CC BY
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DOI: 10.24234/wisdom. v3i2.856 Endang FAUZIATI
Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, Indonesia E-mail: endang.fauziati@ums. ac. id
Suharyanto SUHARYANTO
Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, Indonesia E-mail: suh335@ums.ac.id
Asep Shofian SYAHRULLAH
Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, Indonesia E-mail: shofian.ss@gmail.com
Wahyu Aji PRADANA
Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, Indonesia E-mail: a320160173@student. ums. ac. id
Irwan NURCHOLIS
Universitas Muhammadiyah Surakarta, Indonesia E-mail: a320180038@student. ums. ac. id
HATE LANGUAGE PRODUCED BY INDONESIAN FIGURES IN SOCIAL MEDIA: FROM PHILOSOPHICAL PERSPECTIVES
Abstract
This study aims to: (1) describe the linguistic forms typically used in hate speech; (2) reveal the interpretation and intention of hate speech, and (3) propose its pedagogical implication. This was descriptive qualitative research with content and a philosophic analysis approach. The data were excerpts containing hate language produced by figures collected from YouTube videos. The hate speech was linguistically manifested through the use of swear words, mental abnormality terms, the animal metaphor, insults which refer to characters, Arabic terms with negative meaning, and nicknames that call out physical characteristics. According to the interpretation in the Indonesian context, the speakers use hate language to vent negative feelings, insult, condemn, accuse, show disagreement, show dissatisfaction, wish bad luck, and threaten. The hate language appears to be an Indonesian phenomenon of language use, however, its forms and functions are determined by the contextual or philosophic background of the users. Some hate language in this paper was found to mask the speakers' defeat and incapability against the target of hate.
Keywords: hate language, social media, philosophy, social media, analysis.
Introduction
Following the presidential election season in Indonesia, the digital footprint is oversupplied with hate language. This interesting phenomenon of language use involves emotional aspects and linguistic expression. This study was motivated by the rise of hate language phenomena, particu-
larly in Indonesian social media, that often trigger social conflict. Social media is an arena for social interaction with the impression of anonymity and safe distance between the interlocutors. This condition fosters the willingness to straightforwardly express opinions, including the use of hate language.
There are several sister terms of hate lan-
guage, such as cyberbullying (Hosseinmardi et al., 2015; Zhong et al., 2016), insults or profanity (Sood, Antin, & Churchill, 2012), and offensive language (Razavi, Inkpen, Uritsky, & Matwin, 2012). This study uses the term "hate language" as it is considered a general term that has been widely used in this field of study. It simply refers to language that encourages hatred, anything that offends others (Lewis, 2014). A slightly broader definition conveyed by Cohen-Almagor (2011) states that hate language is a biased, hostile, evil-motivated language aimed at a person or group of people. He further states that hate language expresses discrimination, intimidation, criticism, antagonism, or prejudice. S. Neshkovska and Z. Trajkova (2018) opined that hate language represents the use of language for humiliating, dehumanizing, and defaming non-likeminded individuals or groups of people. The distinguishing feature of this type of language seems to be its ability to spread swiftly, infecting societies with intolerance, hatred, and aggressive behavior.
Hate language has long been the object of research within a variety of disciplines including philosophy. Thus, this study used philosophy as its perspective. The philosophical perspective concerns the meaning of words beyond what is said. It means understanding language use based on its context, interpretation, and the speaker's intention (Mey, 2001). From this perspective, this study investigates the way hate language is tied to the philosophy and contexts in which it is used; particularly, it tries to unfold what the speakers say (the linguistic forms) and what they want to say to the addressees (the speakers' intention). This research studies the linguistic form and interprets the intention of hate language speakers, namely Indonesian figures in social media. This study attempts to explore the typical vocabulary the research subjects used in their hate language and the intentions they wanted to achieve in using them. The figures chosen were Habib Rizieq Shihab (HRS), Sugik Nur (SN), and Maheer Attuwailibi (MA) as they rather frequently produce hate language to denounce other
Indonesians or foreigners in a series of YouTube videos.
There have been several relevant previous studies on hate language, such as those conducted by N. Haslam, S. Loughnan and P. Sun (2011), R. Fadhilah (2018), A. D. Bachari (2018), S. Neshkovska and Z. Trajkova (2018), D. Wiana (2019), I. Iswatiningsih, A. Andalas & I. Inayati (2019), A. Muhid, M. I. Hadi and A. Fanani (2019) and H. J. Prayitno, H. Kus-manto, Y. Nasucha, L. E. Rahmawati, N. Jama-luddin, S. Samsuddin and A. A. Ilma (2020). They were particularly interested in finding the purpose of hate language used on social media such as Twitter, Facebook, and YouTube. These studies are worthy to review to show the novelty of the current study.
R. Fadhilah (2018) studied hate language used by haters on politicians' Instagram using the impoliteness strategy as a framework. The results indicated that the realizations of hate language were the use of inappropriate identity markers, secretive language, taboo words, and similes. The purpose was to vent negative feelings, show disinterest and disagreement, frighten, condescend, show dissatisfaction, and mock. Then, D. Wiana (2019) analyzed hate language used in social media associated with the 2019 Indonesian presidential election. The results showed that the hate language was manifested through defamation and unpleasant words that aimed to insult, denigrate, instigate, and spread hoaxes. Likewise, S. Neshkovska and Z. Trajkova (2018) reported that depending on the levels of threat, hate language can appear in three major forms: harsh, moderate, and soft. The harsh forms include explicit and implicit calls for violence and discrimination and the soft forms are used for creating a negative image. Then, the moderate forms encompass justification of historical cases of violence and discrimination. Meanwhile, I. Iswatiningsih, A. Andalas and I. Inayati (2019) studied hate language used by supporters of Indonesian presidential candidates on social media. The findings showed that the hate speech was manifested in the form of in-
sulting, blaspheming, and defaming unwanted potential candidates. What is more, H. J. Prayit-no, H. Kusmanto, Y. Nasucha, L. E. Rahmawati, N. Jamaluddin, S. Samsuddin and A. A. Ilma (2020) research aimed to identify the forms of hate language and formulate its pattern used in a television program called Indonesian Lawyer's Club hosted by TVOne. It showed that the types of hate language were in the form of insult, defamation, provoking hatred, inapproprite action, blasphemy, and spreading hoax news. The main point of hate language is for insulting.
These studies mostly analyzed the speakers' intentions in using hate language. However, the researchers used various terms to refer to the speakers' intention, such as form, type, purpose, function, motives, and aim and this can be seen by philosophic methods. Thus, it appears that there has been an inconsistency in the use of these terms. This study would therefore clarify this issue by using the philosophic perspective as hate language is a language act. This study used the term "form" to refer to the linguistic form or the locution and the term "the speakers' intention" to refer to the function or the purpose of the speaker in producing the language. Additionally, there has been less previous evidence for the linguistic forms or the locution of hate language. In philosophy, the locutionary act or the real word uttered by the speaker and the illocutionary act or intention behind the words uttered by the speakers are fundamental components in the philosophic analysis. Therefore, this study considers these two aspects as the focus of this research.
Different from the earlier reviewed studies, N. Haslam, S. Loughnan and P. Sun (2011) attempted to reveal the linguistic form of hate language, particularly the use of animal metaphors. Animal metaphors conveyed a wide range of meanings, including insulting slurs. The 40 animal metaphors examined showed diverse meanings but are centered on depravity, disagreeable-ness, and stupidity. Their offensiveness was predicted by the revulsion felt toward the animal and by dehumanizing the hate target. N. Haslam, S. Loughnan and P. Sun's work was limited to
one linguistic form of hate language, that is, animal metaphor. The present research, therefore, would broaden the previous works by exploring the linguistic forms typically used in hate language.
Additionally, A. Muhid, M. I. Hadi and A. Fanani (2019) study discussed the effect of hate language and hoax news exposure on social media on prejudice and religious intolerance among teenagers. The philosophic research revealed that hate language and hoax news exposure on social media gave a significant effect on their prejudice and religious tolerance. To address the various limitations of the previous studies, we present additional knowledge of a perspective of hate language, focusing on its fundamental aspects, form, and function (Amin, Alfarauq, & Khatimah, 2018).
The continuing interest in hate language is attributed to its frequent occurrence in public realms, including on social media. This paper aims to shed light on some basic hate language issues, particularly in the Indonesian context. Hence, the objectives of this research are:
1. to describe the linguistic forms typically used in hate language,
2. to reveal the speakers' intentions in using hate language,
3. to propose its pedagogical implication.
Method
The was descriptive qualitative research with a philosophic and content analysis approach. Content analysis was considered the most flexible model for analyzing textual data (Cavanagh, 1997). In this study, the textual data were analyzed based on a pragmatic perspective by focusing on two basic linguistic aspects, namely linguistic form and speaker intention (Leech, 1993).
In this study, the researchers used Ricoeur's philosophical view for its philosophical approach to finding the intention of the hate language speakers by interpreting the context and the meaning of those words (Sibawaihi, 2012). This understanding is called hermeneutics in linguis-
tics. The philosophical view used in understanding linguistics aims to understand and interpret a language beyond what is said or written to find the intention (Ricoeur, 2004).
The data were in the form of YouTube video excerpts containing hate language spoken by three controversial figures, namely MHR, SGN, and HRS. These figures were chosen as they frequently produced hate language that became national political issues in Indonesia. Several videos were downloaded and used as data sources. The hate language collected from these videos was encrypted and put in a list of data.
The researcher used the language documentation technique to collect the data since a content analysis focuses on the characteristics of language as communication by paying attention to the content or contextual meaning of the text. The text data can be in verbal, print, or electronic forms (Kondracki, Wellman, & Amundson, 2002). Hate language documentations in this research were video transcriptions from 10 YouTube Homepages. The researchers tried to find the intention and meaning behind the hate language by considering the language context, intonation, and philosophical understanding (Wahid, 2015).
To analyze the data, the researcher used the interpretive hermeneutic approach based on P. Ricoeur (1969). M. B. Miles, A. M. Huberman and J. Saldana (2014) framework. In this research, to ensure the credibility of the data, the methods of frequent debugging sessions, a thick description of the phenomenon under scrutiny, and Member Checking were used (Shenton, 2004). Through frequent debriefing sessions, credibility was obtained through frequent question and answer sessions between the researchers and superiors, in this case, colleagues who were considered to be experts in this study. The thick description of the phenomenon under scrutiny, namely, a detailed description, is an important provision for promoting credibility as it helped convey the actual investigated situation and its context to some degree.
Findings
The Forms of Hate Language The following points present the analysis results of the hate language linguistic forms found in the data. The hate language was linguistically manifested through swear words, terms of mental abnormality, animal metaphors or comparing humans to animals, insults towards certain characters, negative Arabic terms, and nicknames that refer to physical characteristics.
The Use of Swear Words In expressing hatred, the speakers used swear words, namely words that were expletive, taboo, dirty, vulgar, or offensive. They are undereduca-ted, obscene, rude, and profane words in society, such as bangsat (bastard), banyak cengkonek (shut up), bajingan tengik (son of a bitch), breng-sek (fuck), etc. as shown in the data (Raharja, 2018) below.
1. "Hey Cebong, banyak kali cerita kau, banyak kali cengkonek kau" (Hey Tadpole, you talk too much, shut the fuck up).
2. "Si Samara mati, Grace Natalie mati, Raja Juli mati, Guntur Romli mati, poligami nikmat, prostitusi bejat, Abu Janda bangsat, PSI laknaf' (Samara died, Grace Natalie died, King Juli died, Guntur Romli died, polygamy is pleasant, prostitution is lecherous, Abu Janda is a bastard, PSI is cursed).
3. "Padahal dia anjing rabies. Dipelihara. Pe-nista agama si murtad bajingan tengik ini" (He is actually a rabid dog. Why care for him? This son of a bitch apostate is a blasphemer).
The Use of Terms on Mental Abnormality The speakers also used swear terms related to mental abnormality or mental illness, such as the words tolol, goblok, bodoh (dumb, stupid, idiot), otaknya pada dangkal (brainless), as in the examples NU below:
4. "Seakan-akan Abu Bangsat Al-Tololi ini menyamakan saya Maher At-Thuwailibi den-gan anjing" (As if Abu Bastard the Dumb
compares me, Maher At-Thuwailibi, to a dog). In this example, Abu Janda was called bastard and dumb by the hater, Maher (Thu-wailibi, 2019).
5. "Kyai said Aqil Siroj ketua PBNU, dia kenceng sama Wahabi, nah karena Wahabi (Saudi Arabian Cleric) pada jenggotnya pan-jang-panjang, eh disalahin jenggot. Goblok". (The Cleric Said Aqil Siroj, the chairman of PBNU, was very strict to Wahabi. Well, because Wahabians have long beards, uh, the beards are to blame. You idiot). In this data, the chairman of PBNU, the largest Muslim organization in Indonesia was called an idiot.
6. "Masyarakat Indonesia tetep saja bodoh. Makanya di injek2 mulu sama bangsa lain. Singapore. Otaknya pada dangkal." (Indonesians are still stupid. That's why they are always humiliated by other nations, such as Singapore. They are brainless).
The Use of Animal Metaphors The speakers called the target of hate animal names. They were compared with animals that are considered to have negative or abhorrent behavior or traits. It was used to convey disgust or hatred towards the target. Some of the animal names used include babi (pig), cebong (tadpole), asu (dog), guguk (dog), babi betina (female pig), kampret (bat), and jaran (horse), as shown in the following examples (Raharja, 2019). The word cebong (tadpole) is usually directed to the group of people who supported Indonesia's current president, Joko Widodo, while the word kampret (bat) is usually directed to those who support Widodo's opposition in the 2019 election, Pra-bowo Subianto.
7. "Jancuk kabeh, asu kamu itu, bong cebong' (You motherfuckers, you bitch tadpole).
8. "Matamu picek, jiancuk jaran kon itu pancen" (You blind, a fUckin' horse you are).
9. "Kepadamu hei, babi betina, lonte oplosan, penjual selangkangan, saya himbau 1*24 jam kau tidak melakukan klarifikasi, permin-taan maaf di depan publik secara terbuka" (You, hey, a female pig, a blended slut, crotch seller, if in 1x24 hours you do not clarify,
apologize to the public).
The Use of Insults Referring to Certain Characters
The hate language used was also characterized by insult words that refer to certain characters to show disrespect or insult, such as the words lonte (whore), kaum perusak (the destroyer), ulama sesat (perverted Islamic cleric), germo (pimp), ulama busuk (rotten Islamic cleric), penista agama (blasphemer), Abu bangsat (the bastard), Al Tololi (the dumb), Al Bangsati (the bastard), and penjual selangkangan (crotch seller) (Syihab, 2020), as shown in the examples below.
10. "Ada lonte hina habib, pusing pusing. Sampai lonte ikut-ikutan ngomong" (A whore insults Habib [a descendant of Prophet Muhammad], dizzy...dizzy. Even a whore joins the talk).
11. "Ulama yang bejat ulama yang buruk ulama yang busuk. Gus Dur itu buta mata juga buta hati." (The immoral cleric, the rotten cleric. Gus Dur's [Indonesia's former president] heart and eyes are blind).
12. "Kepadamu hei, babi betina, lonte oplosan, penjual selangkangan, saya himbau 1*24 jam kau tidak melakukan klarifikasi, permin-taan maaf di depan publik secara terbuka'' (You, hey, a female pig, a blended slut, crotch seller, if in 1x24 hours you do not clarify, apologize to the public).
The Use of Arabic Terms Related to Negativity
It was revealed in the data showing that the speakers used Arabic terms with negative meanings in Islamic law, such as the words syubhat (obscurity), murtad (apostate), syaiton (Satan, devil), bid'ah (heretical doctrine), kafir (non-believer), neraka jahanam (hell), laknatullah (God's curse), and munafik (hypocrite) (Harun, 2020), as shown in the examples below.
13. "Laknatullah kamu mati sak turun turune. Ya Allah. Laknat Ya allah, rezim rezimnya hancurkan Ya Allah" (God curse on you and
your offsprings. O Allah, curse him and destroy his regime, O Allah).
14. "Munafkin jancuk jaran mbokne dobol. Mbokne ancuk. Rezim dobol, jancuk' (hypocrite son of a bitch, a bastard horse with dumb mother. A bitch mother. A dumb regime, fuck).
15. "PKIkefir, kafir dia, murtaddari agama, yd' (PKI [Indonesian Communist Party that is a forbidden organization in Indonesia], they are nonbelievers, an apostate of the religion, yes).
The Intention of Speakers in Using the Hate
Language
According to Ricoeur, in using hate language, the speaker aims to vent negative feelings, insult, condemn, accuse, show disagreement, show dissatisfaction, wish bad luck, and threaten. In understanding words or language, one can see the context and understanding of the verbal speech (Purnanto, 2006). The philosophical view can uncover the minds of people when speaking, translate the language context and differentiate whether the words have a serious tone such as hate speech or are it a form of solidarity (Prayit-no H. J. Kusmanto. H. Nasucha, Y. Rahmawati. L. E., Jamaluddin, N. Samsuddin, S. & Ilma, A. A, 2019). Philosophy provides a comprehensive analysis such as texts, context, and the reading of intention and interpretation is part of epistemo-
The Use ofNicknames Referring to Physical Characteristics
The results found one datum of hate language that refers to visible physical characteristics, such as the phrase Kiyai buta (the blind Islamic cleric), as in this example. 16. "Yang udah mati itu Gus Dur. Kyai Buta. Dia udah mati. Udah jadi Bangkai. Kalau saya belum". (Gus Dur died already. The blind cleric. He died already and became carcass. But I am still alive).
Table 1.
logy, axiology, and interpretation (Ricoeur, 1969). There are various intentions of hate language spoken by Indonesian figures, and they are not good intentions.
To Vent Anger
Results of the analysis showed that the speakers produced hate language to vent anger toward individuals and groups, as shown in the examples below.
1. "Kepadamu hei, babi betina, lonte oplosan, penjual selangkangan, saya himbau 1*24 jam kau tidak melakukan klarifikasi, permintaan maaf di depan publik secara terbuka" (You, hey, a female pig, a blended slut, crotch seller, if in 1x24 hours you do not clarify, apologize to the public). This hate language was conveyed by MHR to Nikmir (abbreviated from
The Forms of Hate Language Used by the Controversial Figures
Linguistic Forms Examples
Swear words Bangsat (bastard), bajingan tengik (son of a bitch), brengsek (bastard), jancuk (fuck)
Mental abnormality terms Idiot (idiot), otak udang (shrimp brain), tolol (dumb), goblok (stupid), bodoh (brainless), dangkal (shallow).
Animal metaphor Babi (pig), babi betina (female pig), asu (dog, bitch in Javanese language), gug-uk (dog), anjing rabies (rabid dog)
Insults referring to certain characters Lonte (whore), penjual selangkangan (crotch-seller, slut), germo (whoremonger).
Arabic terms with negative meaning murtad (apostate), syaiton (devil), bid'ah (heretical doctrine), kefir (non-believer).
Nicknames referring to physical characters Kiyai buta (the blind cleric).
Nikita Mirzani, an Indonesian Actress) for her comments to HRS, who came back to Indonesia and was picked up by thousands of his supporters. Nikmir who was bothered by the crowd stated that HRS was a medicine man. And this made MHR angry and vented his anger on her by calling her a pig, a slut, and a crotch seller. These insults referred to certain characters. He insulted Nikmir as such because there is gossip that Nikmir has an extramarital child (having extramarital children is taboo in Indonesia) and MHR associates this with a prostitute.
2. "Jadi sekarang itu kalau mau sholat saja ditest darahnya. Sama siapa? Sama rezim, rezim dobol mbokne ancuk" (So now, if you want to do the Friday prayers, you have to have your blood tested. By whom? By the regime, the dumb regime son of a bitch.) This hate language was addressed by SGN to vent his anger on the government's Covid-19 Health Protocol Task Force. SGN reacted to a video showing a police officer who was controlling the congregation who was about to enter the mosque in order to follow the Covid-19 detection test procedure. He was angry with the government by producing swear words, stating that the regime is dumb. For him, this health protocol was bizarre as it stopped people from worshipping God. In this context, he was angry because the regime made a strict policy for people who wanted to pray in the mosque during the peak of the Covid-19 pandemic. Meanwhile, at the same time, the son of the President conducted a massive campaign to become the mayor of Surakarta city (Rindawati, 2020).
To Insult
Another speaker's intention in producing hate language was to insult the target of hate. In these examples, the targets were JKW (the abbreviated name of the current president Joko Widodo) and Nahdhatul Ulama (NU, Indonesia's largest Islamic organization) (Raharja, 2020).
3. "Joko Wi (another abbreviated name of current president Joko Widodo) itu itu sholatnya pencitraan. Itu bukan fitnah. Datanya ada.
Wong ndak bisa sholat kok maksa jadi imam. Lebih baik jadi makmum selamat satu masjid dari pada jadi imam hancur semua orang di masjid itu" (Joko Wi's prayer is only for a show. This is not slander. The evidence is there. He cannot pray but why does he force himself to become the prayer leader. It is better for him to be a follower to save the whole congregation in the mosque rather than becoming the prayer leader and all the congregation will be destroyed.) In this context, SGN gave a comment containing hate language on JKW's video, showing him doing prayer as a prayer leader. SGN's hate language was aimed at insulting JKW for his inability to read the Qur'an fluently. JKW was not good enough at reciting prayers in Arabic, therefore, SGN insulted JKW by judging him not fit of being a prayer leader. Additionally, SGN considered that JKW's prayer was just for a good image.
4. "Saya ibaratkan NU itu sekarang bus umum, sopirnya mabuk, kondekturnya teler, kernetnya ugal-ugalan dan penumpangnya itu kurang ajar semua" (I compare the current NU with a public bus, the driver is drunk, the conductor is hungover, the conductor is reckless, and all the passengers are impudent). In this excerpt, SGN commented on the current condition of Nahdhatul Ulama. He hates NU because of its strong support for the JKW administration; even, JKW's vice president (Kyai Makruf Amin) is also from NU. SGN's hate language was intended to insult NU as a whole, rather than the individuals. His remarks were conveyed when he was interviewed by Refly Harun on his YouTube channel. NU was a parable to a public vehicle whose driver is drunk, the conductor is hun-gover and inconsiderate, and the passengers are impudent. He meant that the NU leaders are insane while all NU members are uneducated and rude. Strangely enough, SGN was a NU member and all of his family members are also NU. With this language, we can see that SGN's intention was not to insult but was give criticism because NU had different political preferences from him.
To Condemn
Furthermore, the data revealed that in producing hate language, the speakers also intended to condemn the target of hatred (Raharja, 2019), namely JKW as shown in the examples below:
5. "Joko Wipembohong... Kalau sayayang sa-lah tuju turunan saya diazab sama Allah. Tapi kalau anda curang, kamu yang curang kamu yang salah, tuju turunan diazab sama Allah." (Joko Wi is a liar... If I am wrong, may God punish me and seven generations of my descendants. However, if you cheat, if you cheat and if you are the wrong one, may God punish you and seven generations of your descendants) This excerpt represents SGN's dissatisfaction with JKW's administration and called him a cheater. Hence, SGN produced hate language with the intention to condemn JKW, stating that God's punishment would be on him and seven generations of his descendants. SGN wished God's curse on JKW and his derivatives. This condemnation is very rude in Indonesia, as Indonesians have a culture of politeness.
6. "Kalau Bang Refly tanya bagaimana rezim ini, di mata saya enggak ada baiknya. Jelek. Laknatullah" (If Bro Refly asks me about this regime, in my opinion, there is nothing good about it. Bad. God curse on them). This excerpt also showed how SGN was dissatisfied with the JKW administration. He called JKW a liar with a bad regime. He said this in his YouTube collaboration interview session with Refly Harun (an Indonesian constitutional law expert and political observer). SGN produced hate language in Arabic "laknatullah", meaning "God's curse" with the clear intention to condemn JKW's government. Since SGN hated JKW, he expected God to hate and curse him as well.
To Accuse
From the data, the researchers found the use of hate language with the intention to accuse, publicly charging the target of hate with a fault or an offense.
7. "Di mata saya, tiada hari tanpa bohong. Ti-ada hari tanpa nipu, rezim ya. Tiada hari
tanpa dusta, di depan mata kalau bahasa Jawa istilahnya cetho welo-welo, transparan bohongnya". (In my opinion, there is no day without a lie. No day without cheating, this regime, yeah. There is no day without lies, in plain sight. In the Javanese language it is "cetho welo-welo", a super transparent lie). In this excerpt, again SGN produced hate language targeted at the JKW government in his YouTube collaboration interview session with Refly Harun. But this time, his hate language was intended to accuse the government of telling lies. He stated that all the lies were in plain sight. Every day the regime lies. For SGN, government officials are cheaters. In the Indonesian political context, this accusation was made carefully, by avoiding mentioning names. Usually, President JKW is given the name "Mukidi", because openly saying the name can cause one to be arrested under the Law on Electronic Information and Transaction. But in this case, openly expressed his opinions as he was very disappointed. In the end, SGN was arrested as he was accused of insulting NU (Taufiq, 2020).
8. "Kita ambil contoh kebohongan ya. Itu Kampung Akuarium di Jakarta. Waktu itu Jokowi masih Gubernur. Waktu itu tanda tangan janji politik, hitam di atas putih dibacakan kontra politik, bahwa itu nggak akan digusur. Ternyata setelah jadi Gubernur digusur juga" (We take the example of his lies, oky. In Kampong Aquarium in Jakarta. When Jokowi was still a governor, he signed a letter of agreement on campaign promises and it was read out publicly, that kampong Aquarium would not be evicted. It turned out that it was also evicted). This excerpt also revealed that SGN's hate language was intended for accusation. He stated this in his interview with Refly Harun, accusing JKW of being a liar by giving an example of what happened to Kampong Aquarium, a densely populated slum area in Jakarta. SGN argued that JKW would not evict Kampong Aquarium. However, the political contract was with JKW but Kampung Akuarium was
evicted by JKW's successor, governor Basuki Tjahaya Purnama after JKW's presidential ascend.
To Show Dissatisfaction Then, some hate language produced by the speakers in this study was meant to show dissatisfaction. An example is the hate language produced by SGN to NU, showing his dissatisfaction with this Islamic organization (Raharja, 2019).
9. "Tapi setelah rezim ini lahir, 180 derajat berubah ... Jadi kesucian NU yang saya kenal itu nggak ada sekarang ini" (But after the birth of this regime, NU changed 180 degrees ... So, the sanctity of the NU that I knew no longer exists today). In a tone of hatred, SGN stated that he no longer recognized the purity of the current NU. In his opinion, NU has drastically changed after becoming a crucial supporter of JKW's government. Is NU's change caused by the regime? SGN was dissatisfied with NU because he preferred Pra-bowo who was JKW's political rival in the presidential campaign. Later, after JKW was reappointed as president, Prabowo was chosen as the Minister of Defense. This was a strange case as SGN himself and his family members were NU members.
To Wish a Bad Luck
Moreover, the hate language found in the data was intended to wish bad luck. The excerpts below showed HHR's and SGN's resentful feelings with a high intensity to alienate the hate targets.
10. "Si Samara mati, Grace Natalie mati, Raja Juli mati, Guntur Romli mati, Prostitusi bejat, Abu Janda bangsat, PSI laknat" (Samara died, Grace Natalie died, King Juli died, Guntur Romli died, polygamy is pleasant, prostitution is lecherous, Abu Janda is a bastard, PSI is cursed). This hate language was produced by MHR. He appeared to hate people who supported JKW and wished them to die. MHR explicitly mentioned the target of his hatred, namely, Natalie Juli, Romli, and Abu Janda and wished them to die. This
was a true threat directed at a person or group as the speaker intended to place the target at the risk of physical harm or death. In the philosophic view, to know the intention, we must know that Indonesians usually cover their incapability to physically hurt others by saying praying for certain people to be inflicted with bad things. They cover this incapability with hate speech.
11. "Rezim dobol, jancuk. Laknatullah kamu mati sak turun-turune" (A dumb regime, fuck. May God curse on you and die with all of your offsprings).
MHR also produced hate language targeted at JKW and his administration. In his hate language, he wished very bad luck not only to JKW but also to his descendants. In the analysis of language philosophy, in the context of Indonesia, MHR's incompetence to fight against the target of hatred, JKW was expressed by wishing JKW to be inflicted with physical harm or death. Philosophically, hate speech is used as a high-context language style to indicate feelings of defeat and incompetency.
To Threaten
It is shown in producing hate language, speakers also intended to threaten as well, taking hostile action against the targets of hatred, as follows:
12. "Bangsat Al-Tololi dimanapun antum be-rada, nggak usah banyak bacot... (repeated several times) ... Kita akan ke bareskrim un-tuk melaporkan Abu Janda Al-Tololi" (Dumb jerk, where ever you are, don't talk too much [repeated several times]. We will go to the Criminal Investigation Agency to report on Abu Janda the dumb).
This hate language was uttered by MHR targeting Abu Janda, his opponent on YouTube. Abu Janda was also a supporter of JKW. MHR hated him and they were often at war through social media. In this excerpt, MHR threatened to report him to the Criminal Investigation Agency of the Indonesian National Police Force if he did not stop
blaspheming.
13. "...Saya himbau 1*24 jam kau tidak melakukan klarifikasi, permintaan maaf di depan publik secara terbuka, saya Maheer Attuawalibi beserta 800 laskar pembela ulama akan mengepung rumahmu" (I urge you within 1x24 hours to clarify and apologize publicly. If not, then I, Maheer Attuawalibi with 800 defenders of Islamic clerics will besiege your house) (Thuwailibi, 2020).
This hate language was also uttered by MHR but it was targeted at Nikmir, his other opponent on YouTube. MHR was angry with Nikmir as she accused HRS as a false cleric. He threatened to besiege her house if she did not apologize openly in public. The hate language to threaten to besiege the opponent's house was actually bluffing. None of these threats was manifested except for a report on Abu Janda. On the contrary, Abu Janda also reported MHR to the police. In his book, Ricoeur stated that the idea of cate-gorial transgression allows us to fill that deviation (including the deviation of threat), which seemed to be implied in the transposition process. 'Deviation' appeared to belong to a purely lexical grammar. What remains to be puzzling is
the relationship between the two sides, what Aristotle calls epiphora. This problem will be solved satisfactorily only when the statement character of the metaphor is fully recognized. The name-related aspects of metaphor can then become fully attached to a discursive (Ricoeur, 2003).
Philosophically, the words of threat that are often just bluffing are used to make the opponents scared, worried, and in the end surrender. These threats are aimed to intimidate when the one who threatens does not have enough power, as how MHR threatened to besiege Nikmir's house. The besieging did not happen even though she did not clarify nor apologize publicly. Meanwhile, the threat to report to the police was manifested.
These two threats are different, as the threat to besiege a house can lead the perpetrators to prison. Meanwhile, the threat and the action to report to the police do not result in leading the perpetrators to become arrested. Thus, philosophically, these threats are just metaphors for the seriousness of the threateners, where these threats will only be manifested if they do not bring loss to the threatener.
Table 2.
The Intention of Using Hate Language that Sometimes Does Not Align with the Verbal Speech
The function of the hate speech Example
to vent anger Saya tidak pernah ngurusi orang; yang saya urusi itu rezim laknatullah (I never mind people, I only mind this cursed regime).
to insult Joko Wi itu sholatnyapencitraan (Joko Wi's prayer is just for a image).
to condemn Di mata saya enggak ada baiknya. Jelek. Laknatullah! (In my eyes, this regime is bad. Terrible. May God curse them!)
to accuse Joko Wi itupembohong (Joko Wi is a liar).
to show dissatisfaction Sebelum rezim ini, ke mana-mana saya jalan dikawal Banser. Nah, tapi setelah rezim ini lahir tiba-tiba 180 derajat itu berubah (Before this regime, I was always escorted by Banser. Well, but after this regime was born, it suddenly changed 180 degrees).
to wish bad luck Laknatullah kamu mati sak turun turune (May God curse you, you die with all your descendants).
to threaten Saya Maheer Attuawalibi beserta 800 laskar pembela ulama akan mengepung rumahmu (I, Maheer Attuawalibi, along with 800 Islamic cleric defenders will besiege your house).
Discussion
Regarding the linguistic form of hate language used, the results showed that the hate language produced by the figures was manifested through swear words, terms of mental abnormality, animal metaphors, insults, and Arabic terms with negative meanings. These basic findings are consistent with R. Fadhilah (2018), A. D. Ba-chari (2018), and D. Wiana (2019) studies as most hate language employ words with this negative meaning. This condition is quite likely since the primary intention of hate language is to express the speaker's negative emotional state to the target (Wang, 2013). As hate language is used to convey the expression of strong emotions, the speakers tended to use the aforementioned words as they are more powerful than common words. This is to shock and disturb the target of hatred. In addition, the speakers produce hate language in situations where certain strong emotions emerge or to express a particularly strong attitude towards another person (Vinger-hoets, Cornelius, Van Heck, & Becht, 2013).
However, it must be pointed out that two hate language forms could be identified in this study but are not in the previous ones, namely, animal metaphors and Arabic terms. Concerning the animal metaphor, it seems that the speakers used it to dehumanize the target of hatred. Two animals commonly used by the speakers were asu (dog) and babi (pig).
However, what is clear is that in expressing anger, speakers tend to use swear words and this depends much on the cultural background of the speakers. Some Indonesian cultures have a close relationship with Islam. In Islam, dogs and pigs are considered unclean animals that are prohibited to be consumed. So, the use of the words asu (dog) and babi (pig) represent the highest insult to denigrate the target of hatred. Philosophically and linguistically, the use of these words aims to insult the physique as unclean or disgusting.
In Islam, dogs and pigs are considered to have the highest degree of uncleanliness derived called najis mughallazah. When people have
contact with something that is najis mughalla-zah, they are prohibited from conducting religious rituals until they become clean. So, the use of animal metaphor is to dehumanize, negatively influencing readers' perception of the target of hatred. Thus, the insult by calling people animal names serves a primarily denigrating function of humanity (Agustin & Prazmo, 2020)
As to the usage of Arabic terms with a negative meaning in hate speech, it is important to note that the research subjects are religious figures that have a good command of Arabic. They are quite knowledgeable in Arabic jargon related to religion such as laknatullah (May God curse them), syaiton (devils), kafir (disbeliever), or munafiq (hypocrite). This may explain why they used inter-sentential code-switching (Poplack, 1980) in their hate language. In addition, religious terminology is believed to have a stronger power because religious symbols have the power to direct the human mind (Berger, 2010).
The term laknatullah is used by the speaker as a form of emotional outburst that culminates with the aim of cursing. According to Hamka (2003), cursing shows hatred and a desire to distance someone from God's grace. In the Holy Koran, the word cursing is mentioned 41 times, and most of these verses show that God has the authority to curse His creatures who sin, such as infidels and apostates. This means the use of this word is inappropriate for humans to use. When humans use this to other humans, it means that they wish immense bad luck verbally. Even so, in terms of intention, they may use this to cover their defeat or incompetence.
The word setan or syaiton (Satan, devil) is used by the speaker to show that the target of hatred is an evil person who always invites people to do evil. In Islam and Christianity, the two major religions in Indonesia, Satan represents the prince of evil spirits and an enemy of God. It is traditionally understood the devil rebelled against God and was cast out of heaven. He is also identified as the entity that tempted Eve to eat the forbidden fruit in the Garden of Eden and was thus the catalyst for the fall of humankind. Thus,
in using the word Satan in hate language, the speakers want to show that the target of hatred is a person who disobeys God's commands and invites their dissemination to others. That is to say, they are bad people who invite others to do bad things. So, the speakers posit the target of hatred as an enemy and that people need to watch out for his tricks.
The use of the words kafir (disbeliever) and murtad (apostasy) in hate language shows that the speakers categorize the target of hatred as bad people. The term kafir refers to a person who rejects or disbelieves in God (the non-believer), whereas murtad refers to a person who later abandons the religion either in word or through deeds. The use of religious terms such as kafir and murtad is meant to discriminate against the target of hatred because of their different point of view. This kind of hate language was used against the enemy from the same religion and not against those from other religions. This is because the terms kafir, laknatullah, hypocrite, or munafiq are insignificant to other religions. Such insults semantically and philosophically aim to prevent other people (of the same religion) to follow the target of hatred.
The last finding deals with the speakers' intention or motive in using hate language. It was found that they used it to vent negative feelings, insult, condemn, accuse, show disagreement, show dissatisfaction, wish bad luck, and threaten. The current findings tie well with the studies of R. Fadhilah (2018), A. D. Bachari (2018), M. El-Sherief, V. Kulkarni, D. Nguyen, W. Y. Wang and B. Belding (2018), I. Iswatiningsih, A. Andalas and I. Inayati (2019), D. Wiana (2019), and H. J. Prayitno, I. D. Sari, Y. Nasucha, K. Ratih, R. D. Utami, N. Jamaludin and N. Thambu (2020). Hate language is consistently used as a weapon to insult, abuse, and degrade the targeted individuals and groups.
Under certain assumptions, this can be construed that the use of hate language provides evidence of the existence of an unbalanced and hegemonic power relationship in which the speakers see themselves as superior in terms of
morals and religion. This shows an indication of disharmonious communication between the two parties as what M. Burawoy (2019) calls symbolic violence. One of the motives which could potentially elicit hate language is the "in order to motive" (Andersson & Hirsch, 1985), which is an active and goal-oriented verbal behavior, which is primarily an evocative language used to evoke strong negative emotions.
However, in addition to the previous findings, we found a shocking finding. This is because the intention and interpretation that are different from what seems and what is said can only be analyzed with philosophical analysis. This is shown in the use of hate language to wish bad luck, which is not actually parallel to what seems. It indicates that even though the speakers have a very strong negative feeling against the target of hatred and wished bad luck on them, such as a curse from God and death, these things only function to cover their incapability and defeat against the target of hatred. The speakers want to present the targets of hatred as bad, immoral, and dangerous, therefore they deserve God's curse and death. The devaluing of the targets aims to delegitimize them so that they do not obtain public support. J. I. Navarro, E. Mar-chena and I. Menacho (2013) states the end goal of the intensified hatred is to rise a certain fanatical obligation to rid the person or group to obtain influence from society. Ridding a person or a group's influence means inflicting considerable damage. The intention was never to an extreme, physical disappearance or murder. Certainly, a partial explanation of the production of hate language comes from dissatisfaction. Emotion is the key to human motivation, a stimulus to action as well as the goal to be achieved. Therefore, is a powerful tool to explain what motivates people to produce hate language.
While social media empowers freedom of expression, it also enables the proliferation of hate language. To most people, hate language has negative connotations and is seen as bad language, not appropriate, and offensive. Nevertheless, people still frequently produce it in their
daily lives to fulfill particular communicative functions related to anger and hatred or even incapability. Since hate language contains bad words which are more powerful than non-hate language, people who produced hate language are often judged negatively as their words disturb people and society.
Hate language can be used as an example of bad language that should be avoided as this can be counterproductive in social interactions and often leads to conflict (Müller & Schwarz, 2018). Consequential harms of hate language can occur in four ways: it persuades hearers to believe the negative stereotypes and lead them to engage in other harmful conduct; it shapes the hearers' preferences so that they come to be persuaded of negative stereotypes; it conditions the environment so that expressing negative stereotypes and carrying out further discrimination become (often unconsciously) normalized; and it causes the hearers to imitate the behavior (Maitra & McGowan, 2012).
Conclusion
This study addresses important questions regarding hate language produced by Indonesian figures in the perspective of philosophy, regarding the linguistic forms and the speaker's intention or interpretation of meaning. The findings showed that their hate language was realized through the use of swear words, terms of mental abnormality, animal metaphors, insults, Arabic terms having negative meanings, and nicknames referring to physical characters have different contexts, aims, and goals. The speakers produced hate language to vent negative feelings, insult, condemn, accuse, show disagreement, show dissatisfaction, wish bad luck, and threaten. They often have a goal that is not explicitly expressed, such as showing defeat and incapability against the target of hatred.
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