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№ 9 (123)_филология и искусствоведение_сентябрь, 2024 г.
PAPERS IN ENGLISH
PHILOLOGY
LINGUISTICS
COMPARATIVE-HISTORICAL, TYPOLOGICAL AND CONTRASTIVE LINGUISTICS
DOI - 10.32743/UniPhil.2024.123.9.18173
EVOLUTION OF THE PROTO-INDO-EUROPEAN (PIE) VOWEL *[«] IN PROTO-ARIAN AND PROTO-SLAVIC
George Telezhko
Candidate of Engineering Sciences, self-employed, Russia, Saint Petersburg E-mail: yurate@bk.ru
ЭВОЛЮЦИЯ ПРАИНДОЕВРОПЕЙСКОГО (ПИЕ) ГЛАСНОГО *[ж] В ПРААРИЙСКОМ И ПРАСЛАВЯНСКОМ
Тележко Георгий Михайлович
канд. техн. наук, индивидуальный предприниматель, РФ, г. Санкт-Петербург
ABSTRACT
In the proposed article, the vowel *[ж] with intermediate articulation is considered as the PIE prototype of the vowels [e] and [a] in coinciding positions instead of the open [e], which is close to Fortunatov's views on the vocalism of the PIE language and coincides with the ideas about the sound denoted by the letter n in Old Slavic and Old Russian.
The presence of the prototype *[ж] in the vocalism of PIE makes it possible to uniformly explain the correspondence of vowels/diphthongs in a number of IE languages with the help of divergent evolution of the PIE prototype. Particular attention is paid to the evolution of the prototype in Arian and Slavic languages.
АННОТАЦИЯ
В предлагаемой статье в качестве ПИЕ прототипа гласных [e] и [a] в совпадающих позициях вместо открытого [e] рассматривается гласный *[ж] с промежуточной артикуляцией, что близко к взглядам Фортунатова на вокализм ПИЕ языка и совпадает с представлениями ряда лингвистов о звуке, обозначаемом буквой n в ст.-слав. и др.-рус.
Наличие в вокализме ПИЕ прототипа *[ж] позволяет единообразно объяснить соответствия гласных/дифтонгов в ряде ИЕ языков с помощью дивергентной эволюции ПИЕ прототипа. Особое внимание в статье уделено эволюции прототипа в арийских и славянских языках.
Keywords: divergence, Proto-Indo-European (PIE) language, Proto-Slavic language, articulation.
Ключевые слова: дивергенция, праиндоевропейский (ПИЕ) язык, праславянский язык, артикуляция.
Introduction. The author was prompted to write this article by doubts about the convergence of the PIE vowels *a/*a, *e/*e, *o/*o into the vowels of the Proto-
Aryan language *a/*a, which is not consistent with the author's belief in the divergent development of archaic sounds (although the results of divergence of different
Библиографическое описание: Telezhko G. EVOLUTION OF THE PROTO-INDO-EUROPEAN (PIE) VOWEL *[ae] IN PROTO-ARIAN AND PROTO-SLAVIC // Universum: филология и искусствоведение : электрон. научн. журн. 2024. 9(123). URL: https://7universum.com/ru/philology/archive/item/18173
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initial sounds may sometimes coincide). A divergent mechanism of the origin of the vowels *a and *o from the PIE vowel *e with intermediate articulation with an irregular dependence of the longitude of the results on the longitude of the prototype has already been shown (this process can be symbolically written in the form *[e] > {*[a]; *[o]}) [7]. Similarly, we can record the development of the PIE vowel *3 (also with intermediate articulation) in Indo-Iranian: *[a] > {[a]; [u]; [o]; [a]; [e]} [4] - from which we can assume that in Indo-Iranian vowels also developed divergently. The seeming logic of the explanation of palatalization in *ca, *ja, *jha by the transition *e > *a in the combinations *ce, *je, *jhe is refuted by the signs of the presence of palatal consonants in PIE without regard to combinatorial conditions [5; 6] (that is, they did not arise as a result of the influence of the subsequent front vowel, but existed as independent phonemes from the very beginning).
Further, it is believed that Proto-Slavic vocalism included the long PIE vowel [e], the openness of which in Proto-Slavic is confirmed by the fact that after the first palatalization of gutturals it changed into a long open [a] [1, p. 148], as in Russian infinitive verbs of the II conjugation with the stem on the consonant h or on hard sibilant consonants [8, p. 19], which is explained by a chain of transformations of the type: *slusati < *sluseti < *sluxeti - with the transition e > a after palatalization and agrees with the written fixation of the vowel e in the infinitive suffix in the form re, as, for example, in nemremu.
The question arises as to the motivation for the transition of the front vowel e of the middle-upper rise into the vowel a of the middle row and lower rise in Proto-Slavic after palatalized consonants and for the aforementioned transition of PIE *[e] > *[a] in Aryan. Articulations of palatalized gutturals are quite compatible with [e], which means that palatalization itself does not require replacing [e] with [a]. For example, the original [e] is preserved in the Proto-Slav. *cetvbrtb, related to Lith. ketvirtas, but in Old Ind. caturthas such a change took place.
The purpose of the article is to search for an alternative to the statements about the convergence
of the PIE vowels {*[a]; *[e]} > *[a] in Indo-Iranian and about a similar unmotivated transition of e > a in Slavic vowels using the mechanism of phonetic splitting of protosounds.
Results of the study
So, the source of the Proto-Aryan *a is considered to be the convergence of the PIE *a, *e, *o. Within the framework of the divergent hypothesis, the Proto-Aryan vowel *a must be the result of the splitting of one of the PIE prototypes *[e] > {*[a]; *[o]} or *[s] > {*[a];*[e]} (the splitting of the PIE *a, which in Aryan led to *i in the first and last syllables, is of no interest to us here). The choice of a prototype can obviously be made by examining the groups of cognates of Aryan lexemes:
- if cognates have mainly a vowel [a] in the position under study, preference should be given to the PIE prototype *[a];
- if cognates have mainly a vowel [o] in the position under study, preference should be given to the PIE prototype *[e];
- if cognates have mainly a vowel [e] in the position under study, preference should be given to the PIE prototype *[s] (the sound [s:] is similar to *ae offered by Fortunatov (a tending to e) [3, p. 24]).
Lexemes that reliably satisfy the last condition are shown in Table 1. The reliability of selection was ensured by sifting out from sets of lexemes with Proto-Aryan *[a]:
• lexemes with the majority of reflexes [a] in the studied position in IE cognates, where *[a] can be assumed in the PIE prototype;
• lexemes with the majority of reflexes [o] in the studied position in IE cognates, where *[o] can be assumed and in the PIE prototype;
• lexemes with an irregular variety of reflexes in the studied position in IE cognates, where more detailed studies are needed to choose a vowel in the PIE prototype.
Thus, there is a high probability, that among the remaining lexemes there are lexemes with PIE prototypes that have *[s] in the position under study, generating mainly [a] and [e] in descendant languages.
Table 1.
Examples of PIE reflexes of the prototype *[a] in the lexemes of IE languages
Meaning Tokharian Old Ind. Avestan Ancient Greek Slavic Baltic Germanic Italic Celtic
four PT *s(a)twer) catur- caewaro tessares pettares четыре keturi fidwor quattuor petora cethir petgar
big PT *maka mah- maz- megas mikil-s magnus maissiu
woman, wife PT *sana jani- jani- guna жена genno kwino quena quan ben
тесать B taks- taksati tasaiti- tekton тесати taslti test eexla tal
feather B paruwa parna- parana- ptero-n перо парить spamas
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Meaning Tokharian Old Ind. Avestan Ancient Greek Slavic Baltic Germanic Italic Celtic
foot PT *pätsa pá d pad- pédâ nimb pedà fötu-s fiatur pes, gen. pedis
to be B yesti átti édo ^CTH esti itan äta edo esse
to sit A sätk sádati had- hézdomai cigiTH sèdeti sitan sät sedeo saidim
to bring birth, to be born PT *kän- jánati zana- génna kenna geno gainethar
star PT *scäriye tará stáro aster sternö stella sterenn
sky nábhas- nabah- néphos He6o debesis nifl-nebel nebula nem nef
warm tápati tápaiti Tenjb Tonm tepidus te tes
old sána- hana- héno- sena- sinlgs senex sen hen
These lexemes, of course, do not exhaust the list of lexemes that have prototypes with PIE *[s]. It is important that *[s] in this list exists not only after palatals: this means that *[s] is not the result of the influence of the PIE palatals on the subsequent *[a], but *[s] is an independent phoneme in PIE vocalism. Its independence can be shown by the example of a group
of English lexemes: [bAd], [bœd], [bed] - where the lexeme with [œ] has a meaning that is not related to the meanings of other lexemes, and all three vowels are in the same phonetic conditions.
The examples of reflexes of Proto-Slavic *[Jœ:] in Slavic are given in table 2, the lexemes containing the studied reflexes are from [6].
Table 2.
Reflexes of PIE *[jœ:] in Slavic
Meaning Old Slav. Polish Bulgarian Serbo-Croatian Czech
1. chalk Mim mial Mijb (gp.)
2. belief Bipa wiara Bapa Bjepa vira
3. wind BiTpb wiatr BaTbp BjeTap vítr
4. grandfather gigb dziad gago gjeg ded [d'e-]
5. to place giTH dziac gaHa gjeTH díti
6. measure Mipa miara Mapa Mjepa mira
7. place MÍCTO miasto MHCTO MjecTO misto, mesto [mñe-]
8. foam niHa piana mina njeHa pena [pje-], pina
9. part gijb dzial gaj gHjej díl
10.body TijO cialo TajO Tujejo telo [t'e-]
ll.change MiHa miana MaHa MujèHa mena [mñe-]
12.sand nicbKb piasek nácbK nujècaK písek
13.rare pigbKb rzadki pagbK pujègaK fídky
14.white 6ijb bialy 6aj 6Ho, 6ujyeja bily
15.summer jiTO lato TITO ^eTo léto
16.to through -MiTaTH -miatac MaTaM -mítati
17.sulfur cipa siara capa síra
18.bucket Bigpo wiadro BegpO Bjègpo vedro [vje-]
19.deed gijo dzialo geno gjejio dílo
20.to sing niTH piac nea njeBaTH peti [pje-]
21.trouble 6iga biada (gp.) 6ega 6ujèga bída
22.demon 6icb bias (gp.), bies 6ec 6Hjec bes [bje-]
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Meaning Old Slav. Polish Bulgarian Serbo-Croatian Czech
23.to fan в'Ьмти wiac вее 'веет' вщати vati
24.hay сЬно siano сено сщено seno
25.weaned cub пЪстунъ piastun pestoun [pje-]
26.to sow сЬти siac сея сщати sieti (др.)
27.net сЬть siec, siatka siet' (др.), sit'
28.tight тЬснъ сiаsnу тесен тщесан tesny [t'e-]
29.forest лЪсъ las лес лщес les
30.gray-haired сЬдъ szady сщед sedy
31.gray сЬръ szary сер sery
32.pomace мЪзга miazga млезга мезга mizha
33.to cut рЪзати rzazac (др.) режа ре"зати rezati
34.to run бЪгати, бЪжати biegac, biezec бЯгам б]егати, б]ежати behati [bje-]
35.speechless нЬмъ niemy ням нщем nemy [n'e-]
36.to knof вЪд'Ьти wiedziec vedeti [vje-]
37.age, epoch вЪкъ wiek век вщек, век vek [vje-]
38.wreath вЪньць wieniec вщенац venec [vje-]
39.virgin дЪва dziewa дева дева device [d'e-]
40.to yawn зЪвати ziewac зщевати zivati
41.copper мЪдь miedz мед м]ед med' [mne-]
42.to knead мЪсити miesic меся мщесити misiti
43.fur мЪхъ miесh мех мщех mech ' [mne-]
44.walking on foot кЬшь рiеszу пеш ще"ше 'пешком' pesi [pje-]
45.to dissect сЬшти siес сека сщеЪи sici
46.seed сЬмм siemi§ семе ^еме sime
47.to amuse тЬшити cieszyc теша тзешити tesiti [t'e-]
48.branch вЪтвь witwa 'ива' ветва vetev [vje-]
49.lazy лЪнъ len лен лщен leny (др.), liny
50.fine лЪпъ lерszу 'лучший' леп лщеп lepy
51.ridge лЪха lесhа леха лщеха licha
52.climb -лЪсти lese ляза -лести lesti
53.turnip рЪпа гаера рЯпа репа ripa
54.river рЪка rzeka река рщека reka
In Table 2 lexemes that have -re- in Old Slav. are grouped according to the following criteria:
• lexemes 1-17 have -ia- in Polish, -я- -in Bulgarian;
• lexemes 18 - 33 have -ia- in Polish, -е- -in Bulgarian;
• lexemes 34 - 47 have -ie- - in Polish, -я- или -е- -in Bulgarian;
• lexemes 48 - 54 have no regular correspondences of the vowel -re- to vowels in other Slavic, as to -i-, -e-, -я- [Ja], -uje- [ije] they are found irregularly.
It is especially worth highlighting the Proto-Slavic verbs of the 4th grade with the infinitive formant -remu *[jsti] - prototypes of Russian verbs of the second conjugation, in which *[js] split in Slavic into [a] and
[e] after hissing consonants (e.g., Old Slav. кричати, Polish krzyczec 'to cry'; Old Slav. лежати, Polish lezec 'to lie'; Old Slav. слышати, Polish siyszec 'to hear') and evolved into [e] after other consonants (лететь, терпеть, сидеть etc.). The formant *[Jsti] evolved similarly in the prototypes of the so-called hetero-conjugated verbs (Old Slav. хотгети, Polish сНаес; Old Slav. бгежати, Polish biezec); in a number of verbs the root vowel evolved the same way (e.g., in the prototype of Old Russ. мгетити 'to mark' ~ Old Ind. mati 'measures' ~ Goth. maitan 'hacks' ~ Lat. metior 'to measure').
All vowel combinations in Slavic cognates satisfy the previously formulated criterion for the presence of *[ж] in the PIE prototype, in a narrower sense -the criterion for the presence of *[js:] in Proto-Slavic
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prototypes, the reflex of which was reflected by the letter -re- in Old Slavic and Old Russ. with other reflexes of the forms -ia-, -ie- and similar to them.
Conclusion
The presence of [a] after palatalized consonants in Aryan languages and in Slavic infinitive suffixes after sibilants can be uniformly explained by the presence of the phoneme *[s] in the ancestral language, which is reconstructed not only after palatalized/hissing
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consonants (in the examples above: PIE *[ps] > Proto-Tokh. *pa- ~ Old Indian pa - ~ Avestan pa- ~ Ancient Greek pe-; PIE *[m$] > Old Russian mre - ~ Old Ind. ma- ~ Gothic mai- ~ Latin me-); Proto-Slav. *[j] > Old Slav. sredreti, *[te] > Old Slav. ^emremu, etc. Thus, in PIE vocalism, along with the vowels *[e] and *[a] with intermediate articulation, the vowel *[s] is also assumed (according to Fortunatov, the vowel *ae, that is, *[a], tending to *[e]).
References:
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4. Telezhko G. (2022), Divergence of Proto-Indo-European Vowels [e] and [a] in Proto-Slavic // Universum: Filologija i iskusstvovedenije : elektron. nauchn. zhurn. No. 12(36). / URL: https://7universum.com/pdf/philology/12(102)%20[11.12.2022]/Telezhko.pdf (accessed 20.08.2024).
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7. Telezhko G.M. (2019), O vozmozhnosti divergentnoj prirody glasnyh [o] i [a] v praslavjanskom [On the Possibility of Divergent Nature of Vowels [o] and [a] in Proto-Slavic] // Modern Humanities Success, no. 2. Pp. 103-107 [in Russian].
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