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International Journal of Media and Information Literacy Issued since 2016 E-ISSN 2500-106X 2023. 8(2): 401-415
DOI: 10.13187/ijmil.2023.2.401 https://ijmil.cherkasgu.press
Ideologeme "Faith" in Shaping the Outlook of German Elementary School Children in the XX—XXI centuries
Lyudmila Seliverstova a , *, Lyudmila Vinichenko a
a Southern Federal University, Russian Federation
Abstract
The article deals with the ideological format of the primer, the first book that teaches reading. The concept "ideologeme", the role of ideologemes in the spiritual, moral and socio-political education of children is considered. The authors examine persistent verbal complexes along with visual means in educational publications as representatives of ideological attitudes that play an important role in shaping the worldview of younger children. The transformations taking place in society are invariably reflected in the ideological attitudes mainstreamed in educational literature. The ideologeme "faith" is analyzed on the basis of primers and books for teaching reading literacy, published in the German language in the period from 1901 to 2022. The ideologeme "faith" is considered by analyzing its several universal concepts such as trust, mercy, kindness, care and a few phantom ones: faith in God's protection, faith in the leader, state leadership, in oneself; care for the soul, for the neighbor, for nature, for the common good. The obtained results make it possible to trace the transformation of the components of the universal ideologeme "faith" in a diachronic aspect and come to the conclusion that basic universal human values, updated by ideologemes, do not undergo significant changes over time, while socio-political, politically biased, artificially formed values, either transform or disappear.
Keywords: ideology, ideologeme, literacy, primer, education, elementary school, Germany.
1. Introduction
At all times, the education process, especially in elementary school, included a component of upbringing and indocrination. Teachers and authors of textbooks for younger students are of the opinion that "a book should be interesting and educative at the same time - to some extent an encyclopedia, providing a variety of scientific information and knowledge of life" (Vasyukova, 2011: 144). Together with the literacy development, school textbooks instill basic spiritual and moral values, the rules of relationships between people and social behavior. In the meantime, it should be noted that the values, rules and attitudes are presented to the student in the ideological "packaging" that corresponds to the current socio-political stage of development of the state. Following the change in the social paradigm, there are also changes in the ideological component of the educational system. At the same time, ideological transformations are often hidden, immanent in nature, nevertheless exerting an influence on the child's indoctrination according to the prevailing ideology. Taking into account the role of primary education in ideological upbringing, it seems especially important to trace the forms of introduction and transformation of the ideological component on the material of primers, in particular German-language primers published in Germany and other countries from the beginning of the 20th century to the present day.
* Corresponding author
E-mail addresses: [email protected] (L. Seliverstova)
2. Materials and methods
The material of the study was primers and the first reading textbooks published in the German language in the period from 1901 to 2022.
The choice of the primer as the research material is justified by the fact that the primer occupies a special place among all other school books. For all its seeming simplicity, it is called upon to fulfill a difficult mission - "to become a kind of encyclopedic introduction of a child to the world around us", since it is a kind of "dictionary of commonly used concepts ... culture, society, value orientations of everyday life, ways of interacting with the world" (Barannikova, Bezrogova, 2010: 4-5). The primer forms not only the foundations of the culture of speech, but also societal behavior, creates conditions for the development of the most important cultural values of society by schoolchildren in the paradigm of personal development education (Shtets, 2009: 12).
In accordance with the purpose and objectives of the study, the methods of direct observation, descriptive and contextual-interpretive analysis were used.
3. Discussion
In modern science, including linguistics, the concept of "ideology" does not have a single generally accepted definition and still remains the subject of scientific debate. For the first time the term "ideology" was used by the French thinker A. Destutt de Tracy in 1796. In his work The Foundations of Ideology (Éléments d'idéologie), devoted to the reorganization of the education system, De Tracy presents ideology as the science of a person's ability to form ideas using such abilities as feelings, memory, judgment, and will (Tracy de, 2013). There is, however, an opinion that ideology as a social phenomenon has a much deeper history (Ideologiya..., 2015; Papayani, 2018). Its origins go back to Plato's philosophy, the basis of which is "the process of discovering the Idea as a conceivable image - the eidos of the desired reality, the line of the horizon of thought and the justification of ideology as a strategy for human life in his everyday existence" (Ideologiya..., 2015: 388).
It should be noted that the system of knowledge formation proposed by Tracy did not receive further development in the scientific community in its time, and the very concept of ideology lost its relevance in research. However, almost a century later, K. Marx and F. Engels rethought the idea of ideology as a false worldview expressing the certain class' interests. Based on the Marxist understanding of the dependence of social consciousness on social being and the social conditionality of cognition, the English philosopher of Austrian origin Karl Mannheim used the concept of ideology to understand that "people really think" (Antologiya.., 1997: 347). However, he considered thinking not from the point of view of the rules of logic, but "how it really functions as an instrument of collective action in public life and politics" (Antologiya.., 1997: 347).
The 20th century, saturated with political events of world significance, can rightly be called the "age of ideology", since it was the ideological orientation that became the basis of political confrontation and a system-forming factor in the formation of international relations. Therefore, the "focus" of the ideology's influence gradually shifted from the sphere of public life to the field of politics. The American researcher H. Arendt, in her work The Origins of Totalitarianism, argued that any developed ideology is created, maintained and improved as a political weapon, and not a theoretical doctrine (Arendt, 1973), since the ideology claims to have the key to understanding history, to the knowledge of universal hidden laws that govern nature and man. This approach to understanding ideology leads to the question of the difference between ideology and propaganda. We share the point of view of a number of researchers that any ideology, regardless of the nature of its assessment, is a "worldview setting (orientation) clothed in a linguistic form" (Kupina, 1995: 43) and is understood as a "social projection of ideas" (Grebenyuk, Danakin, 2020: 211). It is a multifaceted and multi-layered conceptual formation that cannot be unambiguously defined and, therefore, "elusive to our consciousness" (Klushina, 2014: 57), while propaganda has a completely "material" embodiment in the form of a "targeted influence on the worldview, consciousness and behavior of people with the help of slogans, repetition of this or that information, etc." (Grebenyuk, Danakin, 2020: 211).
Despite the dominance of the political vector in the understanding of ideology, researchers differentiate a number of other directions: depending on the essential interpretation, these are the social, ethical, scientific, etc. (Dunker, 2006) directions; depending on the understanding of the genesis, there is the Marxist, irrational, axiological approaches, etc. At the turn of the XX-XXI centuries ideology as a phenomenon becomes the subject of ever-increasing criticism. It was
assumed that with the disappearance of the socialist bloc, ideology would inevitably disappear, in other words, there would come, as S. Lipset put it, "the end of ideology" (Lipset, 2016: 473). However, obviously, those scientists who consider ideology an integral part of any social and state structure are right, since it is ideology that gives the individual a worldview basis, provides meaning to moral, behavioral and moral attitudes in society. Thus, the existing ideology ensures continuity in society and maintains the stability of the foundations of the state. We share this point of view and consider the ideology (ideological component) as a tool for the development of a system of ideals, values, convictions and beliefs of a particular social community (individual, group, society as a whole), which form the worldview and value-oriented views of the individual at the state level. The need to "translate" the existing ideology to the next generation necessitates the inclusion of ideological attitudes at the very early stage of education in textbooks, including primers.
The "assimilation" of ideological attitudes, as well as the functioning of ideology in society, occurs through the signs of various semiotic systems. At an early stage of learning, in particular in primers, the ideological component is "included" in the visual images offered to children, and as a child's reading skills develop, the ideology's communication channel is gradually transforms into words.
The main "carrier" of ideology in the language is the unit of its verbal embodiment -the ideologeme, which, according to the definition of the author of the term M. M. Bakhtin, is an explication, "a way of representing this or that ideology" (Bakhtin, 1975: 84). The interest of researchers in the verbal embodiment of ideology in the language was reflected in a number of works from the standpoint of various sciences: philosophy, cultural studies, history, political science, linguistics, etc. From the point of view of philosophy and cultural studies, the correlation between the ideologeme and mythologeme is studied, cultural studies and political linguistics focus on ideologemes of totalitarian discourse. According to different approaches, there is a range of definitions of the ideologeme. According to E.G. Malysheva, it is advisable to understand an ideologeme as a unit of the cognitive level - a special level of a multilevel concept in the structure of which (in the core or on the periphery) ideologically marked conceptual features are actualized, containing a collective, often stereotypical and even mythologized representation of native speakers about power, state, nation, civil society, political and ideological institutions (Malysheva, 2009: 34). The author considers national specificity, dynamism of semantics, increased axiological character, frequency and variety of ways of representation by signs of various semiotic systems, including linguistic ones as characteristic features of an ideologeme (Malysheva, 2009: 35). We share the opinion of E.G. Malysheva, according to which ideologemes are active not only in basic discourses (political, informational, etc.), but also in those for which the ideologeme is not a content dominant - educational, sports, religious, etc. It also seems logical that concepts that are not meaningfully related to the ideological or political sphere of life can fall into the category of ideologemes in different periods of the existence of the state, which does not prevent the ideologeme from exercising "targeted influence on the part of the sender of the speech on the consciousness of the recipient of the speech" (Klushina, 2003: 269). In the framework of this study, we will consider the ideologeme as an explication, as a way of representing socio-political and universal values in a certain period of time.
4. Results
Linguistic analysis of ideologemes from the point of view of the nature of their ideological content makes it possible to single out units of different levels in their total volume: universal ideologemes, universal (moral) and socio-political ideologemes. Universal are basic ones, while socio-political ones are artificially created (phantom) (Seliverstova et al., 2022: 626). The basic ideologemes are unchanged and constitute the content of the universal ones, while the phantom ones are transformed in the course of social development, obeying the realities of the historical period and can be considered as a form, a kind of "packaging" of universal ideologemes. Let's demonstrate this thesis on the example of the universal ideologeme "faith", which includes several universal concepts: trust, mercy, kindness, care and a few phantom ones: faith in God's protection, faith in the leader, state leadership, in oneself; care for the soul, for the neighbor, for nature, for the common good. It should be noted that our focus on the ideologeme "faith" is due to the understanding of the special role that faith occupies in a number of anthropological phenomena that accompany a person throughout his life. One can talk about faith as a phenomenon of social and individual - personal consciousness. Faith is one of the most important value components of a person's life and activity, and one of the earliest since a child is taking the first steps in exploring
the world through trust in parents and other adults. What parents and teachers believe in, deserves unconditional trust in the child, that is, it is a priori correct for him and does not require proof. The patterns of behavior of children and adults, demonstrated on the pages of the primer, are offered to children as the only correct ones. Considering ideologemes based on the material of the primer, it should be noted that in primers and the first books for reading, iconic signs not only complement, but replace verbal ones. At the stage of mastering letters and letter combinations, they dominate in the process of updating the content (semantic) component, therefore, in this case, we also consider images as a tool for mainstreaming ideologemes.
Faith as the most important content component of religion has always been of great importance in Germany. Until the 1950s, 96 % of Germans were Christians. Now the realities have changed: more than a third of German citizens no longer identify themselves with any confession, and 5 % are Muslims (Willems, 2018). The results of our study show that the transformations that have taken place in society are reflected in ideological attitudes that are mainstreamed in children's educational literature, including primers.
Analysis of publications of the early twentieth century made it possible to identify numerous lexical markers of the ideologeme "faith" in the form of confirmation of faith in God, expression of gratitude to God: "In Gottes Segen ist alles gelegen" (Everything is in God's blessing) (Hirt, 1918: 100); "Wo ich bin, und was ich tu', sieht mir Gott, mein Vater, zu" (The Lord sees everything, where I am and what I do) (Lorenzen, 1901: 58). In the poem "Vom lieben Gott" children turn to God with the words: "Ich bin klein, mein Herz ist rein, soll niemand drin wohnen als du, mein liebes Jesulein". I am small, my heart is pure, there is no place in it for anyone but Jesus (Brückl et al., 1934: 20). "Alle Jahre wieder kommt das Christkind auf die Erde nieder, wo wir Menschen sind. Kehrt mit seinem Segen ein in jedes Haus, geht auf allen Wegen mit mir ein und aus...". Every year Jesus comes down to earth among the people, blesses every house and accompanies me everywhere (Bauermann, 1950: 51).
Analysis of the studied material showed that up to the end of the 1950s, prayers were included in the content of primers. Thus, children at school were taught not only to read and write, but also to pray. In particular, classes at school began with a prayer: "Wir beten und singen vor dem Unterrichte..." (We pray and sing before classes) (Rathmann, 1910: 45), "In der Schule lernen wir beten, lesen, schreiben, rechnen..." (Atschool we learn to pray, to read, to write and to count) (Hirt, 1918: 100). The child was taught to pray in the morning and wish his parents good morning: "Am Morgen betet das Kind und wünscht den Eltern einen guten Morgen" (Hirt, 1918: 64). Through the question of the baby to the mother, it was reminded that one should remember the morning prayer and the need to thank God for all good things: "Guten Morgen, Mutter!... Hast du schon gebetet? Vom Schlaf bin ich gesund erwacht, dir, Lieber Gott, sei Dank gebracht." Good morning, Mom!... Have you already prayed? I woke up healthy from my sleep, thank you Lord) (Brückl et al., 1934: 28). The presumption was that good people at the end of the working day thank God in prayer and ask for protection for the night: "Fromme Menschen danken des Abends Gott für den Segen des Tages und bitten ihn um Schuß für die Nacht". (In the evening, pious people thank God for a blessed day and ask him for a night's rest) (Hirt, 1918: 77).
The German primers of the first half of the 20th century cited the texts of morning prayers -Morgengebet (Bauermann, 1950: 80; Hirt, 1918: 61; Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 80; Lorenzen, 1901: 77), lunchtime prayers, for example, Tischgebet (Hirt, 1918: 61; Lorenzen, 1901 : 78) or the prayer before meals "Wir wollen danken für unser Brot, wir wollen helfen in aller Not". We want to give thanks for the bread and are ready to help all those in need (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 98) and Abendgebete (evening prayers) (Brückl et al., 1934: 33; Helden, 1958: 58; Rathmann, 1910: 77). Shaping an idea of where bread comes from, describing the work of a grain grower, miller and baker, the authors of the primer emphasize that all this is possible only with God's help, and cite the lines of the prayer: "Vater im Himmel, laß deine Sonne scheinen über unsere deutsche Erde! Gib uns unser tägliches Brot!" (Heavenly Father, let the sun shine over our German land! Give us our daily bread! (Brückl et al., 1934: 65). God's mercy is also highlighted in the poem "Die Mühle" ("The Mill"): "Und schenkt uns der Himmel nur immerdar Brot, so sind wir geborgen und leiden nicht Not". If heaven always gives us bread, then we will be safe and will not experience the need (Helden, 1958: 88).
Based on the material of German primers in the first half of the 20th century it becomes obvious that religious education was an integral part of primary school education of that time. On the pages of the primer, children are explained what the church is: "Die Kirche ist das
Gotteshaus" (The church is the house of the Lord) (Lorenzen, 1901: 65); "Die Kirche ist das Gotteshaus der Christen. In ihr ziehen sich an den Wänden Chöhre entlang. Auf einem Chore befindet sich die Orgel. Auf ihr spielt der Organist Choräle" (The church is God's house of Christians. Choirs are located along its walls. There is an organ in one of the choirs. The organist performs chorales on the organ) (Rathmann, 1910: 60). The children get an idea of the rite of baptism: "Das kleine Brüderchen darf zum ersten Male in die Kirche... Der Pate trägt das Kind an den Taufstein... Der Pfarrer tauft das Kind" (For the first time, the younger brother can go to church... The priest carries the baby to the font.... The priest performs the ceremony of baptism) (Brückl et al., 1934: 21).
The primer also describes the manners of proper behavior in the church: "Die Glocken rufen uns in das Gotteshaus. Wir sollen dort beten und Gottes Wort hören. Wir wollen gern das Gotteshaus besuchen" (The bells are calling us to the church. We must pray there and listen to the word of God. We go to church with pleasure) (Rathmann, 1910: 37). The obligatory attendance of church is expressed through the verb "sollen" (to be obligated), and the joy of visiting the temple with the adverb "gern" (willingly). There is also a description of the Sunday church visit by the whole family, led by the father: "Am Sonntage ruhen wir uns von der Arbeit aus. Wirgehen auch nothing in die Schule. Der Vater führt uns dafür in die Kirche. Hierertönt die Orgel. Wir singen dazu from me Lieder; auch beten wir in der Kirche... Wir hören der Predigt aufmerksam zu" (On Sunday we take a break from work. We don't go to school. Instead, the father leads us to church. The organ plays here. We sing charitable songs; in church we also pray... We listen attentively to the sermon) (Rathmann, 1910: 55). The adverb "aufmerksam" emphasizes the need to be fully involved in the ceremony.
People traditionally express the content of their beliefs in religious rites and holidays, which are an integral part of the life of society, determine the mental and emotional state of children and adults. Therefore, it is legitimate to consider the holidays of Christmas, Easter, etc. from the standpoint of updating the ideologeme "faith". The primers of the first half of the XX century include a whole series of texts dedicated to Christmas and other religious holidays: "Wie die Kinder Weihnachten spielen" (How children play at Christmas) (Guck ..., 1915: 60-61), "Wenn Knecht Ruprecht kommt" (If Knecht Ruprecht comes) (Guck..., 1915: 61), "Schlüssellochgucker" (Curious) (Guck..., 1915: 61-62), "Weihnachten" (Christmas) (Guck., 1915: 62-64), "Knecht Ruprecht am Telefon" (Knecht Ruprecht is on telephone) (Brückl et al., 1934: 35), "Zwölf Ostereier" (Twelve Easter Eggs) (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 80), "Advent" (Bauermann, 1950: 52) and others.
The analysis of the content of the primers' texts shows the absence of religious dogma in them, they only describe traditional family activities, such as decorating a Christmas tree, gifts for children brought by baby Jesus or Weinakhtsman, and the general atmosphere of the holiday. The story about the Easter Bunny "Vom Osterhasen" mentions the main attributes of a happy Easter holiday -coloured eggs, an Easter lamb, etc.: "Unsere Mutter sagte: Buben, der Osterhas war da! ... Eier, grün und rot und flecking, lachten uns an. Ein Osterlamm mit einem Glöcklein um den Hals und einer Fahne auf dem Rücken war auch dabei. Alle Nester waren voll» (Our mother said: children, there was an Easter Bunny!... Green, red and spotted eggs cheerfully looked at us. There was also an Easter lamb with a bell around its neck and a ribbon on its back. All nests were full to the brim) (Brückl et al., 1934: 75). In the reading book of the Nuremberg publishing house, one can trace the regional specifics in the description of the holiday. In the south of Germany, you can see "plum men" in the markets, a traditional Christmas treat: "Vor Weihnachten sieht man auf dem Obstmarkt kleine schwarze Männlein und Weiblein... Die sen ja aus Zwetschga gmacht" (Before the Christmas holidays, black people, men and women, are seen in the fruit market... They are made of plum) (Brückl et al., 1934: 34). In addition, instead of Nikolaus, the Pelzmärtel gives presents to the children before Christmas (Brückl et al., 1934: 26-27).
Unlike previous editions in the primers of the 1930-50s, in addition to the formal attributes of religious holidays, their content is being explained to the children. This is how the biblical story of the birth of Christ is presented: "In einem Stall auf Stroh liegt das Christkindlein ... Joseph und Maria beten das Kindlein an" (In the barn on the straw the baby Jesus lies... Joseph and Mary are praying over him) (Brückl et al., 1934: 39). The poems "Karfreitag" (Good Friday) and "Ostern" (Easter) tell about the death of the Son of God on the cross, his miraculous resurrection from the dead and the corresponding religious holidays (Brückl et al., 1934: 74); they explain why no one works on Friday before Eastern Sunday: "Am heiligen Karfreitag klappert kein Webstuhl. In der Schmiede klingt kein Hammerschlag, und in der Werkstatt des Schreiners knischt keine
Säge. Überall ist Stille und Trauer über den Tod des Heilandes" (On Good Friday, the knock of the spinning wheel is not heard. In the forge, the hammer does not knock on the anvil; in the carpentry workshop, the saw is silent. Everywhere there is silence and mourning over the death of the savior) (Helden, 1958: 95). The following is an extract from the prayer: "ich danke dir, Herr Jesus Christ, daß du für mich gestorben bist" (Thank you, Jesus Christ, for dying for me) (Helden, 1958: 95). In the poem "Advent" the children are told that they need to prepare spiritually for the feast of the Nativity of Christ: "Das Christfest ist nun nicht mehr fern, bald leuchtet auf der Weihnachtsstern... Bereit' auch du dem Himmelskind das Herz voll Liebe, frei von Sünd' (The Christian holiday is near, the Christmas star will soon light up ... So prepare your heart for the baby Jesus, Jill it with love, cleanse it from sins) (Helden, 1958: 59).
In the publications of the second half of the XX century, as well as modern ones, secular holidays appear along with religious holidays. At the same time, the content of religious holidays is not disclosed, often even the name is not mentioned, only attributes, which, in our opinion, is due to the transformation of the ideologemes "faith in God" into "faith in the state". For example, the picture displays young pioneers in full dress with blue ties are preparing for the holiday. Christmas wreaths with candles and gifts are depicted, but the name of the holiday is not mentioned (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 42). Another case: mother and grandmother call the children to a room in which there is a decorated tree and gifts, but it is not clear what holiday they are talking about, whether they celebrate Christmas or the New Year (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 43). Children with paper lanterns walk around the city, but there is no mention that this is Saint Martin's Day (Krowicki et al., 1989: 10; Thiele, Ricke, 1970: 27), "Otto holt seine Laterne. Tom holt seine Laterne" (Otto carries his flashlight. Tom carries his flashlight) (Dengel et al., 2010: 34-35).
However it should be noted that the ideology of a certain political system does not affect the general trend towards transformation, since both in modern publications of the XXI century and in the publications of divided Germany - the FRG with the capitalist system and the GDR with the ideology of socialism - there is a general trend of emasculation, loss of religious the content of the holidays and the preservation of only their external features in the form of traditional rituals: decorating the Christmas tree, painting eggs, etc. Children no longer turn to God with prayer and gratitude. Communication with God was reduced to compiling a list of gifts for the holiday: "Liebes Christkind! Ich wünsche mir einen Baukasten. Dein Erich" (Dear Jesus! I want building blocks. Your Erich) (Thiele, Ricke, 1970: 43). Some wishlists have no address at all: "Ich wünsche mir: eine Schibrille, Schokolade oder eine Schokoladenfabrik..." - I want: ski goggles, chocolate or a chocolate factory... (Dengel et al., 2010: 48). While in the editions of the first half of the XX century Advent was a time of spiritual preparation for Christmas, today it is a time for preparing gifts, as, for example, in the poem by Ursula Derge: "... Zünden wir zwei Lichtlein an, mahnen wir den Weihnachtsmann: Pack schon die Geschenke ein, bald muss alles fertig sein" (If we light two candles, then we remind Weihnachtsmann: pack the gifts, everything should be ready soon) (Förster et al., 2022: 141). Thus, spiritual values are being transformed into consumer ones.
In addition to religious ones, secular holidays are widely represented in the primers: Labor Day, International Women's Day and Mother's Day. Primers published in the former GDR thoroughly describe the preparation and celebration of Labor Day on May 1: "Mutter hängt die Fahne 'raus. Vater schmückt mit Grün das Haus, und wir helfen mit dabei. Morgen ist der 1. Mai!" (Mom is hanging the flag. Father decorates the house with greenery, and we help. Tomorrow May 1st!) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 96). On this day, demonstrations took place in the socialist countries: "In den Straßen marschieren Arbeiter und Arbeiterinnen. Auch die Jungen Pioniere sind dabei" (Workers are marching through the streets. The young pioneers also participate) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 97). "Auf einem Platz mitten in der Stadt stehen große Tribunen. In langen Reihen marschieren Männer, Frauen und Kinder daran vorbei. ... Sie grüßen die Genossen und die Freunde aus den anderen Ländern auf den Tribünen" (There are large stands in the square in the city center. Men, women and children pass by in large columns... They greet comrades from other countries in the tribunes) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 74). The transformation of the ideologeme "faith in God" is most clearly seen in the May Day slogans: "Es lebe die Freundschaft zur Sowjetunion! Es lebe die Freundschaft mit den Arbeitern in allen Ländern!" (Long live friendship with the Soviet Union! Long live friendship with the workers of all countries!) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 75). "Es lebe unsere Deutsche Demokratische Republik!" (Long live our German Democratic Republic!) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 97). Younger schoolchildren received an unequivocal attitude to faith in the state, their own and other friendly states.
In the primers, children were also informed about International Women's Day, on which it was customary to congratulate all women and prepare gifts for mothers: "Vater und Karin kleben für Mutti eine bunte Schachtel. Dieter malt ein Bild zum Frauentag" (Dad and Karin glue together a colorful box for Mom. Dieter draws a picture for Women's Day) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 68). "Die bunten Primeln bekommt unsere Lehrerin. Frau Schneider bekommt Schneeglöckchen. Jeden Tag macht sie unsere Schule sauber. Die Blumen für Mutti legen wir zu Hause neben unsere Geschenke" (Our teacher will receive colorful primroses. Frau Schneider will receive snowdrops. She cleans our school every day. We will put flowers for mom at home near the gifts) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 52). Modern publications only mention Mother's Day: "Meine Mama ist die beste auf der Welt... Ich hab sie lieb. Das will ich ihr heute, am Muttertag, sagen" (My mother is the best in the world... I love her. I want to tell her this on Mother's Day) (Dengel et al., 2010: 102).
Experts note that "faith is based on a person's ability to have an objective need to trust other people" (Panchenko, 2008: 27). As the analysis of the material shows, in different historical periods the object of faith/trust can change, faith can be based on the need to trust God (Bauermann, 1950; Brückl et al., 1934; Hirt, 1918; Lorenzen, 1901), the state represented by its head and army (Brückl et al., 1934; Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942), oneself (Feuer, Alt, 1966; Förster et al., 2022), and the desire to believe everyone (Krowicki et al., 1989).
Thus in the publications of the early twentieth century the children were told that should not be afraid of the night, since their sleep was guarded by angels: "Wenn die Kinder schlafen ein, wachen auf die Sterne, und es steigen Engelein nieder aus der Ferne, halten wohl die ganze Nacht bei den frommen Kindern wacht" (When the children fall asleep, the stars wake up and the angels descend to guard the obedient children all night) (Hirt, 1918: 77). "Hängt die Sternlein zu den Fensterlein hinaus! Sagt der liebe Gott zu den Englein. Die frommen Menschen schauen hinauf zu ihnen und sind froh im Herzen und denken: wir können ruhig schlafen, im Himmel wacht unser Vater" (Hang out the stars outside the windows! The Lord speaks to the angels... Pious people look at them, rejoice with all their hearts and think: we can sleep peacefully, the Lord guards us from heaven) (Brückl et al., 1934: 31). Significantly, the angels and the Lord protect only obedient children "fromme Kinder", pious people "fromme Menschen". In prayer, the child turns to God with a request to protect him in a dream: "Müde bin ich, geh zur Ruh, schließe beide Äuglein zu. Vater, laß die Augen dein über meinem Bette sein" (I'm tired, I go to sleep, I close my eyes. Lord, let your eyes watch my bed) (Bauermann, 1950: 81). Among the sayings for children are those that teach to trust in God: "Hat auch niemand auf dich acht, Gottes Auge immer wacht" (Even if there is no one to look after you, the Lord is always on guard) (Hirt, 1918: 100).
In the primers of the first half of the XXth century, one can trace a transformation that shows that one can believe and hope not only in God. So, in the German primers published in the 1930s, along with trust in God, the ideologeme of trust in the state appears embodied by the Reich President and Reich Chancellor, as well as the armed forces: "Wir grüßen unsere Reichswehr. Sie beschützt unser Vaterland. Heil Deutschland! Heil Hindenburg!" (We salute our armed forces. They protect our country. Long live Fatherland! Long live the Hindenburg!) (Brückl et al., 1934: 64). Paul von Hindenburg in the period 1925-1934 was the Reich President of Germany, after whose death Adolf Hitler, abolishing the post of Reich President, became the sole head of state. In the primers of the Second World War period, Nazi symbols and the greeting "Heil Hitler!" are everywhere (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 67). Children and adults unconditionally trust the Fuhrer and are ready to follow him into the future: "Singend wollen wir marschieren in die neue Zeit. Adolf Hitler soll uns führen, wir sind stets bereit" (We march with songs into a new life. Adolf Hitler must lead us, we are ready) (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 101).
In the publications of the post-war divided Germany, there is also a place for the ideologemes "state", "head of state", but they are not about trust, but rather about honoring the country and the merits of its leaders. For example, the best students were honored with a meeting with the President. The primer contains a story by Jutta, who was at a meeting with Wilhelm Pick, the president of the GDR (1949-1960): "Als ich so alt war wie ihr, durften die besten Pioniere unserer Schule den Präsidenten besuchen ... Der Präsident erzählte uns von den Kindern in allen Ländern. Alle sind unsere guten Freunde. Jetzt lebt Wilchelm Pieck nicht mehr. Sein Bild in unserem Klassenzimmer wird uns immer an ihn erinnern" (When I was the same age as you, the best pioneers were given a meeting with the President... The President told us about children in other countries. They are all our good friends. Now Wilhelm Pieck is dead. His portrait in our class will always remind of him) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 120). Or children write a letter to Walter Ulbricht,
Chairman of the State Council of the GDR: "Lieber Walter Ulbricht! Wir freuen uns, daß Du zum Vorsitzenden des Staatsrates gewählt worden bist. Für unsere Wandzeitung haben wir ein Bild von Dir ausgeschnitten und einen guten Strauß dazu gemalt. Wir wollen gute Pioniere werden. ... Später würden wir süchtige Arbeiter werden. Deine Klasse eins" (Dear Walter Ulbricht! We are glad that you have been elected Chairman of the State Council. We cut out your portrait for the wall newspaper and decorated it with a bouquet of flowers. We want to be good pioneers. ... In the future, we will become diligent workers. Yours, first class) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 121).
In the period after the World War II, trust in the state is replaced on the pages of primers by faith in one's own strength. So, in one of the stories, the horrors of war are contrasted with a peaceful life in which adults work and children study: "Wie gut geht es uns jetzt im Frieden! .Vater fährt zur Arbeit. Ihr lernt in userer Oberschule und könnt fröhlich sein" (It is so good to live in peace! ... Dad goes to work. You go to school and you can enjoy life) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 119). But the world needs to be protected, so the father is in the resistance group, and the uncle serves in the army. They are defending their country now, thereby setting an example for children - future defenders. "Wir müssen aber auch etwas für den Frieden tun. Böse Menschen wollen wieder einen Krieg anfangen. Darum bin ich in der Kampfgruppe, und Onkel Jürgen ist in der Volksarmee. Wir schützen unsere Deutsche Demokratische Republik!" (We, too, must do something to keep the peace. Evil people want to start a war again. That's why I'm in the resistance group, and Uncle Jurgen is in the army. We will defend our German Democratic Republic!) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 119).
Belief in oneself is replaced by the idea of universal trust, that is, universal security, simple and ingenious, still relevant today, set out in Bertolt Brecht's poem "Bitten der Kinder" (What the children ask for) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 72).
„Die Häuser sollen nicht brennen. Bomber sollt man nicht kennen. Die Nacht soll für den Schlaf sein. Leben soll keine Straf sein. Die Mütter sollen nicht weinen. Keiner sollt müssen töten einen. Alle sollen was bauen. Da kann man allen trauen...".
The houses should not burn. We should not know what bombers are. The night should be made for sleep. Life should not be pain and punishment. The mothers should not weep. Nobody should kill anybody. Everybody should build something Then everybody can be trusted...
Having traced the transformation of the ideologeme "faith" from faith/trust in God to the idea of universal trust, let's consider its other component - the universal ideologeme "mercy". Being a universal property of human nature, faith is an important part of a person's worldview. With all the complexity of comprehending one's nature, faith is an attributive element of human consciousness. It largely determines the specificity and depth of the spiritual life of the individual. Without faith, the value orientation of a person is impossible; moral societal relations are based on it (Lukin, Domrachev, 1918: 21). Mercy is one of the most important Christian virtues and is directly related to faith. This ideologeme is present in one form or another in all the analyzed publications without exception. Mercy as kindness and compassion is manifested in caring: caring for loved ones, the needy, nature, caring for the common good, etc.
At all times, the elders took care of the younger ones and vice versa, which is reflected on the primer's pages. The ideologeme "care for loved ones" is often updated with iconic signs. In the picture, the girl is feeding her younger brother (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 10), nursing the baby in the cradle (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 13). Children have always helped adults in everyday life: "Daheim muss Ida der Mutter helfen" (At home, Ida must help her mother) (Lorenzen, 1901: 61). "Lotte will der Mutter beim Aufwaschen helfen" (Lota wants to help her mother wash the dishes) (Guck..., 1915: 28). "Vater will seinen VW waschen. Tim und Walter wollen helfen" (Father is going to wash his car. Tim and Walter want to help) (Thiele, Ricke, 1970: 32); in the farming field: "Nächste Woche können wir graben. Opa hilft gern. Ulrich, du gräbst auch mit" (We can dig next week. Grandpa will be happy to help. Ulrich, you too will dig with us) (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 57), in the garden: "Rudolf und Ludwig haben dem Vater bei der Kartoffelernte geholfen" (Rudolf and Ulrich helped their father to harvest potatoes) (Bauermann, 1950: 38), and in the socialist GDR, young pioneers improved the resting places for workers: "Pioniere der achten Klasse haben geholfen, die Wege mit gelbem Kies zu bestreuen. Pioniere der ersten Klasse gießen die Blumen
und harken die Wege" (Pioneers of the 8th grade helped sprinkle the paths with yellow gravel... Pioneers of the 1st grade water the flowers and rake the paths (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 87), worked in the school gardens: "Heute arbeiten wir im Schulgarten" (Today we work in the school garden) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 92). "Jede Woche arbeiten wir im Schulgarten. Keiner zu klein, Helfer zu sein" (Every week we work in the school garden. No one too small to be a helper) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 66-67).
Children showed concern not only for their loved ones, but also learned to respect people of the older generation, for example, to give up one's seat in public transport: "Sie kommen von einem Sonntagsausflug heim. Sie sind todmüde. Die Straßenbahn steht schon da. ... Alle drei bekommen noch einen Sitzplatz. An der nächsten Haltestelle steigt eine alte Frau ein. Ernst springt auf und sagt: Bitte, nehmen Sie Platz! Er hat ganz vergessen, daß er müde war" (After the Sunday hike, they return home... They are exhausted... The tram is already at the stop. All three got a place to sit down. At the next stop, an elderly woman enters. Ernst jumps up and says: Have a seat, please! He completely forgot that he was tired) (Brückl et al., 1934: 58). Generally, in public transport in the 1960s, schoolchildren were supposed to travel standing up: "Die Jungen müssen stehen. Viele Leute steigen ein, auch eine alte Frau. Heidi steht auf und sagt: "Bitte schön, hier ist der Platz. Ich cann stehen" (The boys must stand. A lot of people enter the transport including an elderly lady. Heidi stands up and says, "Please, there is a seat here. I can stand) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 76).
The primer encouraged children to sympathize and help their neighbor. Thus, in the poem "Die Puppe" (The Doll) little Rosette gives money intended for the purchase of a new dress for the doll to a blind man and a little girl (Hirt, 1918: 55; Rathmann, 1910: 68). In the story "Gute Kameraden" (Good friends), the children and their teacher take care of their disabled classmate. The boy cannot move freely and suffers every time other children go for a walk. "Der kleine Paul hatte ein lahmes Bein. Traurig blickt er seinen fröhlichen Kameraden nach, wenn sie in den Wald zogen. Alle hatten Mitleid mit ihm. Eines Tages. Gerhard brachte . den Wagen mit in die Schule. Der Lehrer setzte Paul hinein, und mit Jubel wurde Paul von seinen Kameraden in den Wald gezogen" (Little Paul has a paralyzed leg... With sadness, he looks at his joyful comrades as they head into the forest. Everyone sympathizes with him. Once Gerhard brought a stroller to school with him. The teacher put Paul in it, and the children, shouting with joy, rolled Paul into the forest) (Hirt, 1918: 74). Children are warned against gluttony and taught mercy: "Wer zu viel ißt, wird leicht krank. Danke Gott für Speis' und Trank und vergiß des Armen nicht!" (Who eats a lot, runs the risk of getting sick. Thank God for food and drink and don't forget the poor!) (Kjatabhani, Sachbi, 1914). An example of the manifestation of kindness and mercy is the story of St. Martin, a Roman legionnaire who gave half of his cloak to a freezing beggar, thereby saving him from inevitable death. The children are introduced to this story in the story "Martin hilft dem Bettler" (Martin helps a beggar) (Helden, 1958: 45).
The ideologeme "care for one's neighbor" is also reflected in the stories about taking care of classmates who, for one reason or another, need help: "Anja ist immer noch nicht wieder in der Schule. Wer will Anja helfen? Alle Schüler melden sich" (Anya still doesn't go to school... Who wants to help Anya? All students are willing) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 39). Or another example from an earlier edition: "Heute treffen sich die Jungen Pioniere. Alle singen ein Lied. Bodo war lange nicht in der Schule. Er hatte die Masern. Nun beraten sie, wie sie Bodo helfen wollen. Wer wird mit Bodo jeden Tag lesen? "Wirst du helfen, Uwe?" "So ist es recht", sagt der Pionierleiter. "Junge Pioniere helfen immer" (Young pioneers meet today. Everyone sings a song. Bodo hasn't been to school for a long time. He has measles. Now they are discussing how to help Bodo. Who will read with Bodo every day? "Will you help, Ove?" "That's good," says the pioneer commander. "Young pioneers always come to the rescue") (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 62-63). It is striking that relations among children are strictly regulated and built hierarchically according to the model of the party organization of adults. There is a leader who distributes responsibilities and gives instructions. Thus, from an early age, children in the GDR mastered patterns of "correct" behavior in society at that historical moment.
The pioneers of the 1980s in the GDR were brought up under the motto: "Wir wollen lernen. Wir wollen helfen" (We want to learn. We want to help) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 33). The young pioneers cared for the elderly and lonely: "Ute und Udo füllen Tüten mit Nüssen und Rosinen. . Alle diese Sachen sind für eine Feier im Heim. Nun wollen wir für die Feier Lieder lernen" (Uta and Udo fill bags with nuts and raisins. All these things are meant for a holiday in a nursing home. We want to learn holiday songs) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 34-35). The children also cared about the
safety of others: "Auf dem Hof ist Eis. Es darf niemand fallen. Wir müssen Sand holen" (Ice is in the yard. We can't let anyone fall. We must get some sand) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 40).
The problem of integrating people from other countries to Germany is not new. In the second half of the XXth century, as in modern Germany, children who did not speak German often came to school. The primer formed a model of caring attitude to such children at school. These children need help: «Unsere Lehrerin führt ein neues Kind in die Klasse. Es ist ein kleines Mädchen mit dunklen Augen und schwarzem Haar. Sie stellt es vor und sagt: "Das ist FATMA DEMIR. Fatma kommt aus der Türkei. Sie kann nicht Deutsch. Sie wird es schwer haben. Wir müssen ihr helfen" (Our teacher brought a new child into the class. She is a little girl with dark eyes and black hair. The teacher introduced her and said: This is Fatma Demir. Fatma is from Turkey. She doesn't speak German. It will be hard for her. We must help her) (Leiß, Rauh, 1980: 6).
Care for nature takes a special place in all textbooks without exception: "Das Nest eines Vogels darfst du niemals zerstören" (Never destroy bird nests) (Rathmann, 1910: 34). "Im Weg das Krümmchen Brot tritt nicht mit deinem Fuß, weil's in des Hungers Not ein Tierlein finden muß" (If there are bread crumbs on the ground, don't step on them because hungry animals will find them) (Kjatabhani, Sachbi, 1914). "Die Tiere des Waldes leiden im Winter oft große Not. Der Förster weiß das und hat deshalb für die lieben Waldtiere gesorgt. manche Kinder helfen dem Förster beim Füttern" (In winter, animals in the forest suffer greatly. The forester knows this and takes care of the wild animals... some children help the forester feed the animals) (Helden, 1958: 76). "Stefan füttert die Vögel" (Stefan feeds the birds) (Thiele, Ricke, 1970: 47). "Da stapft der Jäger durch den Schnee. Die Futterkippe wird reich gefüllt: Heu, Nüsse und Früchte für alle" (The huntsman walks through the snow. Animal feeders are full: hay, nuts and fruit for everyone) (Förster et al., 2022: 119).
In modern primers, children receive the basics of environmental literacy. In concern for the future of the planet, they learn to sort garbage. Children get answers to simple everyday questions: "Aber in welche Tonnen müssen nun Bio-Müll und Altpapier? Wohin kommen leere Flaschen?" (In which trash cans should I dispose of food waste and used paper? Where should I throw empty bottles?) (Förster et al., 2022: 66). They are told how paper is recycled: "Was passiert mit dem Altpapier? Mit einem Müllauto kommt das Altpapier in eine Fabrik." (What happens to waste paper? The garbage truck delivers the used paper to the factory.) (Förster et al., 2022: 67), are taught to think about the conservation of bird and animal populations: "Tim erklärt: "Diese Tiere stehen unter Naturschutz! Es ist streng verboten, sie aus dem Teich zu entfernen" (Tim says: These animals are protected by the state! It is strictly forbidden to take them out of the pond) (Förster et al., 2022: 103). It should be noted that in GDR primers, children learnt about recycling, different classed competed with each other in collecting recyclable wastes: "Flaschen, Lumpen, Altpapier -morgen drei Uhr sind wir hier. Die Klasse hat das vorige Mal am meisten gesammelt" (Bottles, rags, old paper - tomorrow at three o'clock we will be here. This class last time collected the most (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 88). "Altpapier! Altpapier! Morgen mittag sammeln wir" (Waste paper! Waste paper! Gathering tomorrow at noon) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 78).
At the beginning of the XXth century, children were instilled with the idea that caring for the state is everyone's business. It manifested itself in the fact that children were taught to pray for the head of state and his family: "Unser Kaiser heißt Wilhelm der Zweite. Erwohnt in Berlin. Die Gemahlin unseres Kaisers heißt Auguste Viktoria. Wir beten fur unseren Kaiser und seine Gemahlin" (Our Kaiser's name is Wilhelm II. He lives in Berlin. The name of our Kaiser's wife is Augusta Victoria. We pray for our Kaiser and his wife) (Rathmann, 1910: 56). In Nazi Germany, children no longer had to turn to God, praying for the well-being of the head of state, but to swear love and loyalty directly to the Fuhrer: ". als der Gaben allerbest' sollst unser Herz du haben. nichts soll in Deutschland größer sein als unsre Lieb' und Treue" (...as the best of gifts, 'you shall have our heart ... nothing shall be greater in Germany than our love' and loyalty) (Brückl et al., 1934: 101). At the same time, special attention was paid to public attributes: state symbols and the official form of greeting. Thus, the formation of an internal need to wish for good and well-being is replaced by the need to show respect outwardly, publicly. The front page of the 1934 edition features the slogan "Heil Hitler" and an image of the corresponding gesture performed by elementary school boys greeting each other (Brückl et al., 1934: 3). Next spreads demonstrate flags with a swastika: on one spread, kids are marching under the Nazi flag, on the other, soldiers in brown uniforms greet the Fuhrer on a festive parade. The picture of marching children is accompanied by a line from a song by Horst Wessel, which was the march of the Nazi storm
troopers, and later the official anthem of the National Socialist German Workers' Party, and was sung at official events after the anthem "Die Fahne hoch!" (Banners up!) (Brückl et al., 1934: 4)
The Nazi ideology integrated in children's activities was viewed as a completely natural behavior. Even at a birthday party, the birthday boy greeted the invited children with his right hand thrown up. "Heiner hat Geburtstag. Nachmittag kommt Besuch. Der Fritz und seine Schwester Hilde, der Hans und sein Brüderlein. Sie kommen im Gänsemarsch hereinspaziert. Der Fritz hat ein Hackenkreuz-Fähnlein." (Heiner has a birthday. Guests will arrive in the afternoon. Fritz and his sister Hilde, Hans and his younger brother. They will come marching at the goose step (Prussian parade step). Fritz has a flag with a swastika) (Brückl et al., 1934: 30). The ideological format had to be maintained in personal correspondence as well. An uncle writes a letter to his nephews and sends them presents. The letter ends: "Heil Hitler! Euer Oheim August" (Heil Hitler! Your uncle August) (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 71).
In the publications of the XXth century, in addition to the ideologeme "care for the neighbor", the ideologeme "care for the common good" is updated. During the World War II primer, in the final texts, children are told about the annual fundraiser for fuel for the poor with the slogans: "Ein Volk hilft sich selbst" (The people will help themselves!) (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 98). "Keiner darf hunger! Keiner darf frieren!" (No one should starve! No one should freeze!) (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 99). The purpose of this campaign is explained to children in a story about a little girl Gertrude, who understood well the Fuhrer's idea of the need for universal assistance to those in need: "Es klopft. Da ist wohl der Sammler für das Eintopfgericht. Das Geld liegt schon drüben auf dem Tisch ... Da hat der Vater aus der Zeitung vorgelesen: Das ganze deutsche Volk ißt Eintopfgericht!" (There's knock on the door. This is a fundraiser. The prepared money is already on the table... Father reads in the newspaper: All the German people are eating soup!) (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 98). In this case, we are talking about the German dish Eintopf. The word itself means "in one pot", it is assumed that both the first and the second are combined in one dish. In Duden dictionary, the word "Eintopfgericht" was first recorded in the 1934 edition. With Hitler coming to power in 1933, citizens were encouraged to donate funds, and farmers - part of the crop, so that at least once a week, on Sundays, to feed the hungry. On the second Sunday of the month, from October to March, all German families were ordered to cook such a soup, share it with those in need, and, moreover, donate 50 pfennigs from each family to the Winterhilfswerk mission founded back in 1923, which was actively supported by the Nazis. So the soup was literally "adopted" in the name of the common good in Nazi Germany (Golovina, 2011).
In one of the primer's stories, little Gertrude imagined a huge pot in front of the town hall building, enough to feed everyone. Her brother, who tried to ridicule his younger sister, was rebuked by the father with the words: "Lacht mir meine Gertrud nicht aus. Die hat's gut verstanden, was der Führer meint!" (Don't laugh at my Gertrude. She understood correctly what the Fuhrer meant!) (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 98). The latter declared that German people never were in need. To achieve this, everyone should donate to help those in need. "Unser Führer Adolf Hitler will nicht, daß in seinem Reiche Menschen hunger und frieren. Darum hat er gerufen: Haltet zusammen! Helft, daß jeder Mensch satt wird und im Winter niemand zu frieren braucht. Gebt zur Winterhilfe!" (Our Fuhrer Adolf Hitler does not want people in our Reich to starve and freeze from the cold. So he called: Close ranks! Help so that everyone is fed and no one has freezes from the cold) (Hinderks-Kutscher, 1942: 99). In this way the Nazis tried to reduce the financial burden on the state during the war.
In post-war socialist Germany, concern for the common good manifested itself in concern for the common security, peace and friendship for all peoples. At the initial stage of education, children were introduced to the ideas about international friendship, for example, in the song "Über allen strahlt die Sonne" (The sun shines on everyone), children turn to adults with a request to maintain the peace (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 122; Krowicki et al., 1989: 95):
Children learned songs about peace: "Wir wollen in Frieden leben. ... Vater sagt: "Wie gut, daß ihr Lieder vom Frieden in der Schule lernt. Der krieg ist schrecklich" (We want to live in peace. Dad says: "It's good that you are learning songs about the peace. War is terrible) (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 118). To be friends, you need to be able to address a person by name, so children in the GDR got acquainted with the typical names of representatives of other countries - England, France, Poland, America, China and, of course, the Soviet Union (Feuer, Alt, 1966: 106; Krowicki et al., 1989: 9091). In the first school book, the children were explained the principle of international solidarity of countries that followed the socialist path of development: "Die Kinder aus der Sowjetunion, aus
Polen, aus Ungarn, aus der Tschechoslowakei, aus Rumänien und Bulgarien sind Pioniere wie ihr, und sie lernen und spielen genauso gern wie ihr. Mit den Menschen in diesen Ländern halten wir gute Freundschaft. Gemeinsam sorgen wir dafür, daß es keinen Krieg mehr gibt" (Children from the Soviet Union, Poland, Hungary, Czechoslovakia, Romania and Bulgaria are same pioneers as we are, they also learn and love to play like us. We maintain good friendships with children in these countries. Together we will ensure that there is no more war) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 93).
"Uber allen strahlt die Sonne, über allen in der Welt.
Alle Kinder wollen Frieden, Frieden, der das Glück erhält.
Froh und glücklich will doch spielen auf der Erde jedes Kind, ob nun seine Eltern Schwarze, Gelbe oder Weiße sind. Darum höret unsre Bitte, hütet gut den Frieden ihr, daß die Kinder aller Länder froh und glücklich sind wie wir".
The sun shines on everything in the world.
All children want a world where there is
happiness.
Every child on the planet, regardless of the color of their parents, wants to play joyfully and happily.
Therefore, hear our request, keep the peace, so that the children of all countries may be happy and rejoice like us.
In support of the idea of universal peace, various events were held annually, for example, the Friedensfahrt Peace Race. This multi-day international cycling race was held from 1948 to 2006 under the motto "Friendship, Peace, Freedom!" The official emblem of the competition was the Dove of Peace. Among the fans were children. So, little Peter follows the cycling race with great interest and looks forward to cyclists in his city: "Morgen fahren die Friedensfahrer durch unseren Ort. Jeden Tag hört Peter im Radio, wer gewonnen hat. Er kann die Fahrer kaum erwarten" (Tomorrow the participants of the Peace Race will pass through our city. Every day Peter listens on the radio to see who won. He looks forward to cyclists) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 76).
The names of the ships were also selected according to the ideological guidelines of the state doctrine. So, Klaus saw a ship with the symbolic name "Frieden" (Peace) under the flag of the GDR. With its name, the ship was supposed to inform people all over the world that the citizens of the GDR wanted peace: "An einem Schiff lasen sie den Namen "Frieden". Am Mast wehte die Fahne unserer Republik. Klaus weiß, warum das Schiff "Frieden" heißt. Er fährt in viele andere Länder. Allen Menschen auf der Welt soll er sagen, daß wir in der Deutschen Demokratischen Republik im Frieden leben und arbeiten wollen" (On board the ship they read the name "Peace". The banner of our Republic fluttered from the mast. Klaus knows why the ship is called "Peace". It sails to many countries. All the people on earth must know that we in the German Democratic Republic want to live and work in peace) (Krowicki et al., 1989: 105).
If in the previous century the principle of international friendship was cultivated on the territory of the GDR, then in modern united Germany it is the principle of diversity, which has developed as a result of such processes as globalization, migration, European integration, demographic changes, etc. (Walgenbach, 2014: 7). These processes affect school education and all participants in the educational process. The development of school education in the context of diversity and the absence of any discrimination involves solving the problem of equality in education (Kaluza, Schimek, 2021: 113), that is, ensuring quality education for all. Respect for diversity is also brought up on the pages of modern editions of the primer. So, in the 2022 edition, one of the first pictures shows a group photo of a class with representatives of different races, nationalities, different physical features and impairments (Förster et al., 2022: 4-5). The principle of diversity is also demonstrated in the Kinderhände poem "Children's Hands" (Dengel et al., 2010: 122). Thus, younger students are taught tolerantly perceive social and cultural differences, to understand the diversity of cultures and civilizations.
5. Conclusion
The primer, as the first literacy book, plays a significant role in shaping not only reading skills, but also the value orientations of students, ideas about the universal human and sociopolitical realities that exist in society in a certain historical period. Value attitudes are brought to the fore by signs of various semiotic systems: linguistic signs and iconic ones. Both of them can be considered as ideologemes - tools for purposeful influence on younger schoolchildren. The focus of the current study is the ideologeme "faith", which is vital for the value orientation.
The transformations taking place in society are invariably reflected in the ideological attitudes mainstreamed in educational literature. The examination of the universal ideologeme "faith" on the material of primers and textbooks on teaching reading, published in the German language from 1901 to 2022, made it possible to identify a number of basic, universal ideologemes - trust, mercy, kindness, care and phantom, socio-political ones - faith in God's protection, faith in the leader, state leadership, in oneself; care for the soul, for the neighbor, for nature, for the common good.
The study considers the transformation of the components of the universal ideologeme "faith" in the diachronic aspect from faith in God to faith in the state, personified by its head, then through faith in one's own strength to the idea of universal trust as the basis of universal security. Fundamentals of religious education in the second half of the XX century were replaced by secular ones, which resulted in the transformation of spiritual values into consumer ones. Nevertheless, the basic ideologemes "mercy", "care" have not lost their relevance, and in the form of concern for the neighbor, the needy, nature, the common good, etc., are present in all analyzed publications. The results obtained in the course of the study led to the conclusion that basic universal human values, actualized by ideologemes, do not undergo significant changes over time, while artificially formed, socio-political (phantom) ones, either modify or vanish.
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