential source of income and employment for the region, it is crucial that these issues are addressed effectively and that the meaningful participation of local communities in the decision-making process is ensured.
VI. CONCLUSIONS
ECLAC states that the central reserves of gold, copper, iron, and lithium are in Brazil, Argentina, Mexico, Chile, and Peru. But the region also has high alumina, bauxite, and coltan reserves, mainly in Brazil, Colombia, and Venezuela. This large amount of mining resources in Latin countries has attracted countries with high mining technologies and high investment capital. Hence Latin America is highlighted for the export of raw materials. (ECLAC, 2018)
For its part, Peru is the second largest producer of silver, copper, and zinc worldwide. In addition, it is the leading producer of gold, zinc, tin, lead, and molybdenum in Latin America. The world's leading source of natural resources is the Andes mountain range, which occupies much of the Peruvian territory. Latin American politics has dramatically influenced the social conflicts in the region and is no stranger to mining throughout the continent. This leads to an opportunity for foreign extraction companies that often operate with illegal mining (case of Brazil and Venezuela) (Estela, 2001) (Sandoval, 2016).
The discourses evaluated from the content analysis allow us to visualize a collective disrespect between the parties, leaving no crack available for dialogue and establishing sensible agreements that are in tune with national and local interests. The semantics used in the conflict coincided with inappropriate words for generating the accords and promoted a policy of discrediting the inhabitants that did not favor the resolution of the problem.
Semantics plays a vital role in the Tambo Valley conflicts in Peru, as the choice of certain words and the way they are used can influence the perception of disputes by the public and the parties involved. For example, mining advocates may use terms such as "development" and "economic growth" to describe the benefits of mining. In contrast, opponents may use words such as "environmental degradation" and "pollution" to describe the negative impacts of mining.
The choice of words and the way they are used can also influence the polarization of conflicts. For example, if mining advocates refer to opponents as "anti-development" or "enemies of progress," this can make it harder for the parties involved to find common ground and reach a peaceful solution. In addition, semantics can also influence the perceived legitimacy of the parties involved in the conflict. For example, if mining advocates use terms that suggest they have a position of power or authority, such as "law enforcement" or "the law," this can make local communities feel more unprotected and marginalized.
On the other hand, if mining opponents use terms that suggest they are defending universal values such as social justice or environmental protection, this can increase their perceived legitimacy and make it harder for mining advocates to dismiss their concerns as irrelevant or frivolous. Finally, semantics plays a vital role in the Tambo Valley conflicts in Peru, as it can influence public perception, the parties' polarization, and the perceived legitimacy of different positions. Therefore, the parties involved in the conflict must know how to use language and work together to find a peaceful and lasting solution conducive to a shared discourse.
Thanks:
Dany Nori Ticahuanca Quispe. With ORCID number: https://orcid.org/0000-0002-2487-1439 and mail: [email protected], thanks to the National University of San Agustín de Arequipa, Peru, for grant contract No. 38-2018, which made possible the dissemination of research in academic events.
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