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UDC 811.14
Philologia Classica. 2021. Vol. 16. Fasc. 1
Gr. à^pœv [adj.] 'senseless': a Reassessment
Romain Garnier
University of Limoges, Faculté des Lettres et des Sciences Humaines,
39E Rue Camille Guérin, 87000 Limoges, France; garromain@gmail.com
For citation: Garnier R. Gr. &9pœv [adj.] 'senseless': a Reassessment. Philologia Classica 2021, 16 (1),
50-56. https://doi.org/10.21638/spbu20.2021.105
The present article offers a reassessment of Hom. aqipwv [adj.] 'unreasonable, senseless, foolish', which is traditionally accounted for as an ablauting compound (of the type natfp : àna-twp) based on the simplex qipsvsç [f.pl.tant.] 'midriff, diaphragm' (+Il.). This archaic ablauting pattern (viz. °q>pwv vs. simplex ^pfv*) is totally unparalleled for body parts; besides, the Ancients' interpretation of qipsvsç as 'diaphragm' is flawed. Opovsw 'to have (good) understanding or intelligence' is a back-formation coined after àqipovéw 'to act senselessly, to be foolish'. From zero-graded àqipaivw (via a synchronic reanalysis of -aivw as a deverbative suffix of the type °q>aivw), an adverb *àq>pa-ôôv 'senselessly, foolishly' was eventually coined, which was the starting point of a whole new group. From this group was reanalyzed a "new" synchronic root V^paô- 'to heed, to consider', reflected by Hom. qipaiw. The lack of comparative evidence for this sprawling word family leads the author to assume that Hom. aqipwv [adj.] 'senseless, fool, heedless' is in fact the reflex of a PIE etymon *n-gwRr(hl)-on- 'without sense of smell, not able of scenting, from PIE *gwtreh1- 'to smell' (cf. Ved. jt-ghr-a- < *gwt{-gwtr(h1)-V-). This verbal compound of the type vfqiwv [*-on-adj.] 'sober' (< PIE *n-higwt-on- 'not having drunk') would have been eventually reanalyzed as a privative bahuvrlhi (viz. 'lacking qipévsç').
Keywords: PIE verbal compounds, reanalysis, back-formations, Homeric phraseology, universal semantics.
1. Gr. &9p«v [adj.] 'unreasonable, senseless, foolish' (+Il.) is a well attested adjective, whose generic meaning is exemplified by r 220 a^pova t ' auxwq # "like of man of no understanding" (Loeb) or E 875 au yap tekec; a^pova Koup^v # "for thou art father to that mad maid" (Loeb), but which more specifically quite often refers to rather young and unexperienced warriors, who clearly lack common sense, foolishly risking their lives. From Homer onwards, the abstract is a^poauv^ [f.] 'senselessness, recklessness', regularly associated to a denominative verb a^povew 'to act senselessly', which is interestingly most often used at the participle in Homer, as in O 104 N^mot, oi Z^vl ^eveaivo^ev a^poveo-vte; "Fools, that in our witlessness are wroth against Zeus!" (Loeb). By contrast, there is a (not univerbated) Homeric locution ¿u ^povewv 'with good sense' (or 'with good intent'), for instance in ¿u ^povewv ayop^aaTO (A 73, p 160) "he spoke with good sense".1
We may quite plausibly assume that ^povew 'to have (good) understanding or intelligence' is a back-formation coined after a^povew 'to act senselessly, to be foolish'. Hom.
1 This sporadic formula must be kept separated from su^pwv [adj.] 'mirthful, merry, taking one's pleasure', whose abstract is sücppoaüvri [f.] 'joy, mirth, merriment'. The denominative verb is sticppaivw 'to gladden, rejoice', being clearly causative, by contrast with Hom. dcppaivw 'to act senselessly, foolishly or recklessly'.
© St. Petersburg State University, 2021
9povtq [f.] 'intelligence, insight' (8 258) is deemed to be a back-formation of Hom. ^po-vew/*9povi(w (?) 'to be minded, think, to be wise' (Beekes 2010:1591). It is commonplace to account for Hom. a^pwv as a privative bahuvrthi built on a simplex ^pevec; [f. pl. tant.] 'midriff' (taken as the seat of mental activity), whence 'sense, soul, spirit, mind, heart' vel sim. (Beekes 2010:1590.) It shall be incidentally outlined here that the very localization of this obscure body part is far from being secure. Be that as it may, we find in Homer constructions with negative polarity involving ^pevec;, which play counterpoint to the use of a^pwv, such as dxäp ^pevec; oük evi na^nav # (¥ 104) "albeit the mind be not anywise therein" (Loeb) or ouxe ^pealv fiaiv ap^pw; # (k 553) "nor sound of understanding" (Loeb) (lit. "nor fitted to his ^peveq").
There are reasonable grounds for assuming the existence of a secondary derivative *9povx^q [m.adj.] 'careful, worried' (of the type ¿0eX.ovx|c; [m.adj.] 'volunteer') as a source of a doublet ^povxew/^povrii« 'to consider, worry, to be concerned', from which stemmed another back-formation (cf. ^povxi;, -i8o; [f.] 'worry, concern'). It is worth mentioning that the privative compound a^pwv 'senseless' may be regarded as a real cornucopia of words.
2. At its face value, Gr 9p|v*, -evo;* [f.] (Hom. dat.pl. ^peai, ^paai at Pindar) is related to the small group of body parts of the type a8r|v, -evo; [m./f.] 'gland' or aüx|v, -evo; [m.] 'neck', which are both provided with a sound PIE etymology. This is by no means the case of Hom. ^peve; [f. pl. tant.] 'midriff, diaphragm' (?), which is poorly accounted for as the reflex of PIE tbAren or PIE asigmatic tbArenk with loss of the final velar as per Beekes (2010:1590). The comparison with ON grunr [a m.] 'suspicion, presumption, doubt' (GEW II:1043; AnEW 191), pointing to PIE tgwArm-o-, has little to recommend itself: such a Tran-sponat (I dare not say etymon) must be deemed a sin of idiosyncrasy, since PIE *gwli- is not reflected by Germ. *g-.2
The very assumption of a "dehnstufiger asigmatischer Nom. *bArenk" (GEW II:1043), with the loss of the final velar, is a desperate attempt of connecting ^paaaw 'to enclose, surround' as the reflex of a (putative) PIE root tblirenk- on the basis of the Ancients' interpretation of ^peve; as a name for 'diaphragm'. As far as I know, there is no such pattern tCeRC-0 in PIE, all the more so we are dealing with an animate noun (PIE *kerd 'heart' is a neuter stem). Besides, the dialectal variation between Hom. ^pa^ai and ^ap^ai quite unambiguously point to a vocalic * r (PIE *Cr C-), not to PIE *CrnC-. I would tentatively compare Gr. nepi^paKxo; 'fenced' with Ved. päri-br dha- 'ringsum befestigt' (< PIE [virtual] *peri-bVg/i-to-), connected with the Ved. perfect participle babrhdnä- 'fest, stark' (Kümmel 2000:330). The Greek notion of 'enclosure' would have stemmed from the preverbed form. For the semantics, we may start with something like PIE *bfirgfi-to-
2 We may, tentatively, consider the possibility that the starting point is PIE *gewer- 'to be crooked' (LIV2 182), reflected by Ved. hvär-as- [nt.] 'crookedness, deceit, intrigue' (< PIE *gfiwer-e/os-), cognate of OAv. zurah- [nt.] 'deceit', NP zur 'lie'. The ppp. *gfiru-t6- (< PIE *gewr-t6- with metathesis) is reflected by Ved. hru-tä- 'crooked. There was a doublet *geru-n6- (< PIE *g"wr-n6-) 'crooked', surfacing as Germ. *gru-na-[nt.] 'deceit, fraud, with the same derivational pattern as Germ. *tur-na- [nt.] 'anger, rage' (OE torn), from PIE *dr(hx)-n6- 'split, torn off. This substantive is the base-stem of a privative *gruna-läusa- [adj.] 'without fraud' (viz. 'without suspecting a fraud' or 'without being suspected of a fraud'). ON grun-lauss [adj.] means both 'unsuspecting' (ON trüa gudi grunlaust 'to believe in God with an absolute faith') and 'unsuspected' (ON eigi er mergrunlaust 'I suspect that', lit. *'That is not unsuspected to me'). The negative polarity of ON vera grunlauss 'to be unsuspected, above suspicion' developed into a positive expression such as ON vera grunadr 'to be suspected' ('of': af+ dat.). Lastly, they built a weak verb gruna (ppp. grunadr) 'to suspect' and a back-formed substantive grunr [m.] 'suspicion.
'(built) in height', concretized as '(feste) Burg, fortress'. From °cpaKToc;, finite verbal forms were reanalyzed such as cpa^ai and ppaaaw.
3. Beside dppovew, an old zero-grade doublet is found: dppaivw 'to act senselessly, foolishly or recklessly', attested for instance in H 109 Appaiveic;, MeveAae SioTpepec;, ouSe Ti ae xp^ # TauTn; dcpoauvr; (with a figura etymologica) "Thou are mad, Menelaus, nurtured of Zeus, and this thy madness beseemeth thee not" (Loeb). After the pattern of dv(a) paivw 'to reveal, to make known' ^ Hom. dipaSov [adv.] 'openly, without concealment' and a^^aSio; [adj.] 'open, public' (d^^aSi^v [acc.adv.] 'openly, without concealment'), we may assume that from Hom. dppaivw (via a synchronic reanalysis of -aivw as a deverba-tive suffix of the type °paivw), an adverb ^d^pa-Sov 'senselessly, foolishly' was eventually coined,3 the starting point for a whole new group: ^d^paSio; [adj.] 'senseless, reckless', reflected by Hom. d^paSin [f.] 'senselessness, folly, recklessness, thoughtlessness, heedlessness' (B 368 d^paSifl noAe|oio 'heedlessness in war'), d^paS^; [adj.] 'imprudent, reckless' (p 282 |vrarrpwv... dppaSewv [gen.pl.] 'of the reckless wooers'), whence dppaSews [adv.] 'senselessly' and a denominative verb dppaSew 'to act senselessly.
From this group was reanalyzed a "new" synchronic root VppaS- 'to heed, to consider', reflected by Hom. 9pa(w, aor. neppaSe 'to make known, communicate, indicate, inform'. Pace Beekes (2010:1591), VppaS- is not the result of an inherited zero-grade ppa-provided with a dental enlargement, but rather a back-formation coined after an adverb *d9paSov 'senselessly, recklessly' associated with Hom. dppaivw 'to act senselessly, foolishly or recklessly'. The very meaning of ppaiw 'to inform' clearly points to a secondary development: from a name for 'midriff' (should it mean 'spirit' or the like), it is hardly conceivable that one gets a denominative verb meaning 'to inform'. So VdppaS- 'to be heedless' must be older than VppaS-.
4. A large problem seems to have escaped notice so far: the archaic pattern of ablauting °ppwv vs. simplex pprv* is totally unparalleled for body parts, as is clear from Hom. ¿pi-auxnv* [adj.] 'with high arched neck' (said of horses in K 305, ¿piauxeva; innou; #), not '•'¿pi-auxwv. The Derivationskette of Hom. appwv remains thus more isolated than ever. Due to the scarcity of comparative evidence, I would tentatively suggest that appwv [adj.] 'senseless, fool, heedless' is the reflex of a PIE etymon *n-gwlir(h1)-on-4 'without sense of smell, not able of scenting', from PIE *gwAreh1- 'to smell' (cf. Ved. ji-ghr-a- < PIE *gxfli-gxflr(h1)-V-),5a pattern attested by vrpwv [adj.] 'sober' [dat.pl. vrpoai
3 The origin of these obscure Homeric adverbs in -Sov is a very complex issue. For a complete survey of the forms, see Mathys (2016) with the relevant literature. As a starting point, we may assume Hom. *dyeAx|Swv, -ovo; [f.] 'group' (= dyeAr) whose adverbial dative was *dyeAr|S6vi 'in herds', possibly elided in n 160 # Kal t' dyeArSov [= *dye\r86v(i)] iaaiv "and they go in a pack" (Loeb). The same explanation may hold for axeSov [adv.] 'near' (Hom.+) — possibly elided in K 100 axeSov [= *axeSov(i)] eiarai "they bivouac hard by" (Loeb). The underlying abstract *axeS«v [f.] 'vicinity' would be semantically congruous with Hom. sxea9ai 'to hold oneself to, to attach oneself to, to cling to' (governing the genitive), as in e 329 nuKival Ss npo; dAAr|Ar|aiv sxovrai # "and they [f.] cling to one another" (Loeb). On the other hand, the deverbative adverbs ending in -S|v are likely to have stemmed from quasi-participles such as ^¿nOarpocp-a;, -aSo; [adj.] 'turning oneself toward' producing ¿•maTpocpdS-nv [adv.] 'turning from one to another'. Rau (2009, 219) postulates *npo-pa;, -aSo; [adj.] 'walking forth' as the source of an adverb npopaS-rv producing a simplex paS-rv [adv.] 'step by step' — there is a metrical distribution with Hom. ¿ipaSov [adv.] 'by stepping' [-u u] standing for "¿ipaSrv [-u -].
4 With deletion of the laryngeal regularly triggered by the so-called lex-veoyvo; (PIE *-VCR(H)V-).
5 Cf. Skt. ghrana [f.] 'nose' and ghrana- [nt.] 'smelling' — ultimately from PIE *gwfireh1-mn [nt.] 'smell, source of thematic derivatives *gwfireh1-(m)n-o- and *gwfireh1-(m)n-eh2. The odd Epic form ghona [f.] 'nose' (Tu. § 4520) must be a wrong resanskritization of Pa. *ghunna (< IAr. *ghurna [f.] 'nose' < PIE *gwfirh1-(m)
at Theognis] (< PIE *n-h1gwR-on- 'not having drunk') which was not originally a -nt-participle (Weiss 1994). By stylistic renewal, the inherited compound a^pwv was reanalyzed as a privative bahuvrthi ('the one lacking (good) ^pevec;'). As a result, the complexity of identifying the Hom. ^pevec; [f. pl. tant.] is vindicated by assuming that this word is a back-formation, coined after dS|v, -evo; [m./f.] 'gland' or aux|v, -evo; [m.] 'neck'. It was thought to be something akin to the npamSe; [f. pl. tant.] 'midriff; seat of the capacity of perception or knowledge', which was convincingly accounted for by Balles (2002:16) as a secondary derivative of a spatial adjective *npano; 'located in the region of the ribs', pointing to PIE *prk-wo- [adj.] 'lateral'.6
The sense of smell is a commonplace metaphor for designating intellectual intuition: see for instance Fr. flair [m.] 'smell' and 'intuition', avoir du flair "to have intuition, be clever", (colloquial code-switching avoir du pif), flairer le danger "to see the danger" (lit. "to sniff out the danger"), avoir le nez creux = avoir le nez fin, avoir beaucoup de flair "to be experienced" (lit. *"to have an empty nose", viz. "to have a good sense of smell, to be wise and clever"). See also Fr. sentir 'to smell, feel, experience', pressentir 'to sense, suspect' (lit. *"to smell before") and subodorer 'to sense, to guess' (lit. *"to smell odours from far"). Recently, Pinault (2018) has explained Gr. voo; [m.] 'mind, intellect' (< Pr.-Gr. *nohos) as the outcome of PIE *hxnos-o-, a derivative from the root 'to sniff' underlying the root-noun *hxnas-, which referred to the nose, and precisely to the nostrils. According to the author, "the uses of vooq in Homeric Greek point to the notion of perceiving intuitively a situation or an object, and reaching there from a clear understanding of the reality. The functions of the mind and the cognition were often associated in antiquity with bodily organs and senses. In this perspective, the idea of a semantic connection of 'perceiving' with 'scenting' is taken up'.' (Pinault 2018:294). There is a clear association between the epithet of the wooers (a^paSewv... |vnaT|pwv) and the formula ou ti vo||ovec; ouSe SiKaioi # (p 282) "in no wise either prudent or just" (Loeb).
5. A possible argument for the concrete meaning of the lexeme °9pwv 'smelling, scenting' is the existence of a verbal compound *oa-9pwv [adj.] 'catching scent of' whose first member is *oS-a- 'odour, scent' (zero-grade of a sigmatic animate *oSw; [f.] 'odour', just like aiSw; [f.] 'shame, reverence' is reduced to *aiS-a- in the secondary derivation, cf. aiaxo; [nt.] 'shame'). This verbal compound *oa-9pwv was built within Greek, at the time when a-^pwv would still mean something like 'not smelling, not catching scent of'.
n-eh2), possibly after the equation Pa. gunnam: Skt. gonam [gen.pl.] 'of the cows'. For the phonetics of the (putative) Pa. *ghunna (< IAr. *ghurna), cf. Pa. unna [f.] 'wool' (< Skt. urna, Ved. urna < PIE *wlh1-(m)n-eh2). For the simplification-rule of PIE *-H. (m)n-V, see Pinault (2014:198).
6 However, the author's comparison of cppr|v* with OIr. barae, gen. barann [f.] 'anger' is far from convincing, as the ^peve; have nothing to do with the notion of 'anger' (pace Balles 2002:7). Besides, the author's etymology relying on PIE *beerhx- 'to pierce' is quite poor: one may rather think about PIE *bfierh2-/*b'ireh2-'to hurry', source of Lat. furo, Ved. bhar'- 'to move rapidly, to rush', Hitt. parh- 'to chase, pursue, to hunt', and the newly identified HLuw. */parxa-/ 'to expell' (Melchert 2016, 204-206), which may be ultimately traced back to a PIE nominal stem *bfier-h2-/*b'ir-eh2- [of proterodynamic inflection] 'hurry, haste, fury' (cf. Gr. cpepo|iai [mid.] 'to move rapidly'). OIr. barae, gen. barann [f.] 'anger' would be the reflex of PIE *berh2-en [of hysterodynamic inflection] (< PIE *bfirh2-en-s) 'rush, haste, fury' or the like. This word would have ultimately stemmed from PIE *bfirh2-en [loc.] 'in quick motion', indirectly reflected by Ved. bhuran-yu- [adj.] 'quivering, active' (of Agni) and by bhuran-ya-ti 'to be active or restless, prtcpl. bhuran-yant- 'quivering, active, which can be traced back to a frozen locative: Ved. *bhur-an 'in quick motion' (< PIE *bVh2-en). We may assign a PIE pedigree to those forms by assuming two inherited decasuatives *berh2-en-yu- and *bfir h2-en-yo[nt]-.
The denominative verb oappaivoiai 'to catch scent of, to smell',7 fut. oappraoiai (Att.), aor. oappeaGai (Att.), has been influenced by aia0&vo|ai (fut. aia0rao|ai, aor. aiaGe-a0ai), via a synchronic reanalysis of -aivo^ai as a deverbative suffix of the type °caivo|ai. The expected pattern is rather something like nenaivw 'to make ripe, ripen', aor. nena-vai (< *nenav-aai), with an action-noun nenavai; [f.] 'ripening' from nenwv, -ovo; [adj.] 'ripe'. The old paradigm was possibly Att. *6acpaivw, aor. *6acpavai (< *6a9pav-aai), with an action-noun oappavai; [f.] 'olfactory sense' (attested at Clearch.), by contrast with oapprai; [f.] 'id.' (Pl., Arist.), which is surely coined after aiaGrai; [f.] 'perception'.
This would imply that the straightforward reconstruction of a PIE etymon *h3ed-s-gwAreh1- of the type )*men-s-dAeh1- 'heeding' (Schindler 1975:266; Beekes 2010:1121) is anachronistic, and that the assumption of a laryngeal *h1 for PIE *gwAreh1- 'to smell' (LIV2 221)8 relies only on dubious Attic forms such as oapp-rai; (for [attested!] oappav-ai;) and 6acp-rao|ai (for *6appav-w). Perhaps the PIE root should be rewritten as *gwArehx-.
6. Greek language has coined 156 compounds in °ppwv. A quick survey of the Homeric °ppwv adjectives (22!) shows that they represent, in nucleus, the semantic diversity of the later forms, referring to: (i) stupidity; (ii) intelligence; (iii) personality, temperament, courage, heart; (iv) action of applying one's mind; (v) mind = opinion (vi) mind = home of feelings.
(i) Stupidity: after a-ppwv 'senseless' (not to be compared with Hom. a-0u|o; 'fainthearted, spiritless') were coined deai-ppwv [adj.] 'damaged in mind, witless, silly' and xaAi-ppwv [adj.] 'loosen-minded, thoughtless' (cf. xaAaw 'to loosen').
(ii) Intelligence: dpTi-ppwv [adj.] 'sound of mind, sensible' is an antonym to the formula oure ppealv fiaiv dprpw; # (k 553) "nor sound of understanding" (< "nor fitted to his ppeve;"); nuKivo-ppwv [adj.] 'wise, prudent' (HH), parallel to nuKivo-|rSr; [adj.] 'shrewd in counsel; clever' reasonably points to a locution *nuKival ppeve; (cf. nuKivov voov, O 461; E 294). In these compounds, the "ppeve;" can be interpreted as an organ, by contrast with Sa'i-ppwv [adj.] 'skilled' and noAu-ppwv [adj.] 'inventive'. Hom. Sa'i-ppwv shows the Caland-variant *dris-i-° of PIE *dris-ro- 'skilled' (cf. Ved. das-ra- [adj.] 'accomplishing wonderful deeds'). This root is reflected by Hom. S^vea [nt. pl.] 'arts, wiles; what one has in one's mind, thoughts, counsel' (< PIE *dens-e/os-) and by Sa^vai 'to acquire practical skill' (Hom. Sar|wv [adj.] 'skilled'). Here, the underlying second member of the compound °ppwv would be *pprv with the abstract meaning of voo; [m.] 'mind, intellect' or [f.] 'skill, address'. The same can be said about noAu-ppwv [adj.] 'ingenious, inventive' which is quite close to Hom. noAu-|rri; [adj.] 'of many counsels'.9 Interestingly, aao-ppwv [adj.] 'of sound sense, sound minded' is the "missing link" between those two subgroups: its base-meaning was possibly 'whose ppeve; [viz. an organ that can be hurted] are free from harm', eventually reinterpreted as 'having a sound mind'.
7 Chantraine (DELG 804) accepts the connection between <ppr|v and ôa^paivo^ai despite the problematic forms ôa9p|ao|iai [fut.] and ôacppéaGai [aor.], arguing that 9p|v "peut convenir à une opération des sens".
8 Kümmel (LIV2 221, Fn. 3) mentions the possibility of a nasal infix present *gwt^-n-h1-é/6- > *9pàv-&/o- restored with a yod present suffix (Gr. *9pàv-ys/o-). In my opinion, this is too far-fetched.
9 Similarly, Hom. Ôo\o-|nTiÇ [adj.] 'crafty of counsel' is echoed by Post-Hom. ÖoXiö-cppwv/ÖoAö-9p«v [adj.] 'id.'
(iii) Personality, temperament, courage, heart: aTaXd-^pwv [adj.] 'tender-minded'; ¿u-^pwv [adj.] 'glad, cheerful; merry, bringing joy (said of wine in r 246)';10 TaAd-^pwv/ Ta\aai-9pwv [adj.] 'patient of mind, stout-hearted' (= Hom. t\||«v [adj.] 'patient'), se-mantically paralleled by Dor. TA.a-0u|o; [adj.] 'persevering' (Pind.), Ion.-Att. t\|-0u|o; [adj.] 'of enduring soul, stout-hearted' (PA); ¿xe-^pwv [adj.] 'sensible, prudent' (PN 'Exe^pwv) with ex« meaning 'to hold, to restrain, to stop from', not f'to have' (pace von Kamptz 1982, 62). The same meaning appears in ¿xe-0u|o; [adj.] 'continent, a master of one's passions, under self-control. Here ^peve; could be glossed by 'impulse, drive.11 The same base-meaning is seen in npo-^pwv [adj.] 'with forward mind, displaying zeal', associated to npo-^paaaa [f. adj.] (< *°^pa-T-ya) and to npo^povew; [adv.] 'zealously, earnestly, seriously.12 Another depiction of a personality trait is exemplified by KepSaXeo-^pwv [adj.] 'greedy of gain! There are also °^p«v adjectives specifically referring to courage: KpaTepo-9p«v [adj.] 'stout-hearted, dauntless', which matches perfectly with Hom. KapTepo-0u|o; [adj.] 'stronghearted' and 0paau-KdpSio; [adj.] 'stout of heart'.13 We may reasonably assume *\uKO-9p«v [adj.] 'wolf-hearted' on the basis of the Hom. PN AuKO-^pwv.14 Lastly, oA.oo-9p«v [adj.] 'meaning mischief, baleful' (Il.)15 is glossed by ouA.o-0u|o; [adj.] 'id.' (Hsch.).
(iv) Action of applying one's mind: ¿m-^pwv [adj.] 'thoughtful, applying the mind to something' and nepi-^pwv [adj.] 'very thoughtful, very careful'. These adjectives may be reasonably accounted for as back-formations coined after the corresponding verbs ¿m-9povew 'to be prudent' (Od.) and nepi-^povew 'to meditate' (attested after Homer). Within the same semantic sphere, we may add Hom. nept^paSr; [adj.] 'capable, astute' and Hom. nept^paSew; [adv.] 'capably, shrewdly, skillfully, prudently'.
(v) Mind = opinion: o|o-9p«v [adj.] 'agreeing, united' (= Hom. o|o-0u|o; [adj.] 'id.').
(vi) Mind = home of feelings: |eAi-9p«v [adj.] 'sweet to the mind, delicious.
7. Greek language is well known for its pervasive tendency to create new words, within inherited patterns. The whole word family of a^povew and other °9povew verbs (including the substantives) represents 207 lexemes; a^pwv and other °^p«v compounds include 156 words; a^paivw and other °^paivw verbs (with their nominal derivatives) reach 28 words; the root V^paS- is reflected by 72 forms, while ^peve; and its derivatives produced no less than 45 nominal or verbal forms, which totals 480 words.16 This word family is a major piece of evidence for the economy principle in reconstructing the lan-
10 Not to be compared to Hom. eu-0O|o; [adj.] 'kind, generous, well-disposed bountiful'.
11 Those correspondences vindicate Darcus' claim of a special connection between 0u|o; and adjectives in °^p«v (Darcus 1977). Note however that Hom. compounds in °^p«v and °0O|o; are not always interchangeable, as is clear from unep0u|o; [adj.] 'high-spirited, high-minded, noble' vs. Post-Hom. unep-9p«v 'haughty, arrogant', or from eu-0O|o; [adj.] 'kind, generous, well-disposed bountiful' vs. ¿O-cppwv [adj.] 'glad, cheerful; merry, bringing joy, or from a-^pwv 'senseless' vs. a-0O|o; 'fainthearted, spiritless.
12 Cf. Hom. *npo-0u|o; [adj.] 'ready, willing, eager, zealous, indirectly attested by its secondary derivative ^ai npo0O|iir|ai nenoi0w; (B 588) "his heart full of ardor for the fray" (Hom. npo-0u|iai* 'ardor, zeal, alacrity').
13 Cf. also Post-Hom. 0paau-0O|o; [adj.] 'bold-hearted' nicely echoing Hom. |eyd0u|o; [adj.] 'greathearted.
14 Paralleled by Post-Hom. w|o-9p«v [adj.] = Post-Hom. w|o-0O|o; [adj.] 'savage-hearted.
15 Note the existence of a very different meaning 'crafty, sagacious' (Od.).
16 This research was done with the help of the Liddell-Scott-Jones Lexicon database in the Perseus Digital Library avail-able at: http://www.perseus.tufts.edu/hopper/resolveform?type=substring&lookup (accessed on 9.3.2021).
guage: PIE *n -gwRr(h1)-on- 'without sense of smell, not able of scenting' accounts for circa 500 Greek words.
References
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Received: August 1, 2020 Accepted: March 24, 2021
