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3. To use BRICS for balancing NATO, to use SCO - for balancing BRICS, and the use OCST - for balancing SCO, etc.
4. To continue the present course envisaging a certain complimentary moves toward Beijing, which should not be accompanied with clear-cut political and economic obligations from both sides.
5. To search for spheres of economic cooperation with the PRC, but to be cautious and thrifty.
6. Cooperation within the framework of BRICS and SCO is a way to show that Russia is an influential player and partner.
7. To regard China as one of the potential leaders in international politics and economics in the near future, but without detriment to mutual relations with other partners (India, "Asiatic tigers").
8. To demonstrate pragmatism of Russia's policy in interaction with the "new world leaders", without drawing attention to concrete aspects (prices of fuel and energy, change of borders, etc.).
"Rossiya v globalnoi politike", Moscow, 2012, Vol. 10, No 3, May-June, pp. 22-33.
Boris Aksyumov,
D. Sc. (Phil.), Stavropol State University IDEOLOGICAL FOUNDATIONS OF RELIGIOUS-POLITICAL EXTREMISM AND TERRORISM IN THE NORTH CAUCASUS
The entire post-Soviet period of the development of the North Caucasus has been characterized by the growing turbulence of socioeconomic, ethnopolitical and cultural and civilization processes. This periodically changing turbulence is always at a sufficiently high level, and is determined by the functioning of the terrorist underground in the North Caucasus. In this connection the study of the ideological
foundations of religious-political extremism in the region is especially important and timely. As a rule, the value and ideological factor of conflicts and tensions in the North Caucasus is underestimated; researchers and analysts usually put to the fore the socio-economic conditions of regional development and specific features of political culture. However, such view is obsolete, to say the least, in relation to economic determinism as a universal explanatory model in Soviet science. The transformation vectors of North Caucasian society in the past twenty years insistently demand not only, and not so much, an analysis of the socio-economic characteristics of the region, but also a due account of the cultural and civilization and value and ideological foundations of its development. It is precisely ideology, in our view, that creates the backbone, which not only integrates and inspires this movement, but also draws new adepts in its ranks.
Looking into the recent past one can notice that the formation of the terrorist underground in the North Caucasian region is directly connected with the separatist movement of the 1990s, as well as with the process of religious revival, which began in the past years of the existence of the Soviet Union and grown sharply after its disintegration. A combination of the idea of separatism with the radicalized forms of Islam has determined the rapid development of religious-political extremism on the territory of the North Caucasus. A result of such combination can well be seen in such ambitious self-institutionalized underground organization as "Imarat Kavkaz." True, in contrast to the last decade of the 20th century the idea of separatism has moved to the background and instead of it religiously determined ideology has come to the fore, which took North Caucasian religious-political extremism and terrorism from its narrow bounds and joined it to the mainstream of the global confrontation between traditionalist (fundamentalist) Islamic world and modern western civilization.
A characteristic feature of transfer to a new ideological doctrine is the systematic use of such terns as "global jihad," "kafirs," "murtads," etc. A struggle against Russia is now described not as "national liberation," but as a "sacred task." Those who are fighting today in Chechnya and other republics of the North Caucasus do not talk of the struggle for the independence of Ichkeria. They now have other ideals and other aims. Doku Umarov has turned this struggle into religious confrontation, in which there are the mojaheds, or fighters for faith, on one side, and the kafirs (infidels), who have occupied the Muslim republics of the Caucasus, and their henchmen (murtads, or apostates) from among local national traitors. In the words of one of the local observers, the conflict within the militants' camp of the North Caucasus is a confrontation between two ideologies: "separatist ethnic nationalism, whose aim is the creation of sovereign Chechnya even without fraternal Vainakh Ingushetia," and a "universalist religious project, according to which the struggle of individuals is included in "part of the world jihad," and its ultimate aim is not confined to the North Caucasus, or even the whole of Russia.
It is precisely universalism overcoming any ethnic boundaries and operating with global, but not regional (all the more so local) religious-political projects that is the distinctive feature of Salafism (Wahhabism). Claims to possession of the absolute truth, the only correct interpretation of the words of Prophet Mohammed not only give the Salafites the idea of their own exclusiveness within the framework of the Islamic world, but also allow them to consider themselves as the embodiment and quintessence of this world. Usurpation of the entire Islamic religious truth conditions the global character of their political ambitions which spread to the entire political area of the world. The latter is understood as the global confrontation between the Light and the Darkness, the Good and the Evil. From the point of view of such
ideology the Wahhabites are fighting against not one individual state, not some concrete enemy, they are fighting against the very system of the "world evil," whose manifestations are the United States, Israel, Russia, etc. The North Caucasian Salafites (Wahhabites) regard themselves not as a separate religious-political force, but as part of a global system embodying the very Good, the very Truth as they were proclaimed by Prophet Mohammed. The extremist terrorist underground can now rightly be termed Wahhabi. First of all, ideologically the Islamic project devoid of ethnic content can now be spread beyond the boundaries of the Caucasus. The North Caucasus in the interpretation of the ideologists of Imarat is now the battlefield of the mojaheds against the forces of evil, against everything which is not Islam. As explained by Magomed Vagapov (Amir Seifullah), "we are waging the Sacred war against world Satanism, against the system which the enemies of Allah call civilization and world order. The Russian state is part of this system, which is trying to make people turn from Islam. Today, the Muslims of the Caucasus, the Volga area and the Urals have joined in the fight for faith."
It is important to emphasize that we do not consider Islam as such to be the foundation of the ideology of terrorism and extremism. Just as any other religious system Islam is a complex and polysemic value-oriented entity, which is subject to different interpretations. In the view of the authoritative Muslim theologian Mohammed Al Masr, it is unworthy, immodest and challenging to say: "This is the precept of Allah," or "This is the standard of Islam." It would be more proper to say: "This is my understanding of a precept of Allah or a standard of Islam." As one of our experts on Islam, A. Ignatenko, believes, the highest achievements of Islamic thinking are a result of the use of such system of creating standards, which combines the Divine foundation and human interpretation, common parameters and freedom of thought.
In this sense, the reading of the Koran in the spirit of radicalism is a result of interpretation of one or another person, but not an expression of the essence of Islamic religion as such.
The reasons for the growing popularity and spreading of radical interpretations of Islam should be sought, in our view, in the very character of sacred Islamic texts and specific features of the present stage of the evolution of the Islamic world. These features are clearly seen especially in the context of the parallel historical evolution of Christianity and societies which are usually regarded Christian. In this connection it becomes evident that the secularization processes going on for several centuries have led to the actual loss by Christian religion of its former status in many countries of the traditionally Christian world. In contrast to Christianity, Islam has practically retained its enormous importance for the development of Muslim societies, which it had a thousand years ago.
Taking into account this historical imbalance, the conclusion can be drawn that the main reason for spreading Islamist (that is, radicalized) ideology is the reaction of traditionalist consciousness and views on the processes of the rapid "updating" of the world. The ideologists of terrorism ably use the protest sentiments against the secularization of public life, morality and ethics, which are current among many rank-and-file Muslims who have been educated in the spirit of strict traditionalist moral canons. As a result of listening to sermons of the radically-minded imams, Muslim parishioners may have an impression that Devil himself in the image of the West (or Russia) is waging a struggle against their traditions and customs, and ultimately, against their very faith.
The present confrontation between Western and Islamic civilizations is conditioned by contradictions between the modern and the traditionalist, between the secular and the religious. In
A. Ignatenko's view, "Islamism opposes all new ideologies, political systems and socio-political projects as secular ones. Thus, the principal source of the global destabilizing activity connected with Islam lies in the irreconcilable conflict along the 'Islamism - secularism' line." The situation in the North Caucasus as part of the Russian Federation has many characteristic features of this conflict. Russia is actively searching for an adequate modernization project, relying on the development and introduction of more and more latest technologies. Similar processes are going on in the cultural sphere, which is less oriented to traditions and tries to free itself from religious motivations and regimentations and makes an emphasis on free creative self-expression of the individual. The practical absence of censorship, generally accepted standards and values and a deep crisis of the nation-forming collective identities have conditioned considerable atomization and disordered cultural landscape of a greater part of modern Russia. These processes, which can be called "post-modernization," draw Russia closer to the western cultural world.
The development of cultural processes in the North Caucasus proceeds in a quite different manner. Traditions are not rejected there, on the contrary, they become more pronounced and important, the religious component of the socio-cultural medium is not in a state of crisis, on the contrary, its significance becomes greater with every passing year, collective forms of identification become more consolidated. Movement in the opposite direction and the evident asymmetry and disharmony in development become more noticeable. In this connection it becomes clear that Russia is now perceived as part of the West not only by the ideologists of the militant fighters, but, what is more important, by a third of young respondents of the North Caucasian republics.
The deepening contradiction between the modern and the traditionalist, the secular and the religious creates a favorable ground for radicalization of a great many of the local residents. The situation is exacerbated by the policy (rather clumsy, sometimes) of the United States and a number of the NATO countries. The military operations in Afghanistan, Iraq, Libya and the threat of such operations looming over some other countries of the Islamic world have indeed created an impression of the "conflict of civilizations," a struggle of the two different paradigms, a clash of the two alternative projects of the future development of the world community. The universal liberal project of the West is opposed by a similar and ambitious Islamic project, which includes the entire North Caucasus. This is shown by the ideology of the terrorist underground, which took a turn toward Islamist universalism and global jihad, and also by the broad popularity of Islamist ideology among the population of the North Caucasian republics. One can agree with the following conclusion of scholars at the Southern research center of the Russian Academy of Sciences: "Today Islamic propaganda is popular because it is simple and understandable to modern man, creates an attractive image of religiously motivated violence, and has a clear aim. The Islamists are dangerous because they have a quite concrete aim - the desire to implement the Islamic political project. Their ideas may be absurd and unrealizable, yet they become an effective instrument, especially when society and the authorities have no clear-cut ideas and development priorities, which are understandable and shared by most local citizens."
Despite the fact that modern Russian society has no generally accepted national idea and understandable cultural and civilizatory ideology, which was one of the reasons for the atomization of society after the disintegration of the U.S.S.R., the priority of strategic
development, in our view, has been determined quite clearly: it is the further modernization of the socio-economic sphere and "post-modernization" of the cultural sphere. "Post-modernization" presupposes, among other things, growing secularization tendencies and hence the greater rapprochement between Russia and "postChristian" Europe. Such rapprochement with Europe (the West) may mean the further cultural and civilization movement away from the religious North Caucasus, and consequently, greater contradictions between the secular model of the social being characteristic of the greater part of the regions of the Russian Federation and the religiously-determined model of being of North Caucasian society. The existence of this fundamental contradiction will inevitably entail the strengthening of the positions of radical Islam in the North Caucasus, a greater part of whose population will consider itself the "last bulwark" of Islam and true faith on the territory of "post-modernized" Russia.
In the conditions of the objective process of "updating the modern world" leading to a greater distance from traditionalist theories and practices, which are frequently religiously determined, the radicalized interpretations of Islam can be regarded quite logical. Historical conditionality together with specific features of the concrete situation in the North Caucasian region at the end of the 20th century and the beginning of this century led to the spreading of Wahhabi ideology, which nurtures religious-political extremism and terrorism in the North Caucasus. Ably using adherence of many Muslims to the traditionalist format of living activity and at the same time demonizing the oncoming "modernity" with its anti-traditionalism and almost absolute secularization, the Wahhabis are striving to strengthen and popularize the idea of the need for the "struggle for Islam." Such situation requires, in their view, a special regime of existence
of Muslim communities. Postulating the unity of all Muslims, the Wahhabis assert that "Muslims in Russia lead sinful life." They state that Muslims should not live on hostile territory, that is, where the Sharia law is not valid completely and everywhere. There is only one exception - the mojaheds who fight the infidels. Moreover, it is stated that Muslims who help, by word or by deed, the infidels against Muslims, be they government officials, military officers, policemen, religious figures, etc. are against Allah and therefore must be fought and done away with, just as the infidels. In such situation of a "besieged fortress" jihad is a must for each Muslim, just as the fast or prayer.
The essence of the ideology of the North Caucasian Wahhabism, and also the terrorist underground, lies in the sacred "war for Islam," "in the name of Islam," "in the name of Allah," which is a must for each true Muslim. The highest sanction to this struggle allegedly given by Allah himself justifies any actions in the eyes of fanatics, even the most brutal and senseless acts of terror. The irrational character of the "worldwide struggle for Islam" results in irrational terrorism which turns from the instrument of solving concrete and rational political tasks into an end in itself, pure violence, and a means of acquiring eternal bliss. The psychology of terrorism and of each terrorist is based on the traditional set of religious symbols, such as sin and paradise. One of the basic premises is that there is no sin which could not be expiated by a good deed committed in the lifetime of a Muslim. Evidently, quite a few mojaheds, if not most of them, have committed many crimes before joining the armed groups, which should close the path to paradise for them, according to the Koran. The example of lofty victimhood, along with the promised seventy virgins in the pastures of Heaven, becomes a great attraction a great many idealistically-minded Muslim young men.
The activity of terrorists, which many inhabitants of North Caucasian republics tend to heroize, is a very dangerous example to follow. The leaders of the militants who often turn to popular masses with pathetic sermons can become idols for young men. The existence of a powerful ideological base answering both religious and social sentiments of definite groups of the population provides a dangerous possibility for the formation of new collective identities founded on the ideals of "global jihad" and the realization of the universal Islamic project.
The constant growth of Wahhabi influence and ideology in the North Caucasian region shows that these ideals become a great value not only for marginal persons, but also for a part of quite "normal" people. As experts on religion note, Wahhabism today is a rather small sect, but it is the ideological platform answering the aspirations of hundreds of millions of Muslims living in various parts of the world and protesting against their living and working conditions. These protest sentiments are bolstered up not only by domestic propaganda, but also by geopolitical factors outside (wars in the Caucasus, Iraq and Afghanistan). They are growing from year to year and this increases the number of potential adherents of this religious trend.
These sentiments will definitely be growing in the North Caucasus if Wahhabi ideology is not countered by a powerful ideological doctrine attractive to the population. It should be borne in mind that for a man of traditionalist trend ideal dominants of life and activity are more important than purely economic and material motivation. The socio-economic development of the region is absolutely necessary, but the formation of a value-ideological base, which could ensure the real integration of the North Caucasus in the cultural-civilizatory area of Russia, is no less important. The formation of such basis and its introduction in the life of North Caucasian society
is one of the most important strategic tasks of the Russian state in respect to the North Caucasian region. The future of the North Caucasus, as well as the Russian Federation as a whole, depends on the successful solution of this task.
"Nauchnaya mysl Kavkaza," Rostov-on-Don, 2012, No 1, pp. 30-34.
Rafik Usmanov,
Political analyst (Astrakhan State University) MODERN POLITICAL PROCESS IN THE CASPIAN REGION IN THE CONTEXT OF INTERNATIONAL RELATIONS (View from Moscow)
The most important factor of recent time is the world economic crisis which greatly influenced the geopolitical situation of certain states and the European Union as a whole due to migration and ecological and demographic problems in a number of the European and Middle East countries.
Today the entire world follows the events in Western Europe connected with the integrity of the European Union and the "chain revolution" in certain African and Middle East countries. However, it is too early to complete our analysis of the development of the situation in the Middle East and North Africa as yet. Apart from radical shifts in these regions, the world has come across the outside military intervention with a view to supporting one of the sides in internal conflicts there. Unfortunately, this interference is becoming commonplace. Besides, it can be "sanctified" by an amorphous resolution of the UN Security Council. One could agree with the conclusion made by certain authoritative analysts of the situation in the region that such mass actions, which began in Tunisia, then Egypt and
