CC BY
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Section 3. History
Khivian jewelers’ profession developed dynamically. Jeweler’s profession developed dynamically. Jeweller’s polished gold, silver items with delicate stones and glass.
In 18th century sixties, there were 12 jewelers in Khiva, at the beginning of 19th their number increased to 60. There were separate jewelers inhabiting places in Khiva who dwelt by making jewelries. The jewelries were made of gold, silver, bronze, cuprum and polished with gold-bearing water. The precious stones such as pearl, emerald, color glass, onyx were used. These precious stones were brought from India, Iran, Egypt and other Eastern countries. Local people considered each stone acquiring magic feature and believed that they would bring happiness, solidarity, protect from evil spirits, and even some stones were believed to strengthen the heart, and cure from certain disease.
Jewelers used national-traditional techniques in designing jewelry items. In Khivian jewelry designing, such creative methods as pressing, tinning, stone fastening, fine designed “shabaka” were widely used.
In decorations ornaments with chain, beads, stone and in the shape of metal pressed leaves (usually on head wearing of local people preserved up to the 20th century) were mostly used, “pomegranate seeds”, “apple blossom”, “round patterns” were designed.
In Ichan-kala museum preservation 200 Khorezmian jewelry items have been preserved up to nowadays. There were several groups ofwomen’s jewelry which were worn on head, breast and waist. One of the items of head jewelry was “tumor” (amulet) which was hooked on takhiya (skull cap). The word “tumor” in Uzbek originated from Arabic “duo” (means prayer to God, wish for a good outcome). Usually a chapter from Quran was written on a piece of paper and put into “tumor” in order to protect a person from evil eyes and troubles. Silver and turquoise or “feruza” were used to decorate “takhya” and jewelry was polished with golden water. The peculiarity of Khorezmian skull caps (takhiya) is that its top surface is
flat and designed with ribbons, and with circumference. The “takhiya” was decorated with gold, silver and cuprum scales and “huyi par” (eagle owl’s feather) on one side only.
“Osma duziy” or “wing hang” was an ornament worn on forehead which contained three teeth ofwild animals. “Osma duziy” which has been preserved in Ichan-Kala museum fund belonging to the 19th century had coral, turquoise designing stone patterns.
“Takhiya Duziy” is the complex of Khorezmian jewelry designing peculiarities.
It covered the skull cap totally, these covering metals (mostly scales were fastened) took the shape of cap naturally. The head decorative item “djigha” was the symbol of ruling power or governor of the country. In “Chronology of Khorezmian shahs” the scriber Bayoniy wrote the following lines “Amir Tura came to Filhol Ark and became Khan and wearing a fur-hat with djigha, sat on the throne”. The term “Djigha” was connected with the symbol of bird. The birds were always considered as the symbol of governors and his patronage, and defender. Besides, the primitive beliefs of local peoples traced its ancient history in jewelry. Owl, eagle-owl, eagle and falcon feathers were believed that they would protect people from evil spirits and devil.
In eastern countries by wishing health and prosperity to the governor, on his headwear the “djigha” was hooked with the feather of a bird. But in Khorezmian shah’s crown or head wear there were no feathers it was more simple than others.But, djigha on women’s and children’s head wears were used with feather. On wedding day, djigha was hooked on girls’ “takhiya’s”.
As a conclusion to our view point we would like to mention that the jewelry items coming from century to century, from generation to generation have been preserved as the precious piece of history, also we must mention that nowadays a lot of youth especially girls and women are interested in the ornament, patterns of traditional design of the national jewelry.
References:
1. Azizxojayev A. Khiva ming gumbaz shahri. - Tashkent: “Sharq”, 1997. - P. 83.
2. Ichan kala muzey qo’riqhonasi fondi. KP 580-583, KP 129.
3. Bakhodirkhon Abulghozi. Shajarai turk. - Tashkent: “Chulpon”, 1992. - P. 131.
Usanova Ksenia Yurievna, Moscow State University, Graduate student of the Department of History E-mail: uusanova@mail.ru
Evolution of political lapel pins in presidential campaigns in the USA (1948-1972)
Abstract: The work presents the evolution of visual technologies in political advertising on the example of lapel pins. Their traditional and innovative forms are revealed.
Keywords: evolution, visual advertising, political lapel pins, design, psychological effect.
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Evolution of political lapel pins in presidential campaigns in the USA (1948-1972)
In view of the recognition of a «visual turn» in the historical science by scientists and increase of importance of visual culture in modern world, the researches dedicated to visual sources take a significant place [1].
Political advertising is a complex of political communications aimed at changing the opinion and behavior of people in accordance with political objectives of an advertiser. A block of visual advertising consists of posters, advertising bills, banners, stickers, pins and, since 1952, video advertising. If some issues related to the evolution of visual technologies of political advertising were covered, for instance, in the work of Steven Seidman [2], advertising lapel pins remained beyond studies in both Russian and foreign literature.
Advertising lapel pins as a technology of election campaign were first used in XVIII century under the presidency of George Washington. The pins were of several types. They didn’t go radically beyond this typology till XX century. One
MAN
can trace their evolution from a traditional advertising design and psychological impact to modern types that were formed and visualized in 1972 pins on the example of election campaigns from 1948 to 1972.
Advertising lapel pins in 1948 and 1952 election campaigns traditionally have the following features that are also typical for previous periods. The most common shape of lapel pins is round; the color was within three colors of the USA national flag: red, blue and white. Sometimes, one can come across black and white photographs, because color printing was not applied yet during the considered years. From the point of visual solution, the lapel pins were a round base with a portrait of a presidential candidate; with two portraits of candidates for president and vice-president; with text; pins with a symbol and text. Thus, the pins in the 1948 and 1952 campaigns always have the text («Truman», «Dewey/Warren», «President Harry S. Truman», «Truman/Barkley» etc.) [3] (Fig. 1).
Fig. 1
From the point of psychological impact, the lapel pins
were as follows:
1) agitational pins to achieve popularity and recognition of a candidate, i. e. they identified a certain candidate for president without calls for actions or negative connotation of the candidate from the other party («Truman», «Dewey/Warren», «Truman/Barkley», «Ike» etc.);
2) directly calling for voting for a certain candidate («Elect Dewey/Warren in ’48», «Vote Truman and Barkley», «Forward with president Truman/“no retreat”», «Vote for Stevenson» etc.);
3) pins calling for a change of existing order («Ohio. C. I. O.-R. A. C./60 million jobs», «Time for a change/I like Ike» etc.);
4) anti-advertising pins («Clean house with Dewey»);
5) appealing to emotions («I’m on the team/Wallace», «We like IKE», «My choice», «Hooray for Adlai» etc.). These methods became the base for psychological impact depicted on advertising lapel pins in the following years.
A careful use of images and symbols can be observed more often in the presidential campaigns of 1952 than in the campaigns of 1948. Such lapel pins depict the territory of the USA with the name of a candidate ascribing the function of the unifier of the country to the candidate («Ike», «Stevenson», «Adali» etc.); a newly born child — such lapel pin was oriented to female voters («Time for a change/I like Ike»); and a soldier who found himself in a difficult situation after World War II appealing to vote for Adlai Stevenson («I like Stevenson») (Fig. 2).
Fig.
The presidential campaign of 1956 is the continuation of development of the above specified methods of influence in the advertising pins as well as the tendency for visualization of certain senses. For instance, the image of four-leaved clover accompanied with positive messages about the candidates of the party can be seen on a pin of the Democratic Party. It is
2
obvious that this symbol has a hidden motive: Adlai Stevenson and Estes Kefauver are an allegory of a lucky four-leaved clover. Another observation is related to the first use of manipulation in the campaigns of 1956. In psychology, «manipulation» is defined as an «act of influence on people and control of them with ease, especially with neglectful context,
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Section 3. History
as a hidden control, handling» [4]. The pins of 1956 depict such phrases as «We cannot afford a weak person. Vote for Stevenson», « Don’t discredit me! I vote for democrats» and other. Such statements deliberately make a voter feel embarrassing in case of «a wrong choice».
By 1960, 80 % of American houses had television. The importance of a visual picture («image») after the first television debates is mentioned in different newspapers, for instance, in «New York Times» and «Boston Traveler». Television becomes the main source of information. Visual technologies such as posters, placards, stickers and lapel pins remain a traditional tool in attracting the votes within an election campaign, but undergo a modification. Now, when television is one of the strongest drives and «handlers» of the society as well as a means of mass information [5], other visual technologies have to be more interesting to attract a spectator.
In the campaigns of 1960, there were many pins changing the image depending on the position of a person looking at it, so called «flusher buttons»; the pins with the symbol of a party can be seen more often than in the previous campaigns (for instance, an elephant with an inscription «G. O.P.») (Fig. 3); as well as the ones with an original design which contributed to easy memorizing.
For example, a lapel pin «We want/We need Kennedy» was issued, where both pronouns «We» share the same letter «W», or a white pin with red text «It’s time to elect Nix-on/president» — the name of the candidate is printed four times so that they create a square, which, in turn, develops into a clock due to arrows drawn inside of it (Fig. 4).
Fig. 4
Another example is a white pin of the «Greenback party», where a green dollar of the USA is depicted with two faces of the respective candidates Slacomb and Mieder. The corners of the dollar contain figures: one, nine, six and zero, which form the year of 1960.
Apart from original stories, a tendency for simplification and compactness appear in the campaigns of 1964. In some cases, the text is omitted at all and only an image specifying
a party or a candidate remains. Here are the best examples. «LBJ» is the first letters of the name Lyndon Baines Johnson, which are commonly used on the pins from the Democratic Party instead of the cumbersome full candidate’s name. The text «For president/Let’s/Back/Johnson in ‘64» is written in a column form and the first letters are marked in red so that one can read « LBJ » vertically. Other replacements of words with symbols also save space. For instance, on a pin with the text « 4 LBJ», figure 4 replaces the word «for». Sometimes, the text disappears at all. It is proved by a pin depicting a symbol of the Democratic Party — a donkey stripped in red, blue and white as well as a pin depicting a glass with «H2O» written on it appealing to the name of a candidate from the Republican Party Barry Goldwater. The idea of the message is supported by an image on the pin «In your heart/You know he’s right», where B. Gold-water’s portrait is placed in the red heart. By 1964, a strategy on formation of a candidate’s image and their distinctive attributes such as glasses in a dark frame or «gold water» of B. Goldwater, a hat and three letters « LBJ » of L. Johnson was developed. The party symbols are seen less often than those of the candidates. Perhaps, it is related to the drop in popularity of the institute of parties and a rise of political movements supporting independent candidates [6, 412-420].
The tendency for simplification, compactness and visualization of the text is observed in the 1968 presidential campaigns. For instance, a pin with «Uncle Sam» («He is good enough for me in ’68»), where Uncle Sam points the finger at the viewer. Uncle Sam is a traditional somewhat caricature image of the USA: always in a top hat the color of the American flag, which is often used to depict «the conscience of the nation». The image of Uncle Sam is used on posters during war time: «Have you enrolled in the army?». Another example is a pin «H-peace», which is a blue background with light green letter H across the space that became an identification mark of the candidate Hubert Humphrey. On top of the letter, a symbol of peace is introduced, thus, the pin depicts several stripes the meaning of which is difficult to understand immediately. However, it carries a lot of information: «H. Humphrey» and «peace» (Fig. 5).
Fig. 5
Hence, image is a symbol and bears a lot of meaning. It should be noted that a wide specter of colors is used in both images and photographs. Moreover, the pins are issued in different shapes: oval, rectangular — although, round pins prevail. From the point ofpsychological influence, a standard set of methods is traced in the campaigns of 1960, 1964 and 1968. However, the
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Evolution of political lapel pins in presidential campaigns in the USA (1948-1972)
new methods of attracting votes appeared. An interesting moment is related to the wife of R. Nixon, whose portrait is depicted on the pin «Pat for First Lady» in the 1960 campaign. A pin against the wife of Franklin Roosevelt «We don’t want Eleanor either!» was issued for the first time in 1940. After this campaign, the pins depicting the wife of a candidate were not used until the year of 1960, which became a step to use this method again. The demonstration of the Democratic Party allegedly voting for the Republican candidate R. Nixon was used for the first time on a pin in 1964 (Fig. 6).
Fig. 6
Finally, the election campaign of 1972 fully reveals the simplification, compactness, visualization of meanings and narrowing of the text to minimum. For instance, a pin without text depicting G. McGovern, the candidate form the Democratic Party, showing peace with his hands was issued (Fig. 7).
Fig. 7
The colors of the pins change radically: now, apart from white, blue and red, diverse colors and tones are used: violet, green, yellow, pink, orange and other. On the one hand, the images on the pins turned into complicated pictures with a prospective and volume. For instance, the pin «McGov-ern/72» depicts the candidate as a «superman»: the shades emphasize his muscles (Fig. 8).
Fig. 8
On the other hand, symbols that significantly simplified the design of the pin were widely used; at the same time, they bore a certain message and meaning. A laconic pin with the
candidate’s name «McG» and a symbol of peace look simple, but, at the same time, the viewer understands at once whom this pin advertises and what is offered by this candidate due to the symbol and abbreviation (Fig. 9).
Fig. 9
Psychological methods of impact remained same as during the previous years; however, in 1972, a new category of voters emerged. The age limit for voters was reduced to 18 from 1971; hence, a new approach to the new group participating in voting was required. Politicians saw music as the main interest of the youth in 1970s. Thus, a new method, that hadn’t been applied before, was used — opinions and assessments of famous people. In this style, appealing to singers of music bands such as John Lennon, Carole King and others was used (Fig. 10).
Fig. 10
Advertising lapel pins evolved from 1948 to 1972 in terms of two important parameters.
In 1948-1952, visual solution for advertising pins was simple. From 1956, a tendency for visualization of text that fully opened up in 1964, 1968 and 1972 is observed. From 1964, the image dominates the text; new symbols and signs appear, which significantly facilitates the image on the pin, but bears a big message. These tendencies strengthened and manifested themselves fully in the campaigns of 1972.
Modern set of methods of influence on voters was formed by 1972. New methods of attracting votes in further campaigns were added to traditional methods such as agitation and affirmation to achieve popularity and recognition of the candidate; a call for voting for a certain candidate; a call for changing the existing order; anti-advertising and appealing to emotions. From 1956, manipulation started being used; from 1960, a new form of anti-advertising — apart from the candidate, his wife plays part for the position of «First Lady» was applied; and in 1972, a new method — use of opinions and assessments of famous personalities — especially popular today emerged.
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Section 3. History
References:
1. Mitchell W. J. T. What is Visual Culture?//Meaning in the Visual Arts: Views from the Outside/ed. I. Lavin. - Princeton, NJ: Institute for Advanced Study, 1995.
2. Seidma A. Steven. Posters, Propaganda, and Persuasion in Election Campaigns Around the World. - 2008.
3. Library of Congress.//[Electronic resource]. - Available from: http://www.loc.gov/(date of access: 12.09.14).
4. Grachev G. V, Melnik I. K. Manipulation of a personality: organization, methods and technologies of information and psychological impact. - M., 1999.
5. Marshall McLuhan. Understanding Media: The Extensions of Man. - M., 2003.
6. Schlesinger A. M. The cycles ofAmerican history. - M.: Progress-Akademia, 1992.
Hionidis Pandeleimon, Independent Researcher, PhD in International History (LSE, University of London) E-mail: hionidispl@hotmail.com
George Finlay and early-Victorian images of modern Greece, 1836-1845
Abstract: In the first decades of Greek independence George Finlay laid the foundations ofhis remarkable dominance of the British public debate on modern Greece in the nineteenth century. Finlay endeavoured to account for the “backwardness" of the Greek kingdom by vindicating the Greek peasant and charging foreign rule and, after the constitutional revolution of 1843, the selfish political elite with the failures of the state.
Keywords: Finlay, philhellenism, Victorian civilization, nineteenth-century journalism, King Otho.
INTRODUCTION
In 1868, when the London press was alarmed at the possibility of the resurgence of the Eastern Question due to the Cretan insurrection [1, 81-7], the Cobdenite Morning Star devoted a leading article in 10 February 1868 in an attempt to analyse the motives of the Times’s correspondent from Athens. The correspondent's attitude, the discrepancy between the fact that he “is one of the severest commentators on the national policy or no policy of Greece" and the recognition that “he is surely no foe of Greece, for he has cast in his lot with her" was imputed to his “sober and rigid" personality, which left him “absolutely without anything of what people call sentiment" [26, 4, columns de]. The man whose views on the crisis supplanted the combatants in the interest of the British public was George Finlay, the Scot philhellene. But the success in Britain of Finlay’s correspondence during the period 1866-1869 was mainly due to his earlier writings on Greek affairs that had earned him a name as an expert on modern Greece.
The importance of George Finlay as a link between Greece, ancient and modern, and the British public and his influence on British opinion on the East in general have long been recognized [18, 552-67; 23, 7-8]; yet “scholars have paid him little attention" [22, 14]. The apparent inconsistency is partly due to the tendency to impute Finlay’s critical approach to Greek affairs to traits of his character, which had turned the attention of historians to whether he was “a cold sardonic man" or simply “a Scot and a Romantic" [14, 142-4].
The tendency has been decidedly reversed recently. In an unpublished thesis Miliori has construed Finlay’s texts
on ancient and modern Greece in the light of early nineteenth-century political and historical thought [17, 160-75]. Moreover, the importance of Finlay’s thought and works was decisively highlighted by two papers presented at the 2006 conference on the British School of Athens, which traced “his intellectual inheritance... [in] the optimistic and pessimistic strains of Scottish thought" [22, 24] and acknowledged his influence on British scholars who were interested in Greek affairs [24, 37]. In these three studies the writings of George Finlay acquire great importance because they are examined as an integral part of a wider framework of ideas and attitudes towards national existence in the nineteenth century. This line of analysis disperses the “shadows" surrounding his “character" and motives and rescues the study of Finlay’s comments on Greece from its solitary existence.
But still the full extent of Finlay’s impact on the formation of British perceptions of modern Greece especially during the reign of King Otho has not been examined and evaluated. Historians have focused on Finlay’s works on Greece’s past rather than on its nineteenth-century present, on the origins of his ideas rather than on their actual influence on his contemporaries, on his well-known academic endeavours rather than on his writings on the day-to-day issues of the Greek kingdom. In the following pages the focal point will be Finlay’s early journalistic career, which is examined alongside his better known works and his function as an erudite guide for British travellers. The examination of these roles highlights the keystones of Finlay’s analysis of modern Greece, provides indications as to his influence on British public debate on Greek and Eastern affairs and explains to a considerable extent the
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