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DOI 10.24147/2413-6182.2022.9(1). 139-161
ISSN 2413-6182 eISSN 2658-4867
ELECTORAL DISCOURSE: WOMEN AS REPRESENTED BY RUSSIAN AND COLOMBIAN MASS MEDIA
M. Ruiz1, V.V. Boguslavskaya2
li2 Pushkin State Russian Language Institute (Moscow, Russia)
Abstract: The authors analyse the linguistic strategies modern mass media use when writing about female politicians. Comparison of media discourses in Colombian and Russian media is made by means of interpretive, contextual. discourse and content analysis. The main aim of the study is to identify how the mass media view the role of women in politics and to what extent it is affected by the culture and mentality of the society of a given country. Based on Western European research, three linguistic strategies used by the mass media in the field of "women in politics" were dealt with. As a result of comparing Russian and Columbian media discourses the intensive use of these three strategies in the mass media discourse was identified. Exclusion strategy means that the political power that women have is delegated to them (by men). Invisibility strategy implies the use of a metaphor or catachreza (trope or stylistic error, incorrect or unusual use of word combinations with incompatible literal lexical meanings). The presence of a man as the main co-hero is a determining factor or an integral reference to the political activities of women. Caricature strategy implies description of political actions of women satirically, as caricature, as a ridiculous imitation. Ridicule, derogatory forms of address (derived from one's own name or a diminutive form of a name, reflecting the logic of underestimation) lead to a decline in status. The current media discourse broadcasts the idea that women in politics are isolated cases, exceptions, explained primarily by their personal, political or professional relations with men. Descriptions of women's political activities is full of with stereotypes, prejudices and preconceived notions. Colombian media discourse shows a steady trend towards the use of puns in the linguistic representation of women politicians while Russian mass media tend to use caricature strategies in positioning women in politics. The media discourse of both countries predominantly views women as actors in politics, as subjects that, by their very nature, cannot belong to politics.
Key words: linguistic positioning strategies, image of a female politician, media discourse, Russian and Colombian media.
For citation:
Ruiz, M., Boguslavskaya, V.V. (2022), Electoral discourse: women as represented by Russian and Colombian mass media. Communication Studies (Russia), Vol. 9, no. 1, pp. 139-161. DOI: 10.24147/2413-6182.2022.9(1).139-161.
© M. Pyuc, B.B. EогусAавскаa, 2022
About the authors:
1 Ruiz, Melissa, Master of Philology
2 Boguslavskaya, Vera Vasilievna, Prof., Associate Professor of the Department
of Russian Literature and Cross-Cultural Communication
Corresponding authors:
12 Postal address: 6, Akademika Volgina ul., Moscow, 117485, Russia
1 E-mail: carpe_diem_666@mail.ru
2 E-mail: vvboguslavskaya@gmail.com Received: October 25, 2021
Revised: December 17, 2021 Accepted: January 15, 2022
Introduction
The modern social and cultural position of women in society is the result of historical development, i. e. the reforms of society, the state system, family relations, etc.
These changes allow women to get access to be such job opportunities that were previously considered as masculine and be employed as teachers, lawyers, scientists and even strive to occupy the highest office in their country - the presidency.
However, despite several hundred years of restoring a woman's lost identity, today it is still unclear which theory or definition of a woman can be considered valid. The study of the metaphorical names of men and women in non-standard English shows that in the Western tradition, as before, "a man acts as an active, aggressive, leading subject, while a woman is inactive, being rather an object of any action, with appearance and social status being still the most important characteristics" [Kalugina 2012].
Prudence Allen identifies three ways of defining women in relation to men: 1] the theory of sex unity, which states that both men and women are equal, without any difference; 2] sex polarity that declares that men and women are significantly different, men being superior to women; 3] the idea of sex complementarity that describes men and women as equal but significantly different [Rivera 1994: 18-20].
As the modern concept of women is viewed through a socio-historical-cultural prism, this concept is based on some imaginary ideas, criteria, and restrictions. Women in the West are currently delineated in what is called the "Aristotelian Revolution", in other words, the European dogma that defends the theory of gender polarity, according to which men are superior to women, and there are significant differences between the two sexes. The prevalence of this dogma, as well as the cultural changes we are experiencing, are evidenced by the statement of Janusz Corwin-Mikke, a conservative Polish parliamentar-
ian in the debate over the pay gap in Europe in 2017: "Of course, women should earn less because they are weaker and smaller, less intelligent and that is why should earn less. This is it." In response to this comment Iratsche Garcia-Perez, a Spanish MEP replied that, according to the theory of the Polish MEP, she should not be eligible to hold her present position. Iratsche also added that she would protect European women from such people, even if Janusz does not like that she has the right to represent the interests of citizens in the same way as a man1.
Today, thanks to the advancement of laws such as the quota law created as a result of the signing by UN member states of the Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women (CEDOW]2 in 1979 and being now in force in more than 130 countries around the world, women, theoretically, have become more powerful in the political sphere.
However, as Maarja Luhiste and Susan Banducci point out in their study Invisible Women? Comparing Candidates 'News Coverage in Europe', there is a gender gap, due to which in most countries women receive less attention in the media than men [Niporka 2007; Ruiz, Boguslavskaya 2018; Tkhorik, Cher-vyakova 2016]. In addition, there is a significant imbalance between the representation of women in power (the number of women candidates] and their number in the total population of the country. So, for example, in Spain or Austria, with the representation of women3 in 2016 being 40% and 50%, respectively, only 5% are elected to the authorities [Luhiste, Banducci 2016].
The function of assignment of status and the function of setting social norms help to illustrate and partially explain the reason for the results ob-
1 Polish MEP launches sexist tirade in EU Parliament. Euronews, March 2, 2017, available at: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=40hhc0cjYyg (accessed: August 21, 2021].
2 The Convention on the Elimination of All Forms of Discrimination against Women, 107th plenary meeting, 18 December, 1979. United Nations, official site, available at: https://undocs.org/en/A/RES/34/180 (accessed: July 27, 2021].
3 Calculations confirm that even today the world's parliaments are predominantly male. The share of women in the parliaments of the planet for 2019 averages at about 24%, though this is significantly more than 11 years ago, with the indicator being at 18% in 2008 [...] Today the State Duma have 16% female members and Federation Council 17%. This is a small indicator by current standards, due to which conservative Russia takes a place in the second hundred of all countries. in somewhere in the second hundred. [... The majority in the top twenty are represented by Western parliaments. Thus, the share of women in the Swedish Riksdag is 47%, and the average for Northern Europe amounts 43%. Not so many countries fell out of the total number of Western solidarity, including the still relatively conservative USA (24% of congresswomen] and Great Britain (29%], as well as some countries of Eastern Europe [...] oddly enough, not a single country of Northern Europe is in the top three. This group is represented by Rwanda, Cuba and Bolivia. In all three countries, women not only approached parity, but even crossed the numerical threshold of 50%. Women are worst represented in the Parliament of Yemen: there are only 4 women out of 412 parliamentarians. The source of information: Infostat for 2019. The number of women who are in the supreme power in Russia and in other countries, available at: https://zen.yandex.ru/me-dia/infostat/kak-mnogo-jenscin-nahoditsia-v-verhovnoi-vlasti-v-rossii-i-v-drugih-stranah-sravnenie-5e5ba910a68d981039d054e2.
tained in the study, since it is these functions that allow the dissemination and strengthening of retrograde social perceptions and negative stereotypes, in this case, about the role women in politics.
As the study of Lukhiste and Banducci indicates [Luhiste, Banducci 2016], the media, are responsible both for the language and content of the information they publish and for deliberate silence, since the silence of the role of women generates the effect of invisibility. course, today women are involved in politics, but their presence is still more often seen as something additional and not necessary.
The studies of this subject draw special attention to the contrasting role representation of the world of politics. Thus, E.V. Budaev in his work "Gender Specification of State Metaphors" [Budaev 2006], which is aimed at the analysis and comparison of political metaphors of the East and West, states that the political world is structured in accordance with the contrast between roles associated with biological sex. He also concludes that in the East the metaphorical tactic of feminization is used more widely, in the West the tactic of mascu-linization prevails. A.P. Chudinov in his monograph "Metaphorical mosaic in modern political communication" [Chudinov 2003] notes that in Russia, the metaphorical representation of the president's figure is depicted using hagio-graphic rhetoric based on expressions associated with words such as tsar, emperor, owner of royal regalia, etc., i. e. exclusively male designations, even though Catherine II was the empress. A.A. Kaslova in her Ph.D. thesis "Metaphorical modeling of the presidential elections in Russia and the United States" [Kaslova 2003] found that, in contrast to the consecration figure presented in the presidential figure in Russia, the metaphorical idea of the president's image in the United States is a "manager", responsible for the management of the "company" of the United States of America [Budaev 2011]. The above studies indicate that the female figure has no place in the political sphere, either in the East or in the West. On the whole, the social understanding of the role of women in politics existing in society requires deep and thorough consideration.
In this regard, an important problem, in the opinion of the authors, is the study of modern media discourse [Dem'yankov 2003; Tulupov 2005], which not only broadcasts (translates?] the views of society, authorities, and journalists as representatives of the professional media community but most importantly - (due to its specificity] creates value guidelines for the further development of society, actualizes discursive meanings (which contain cultural codes of changes occurring in the language picture of the world of native speakers] and influences public opinion.
The task of a linguist in the media discourse "woman in politics", implies not only to perform textual analysis but to study the historical and cultural context in which political discourses are formed to be able to "read between the lines" and reveal "hidden" cultural stereotypes and ways they are reflected in rhetoric, since the implicit model of understanding the world is manifested in the national specifics of understanding socio-political realities [Budaev 2011;
Lazarsfeld, Merton 1948; Luhiste, Banducci 2016; Olarte, Fabiola 2014; Oliva, Sitja 2007].
The aim of the study to identify the peculiarities of the functioning and implementation of linguistic strategies for positioning women politicians in media discourse by carrying out a comparative analysis of Colombian and Russian media texts on the problem of "woman in politics".
Results and Discussion
The idea of conducting this study came from the results of scientific work carried out by Doctor of Philosophy Angelica Bernalho [Olarte, Fabiola 2014]. Her doctoral dissertation examines the features of the Colombian media coverage of women's activities in the sphere of national politics. The authors were interested in the study due to the relevance of the problem and the empirical material provided by the election campaigns of 2018 as the presidential elections in Colombia and Russia were announced in the same year.
The content analysis is based on 18 articles (9 Russian media texts and 9 Colombian ones] for the period from 2010 to 2019, which most clearly demonstrate the implementation of linguistic strategies. Russian media texts are represented by 6 articles (RT, Lenta.ru, Kommersant, Komsomol'skaya pravda, Meduza, Gazeta.ru], 1 opinion article (RT.ru], 1 podcast (Meduza1), 1 interview (Komsomol'skaya pravda]. Colombian media texts include 8 articles from the newspapers Semana, El Tiempo, El Espectador, Dinero y La Silla Vacia, 1 opinion article (El Espectador].
The selected empirical material made it possible to analyze and compare the media texts of the two countries and identify trends in the verbal representation of women and their role in political activity.
Though various strategies of verbal representation are used in the media, there is empirical evidence that the representation of women in politics is aimed at minimizing their role in the world of politics. Broadly speaking, there are three main directions, i. e. the vectors for the implementation of linguistic strategies for positioning a woman politician, namely "exclusion", "invisibility" and "caricature" [Tkhorik, Chervyakova 2016; Luhiste, Banducci 2016]. Several approaches can be used in this positioning: to represent a woman in politics, for example, to emphasize the fact that her father or husband held a high political post, implying that it is not her and her significant activities that are significant, but the succession of power from the man; This is followed by silence, leveling the results of a woman's political activity or positioning her as a figure behind which stands a "true owner of power" or a co-hero as a determining factor in a woman's political activity; satirically describing the activities of women, as imitations of the activities of male politicians [Muzika 2015].
Olarte in her dissertation identified 19 linguistic strategies, several of them being цmвуцн used in media texts of the problem studied [Olarte, Fabiola
1 Listed on the register of foreign mass media acting as a foreign agent by the Ministry of Justice of the Russian Federation.
2014]. They can be roughly defined as follows: "all women are the same"; the image of a woman-politician "through the prism of her personal life"; "political power by inheritance"; "first"; "belittling the dignity" of a woman.
The linguistic implementation of the strategy "All women are the same", which is the most common in the analyzed media texts, works according to the principle of nominalization (meta-model).
Nominalizations, from the point of view of a critical analysis of discourse, are those words that transform from procedural words (verbs] into nouns. The process turns into an event, while the significance of the subject is diminished. Nominalization is a kind of philosophical approach that minimizes the reality of universals, reduces them to concepts derived from the name of a trait common to several individuals. Thus, a person belonging to this group has the characteristics described by this word.
The strategy is to use the word "woman" as a label to name and describe all women in politics. Moreover, each member of the so-called group of "women", from the point of view of their biological reality, has several common features in behavior, aspirations, and motives. Thus, the impression is created that in the media discourse a woman in politics is seen as a subject that does not belong to this sphere of activity. Proceeding from the fact that all women strive for the same interests, goals, the media refer to them and their political activities, not using their names, but simply using the word "woman".
As an example of using the strategy, the authors cite excerpts from the following three articles:
• Las mujeres de la Procuraduría. Cuncionarias componen la cúpula del Ministerio Público. Junto con su jefe, Fernando Carrillo, tienen la dura tarea de darle una nueva cara a la entidad y adelantar procesos disciplinarios en medio de una altísima percepción de corrupción en el país / Women prosecutors. Fourteen officials are members of the State Attorney's Office. Together with their leader, Fernando Carrillo, they tackle the difficult task of re-shaping the organization and stimulating disciplinary proceedings in the context of a high level of corruption in the country (Semana. 29.04.2017].
• Mujeres al poder en 2015. Esta semana que pasó se supo que en Sucre, tanto la Gobernación como la Alcaldía de Sincelejo serán disputadas por mujeres que -apoyadas por estructuras poderosas- entran a jugar con alta posibilidad de éxito. Ellas son apenas dos de 15 aspirantes a gobernaciones y alcaldías capitales con fuerza para dar la pelea en las regionales de octubre. Todas menos una para cargos que hoy son ocupados por hombres / Women in power in 2015. It was reported last week that in Sucre, both in the Governor's Office and in the City Hall of Cinselejo, women will be running for administrative positions; they, with the support of the power structures, enter the election race with a high chance of success. Out of 15 candidates for posts in regional administrations and city halls, only 2 have a chance of winning the October regional elections. All but one apply for the positions that men now hold (La Silla Vacía. 21.03.2015].
• The third woman announced her intention to go to the presidential elections. Elena Semerikova, head of the Women's Dialogue party, announced her intention to run for president. [...] She believes that the journalists Ksenia Sobchak and Yekaterina Gordon, who have already announced their desire to run for president, will not properly represent the Russian women's movement (Kom-mersant. 30.10.2017].
The first article outlines the challenges facing the new working group of the Attorney General of Colombia. The article from the very beginning (in fact, from the headline] instead of emphasizing the fact that there is a new cabinet, points out that it consists of women, for whom such a high degree of political responsibility is not typical at all and therefore can be an overwhelming burden.
The phrase "women in power", which serves as the heading of the second article, described the situation as a militant stylistic coloring as if declaring a battle between the two sexes for political control over the country. It should be said, however, that the text emphasizes that women politicians are supported by regional political structures that have traditionally been created by men. Therefore, the reader still concludes that only because of this, candidates have a high probability of winning.
As a result of the uncertainty generated by the use of the pronoun they, found in the sentence "Out of 15 candidates [...] only 2 have a chance [...]", an information gap is created since it is impossible to understand who the author is talking about.
The article "The third woman announced her intention to go to the presidential elections" refers to the emergence of a new "candidate" in the 2018 presidential elections, whose intention, according to the article, is to "protect" Putin by collecting votes for him. Nevertheless, the author also decides to omit in the title, as was done in the previous article, the name of the woman candidate, thereby emphasizing that it is the woman who is going to enter the sphere of politics.
The "through-the prism-of -the-personal life" media image of a woman politician. Historically, by nature and biology, women were assigned the social role of a mother and this role was limited exclusively to performing their maternal duties (even in politics]. Today in the European mass media, for example, there is another extreme point of view, presenting motherhood as a role, or a function that a woman may perform or may not perform exclusively at will, exercising this way her right to gender equality and shocking the society. This role seems to be quite unnatural [Kuvychko, Chafonova, Boguslavs-kaya 2018].
Although many women politicians have managed to take positions in ministries, the domestic sphere is still, perceived as directly related exclusively to women. The historical situation of gender inequality in the possibilities of social self-realization allowed researchers at different stages of the development of scientific knowledge to represent relations between men and women
as relations of subordination or relations of the "master-slave" type, to demonstrate the oppression of women by men [de Beauvoir 2017; Hegel 2008]. In addition to the role of the mother, which implies guardianship, the media discourse reveals an assessment of the appearance of a woman who plays an important role in the political arena. This can be seen in the following examples:
Se buscan mujeres para aspirar al Congreso. A su vez, el senador del Polo Jaime Dussán destaca que en el Comité Ejecutivo del Partido, de 38 integrantes 12 son mujeres, y afirma que uno de los impedimentos para que este género haga política es la falta de recursos propios para las campañas. "La mujer se arriesga electoralmente menos que el hombre porque tiene mayores responsabilidades, como la familia", añade / Looking for women to hold congressional posts. However, Senator of the Polo Party Jaime Dussan emphasizes that 12 of 38 members of the party's Executive Committee are women, and argues that one of the obstacles preventing women from entering politics is the lack of their own resources for campaigning. "Women run less risk in campaigning than men because they are also responsible for the family," he adds (El Espectador. 17.01.2010].
The article deals with the problem of finding women who want to take a seat in the Colombian Congress. However, despite the necessity of their presence, the author attempts to justify their absence by hinting at the historical obligation of women to fulfill their role as a mother, which necessarily implies sacrifice. The article also highlights that a woman who wants to devote her life to politics, unlike a man who does not seem to bear any responsibility for his family, risks what should be the most important to her. At the same time, according to the text of the article, a woman works to achieve a goal in an area to which she does not belong and in which she cannot be sure of any success. Ladies with a mandate - women's life in big politics This how Lenta.ru sees the situation with ladies who are members of the Russian Parliament: After the weekend in May, The State Duma deputies leave for a regional week to work with voters. Regular business trips are part of the nomadic lifestyle of almost any politician. According to the MPs themselves, such a tight schedule is the hardest experience for women, who are forced to combine hard work and caring for the family. How the ladies in the Russian parliament live
First paragraph: If a woman decided to become a State Duma member, she will hardly be able to fully fulfill her family responsibilities [...]
Although it is still problematic to talk about gender equality, women in parliament have to be taken seriously - at least out of respect for their positions [...] According to Alexey Tarnavsky, the deficit of the gentle sex in the State Duma could only be compensated for by communication with assistants, journalists, and staff members. He believes that the presence of beautiful women in the hall "gives rise to additional courage." "There are few women in the Duma. This is its main drawback. There is only ten percent of them, we should have more," the authors of the book cite him. Tarnavsky admits that he tries not to ask women MPs hot topic questions during public discussions and explains that he "feels
sorry for them and treat them as the fairer sex, seeing them as women rather than parliamentarians (Lenta.ru. 10.05.2016].
The article, which intends to tell its readerships about the political life and work of women members of the State Dumas in the very beginning of the narration declares that women's primary responsibility irrespective of their professional training is their family. The author argues that women-parliamentarians are destined to fail either as mothers or as politicians since simultaneously experiencing these two challenges makes it almost impossible to effectively and simultaneously carry out these two jobs.
It should be noted that the Russian mass media use an expression that is missing in the Spanish language - "the fair sex", which is often used together with the phrase "the weaker sex". There is a certain tendency in the article to consider women politicians not according to the achievements. The author of the article uses such expressions as "which party is looking for the beautiful", "the presence of beautiful women in the hall", "this adds some courage (boldness]" and "there are few women in the State Duma. This is its main drawback."
It is also necessary to emphasize the contrast between the content that the article intends to convey and the one it conveys. The title refers to women as "ladies" but throughout the article, there are numerous examples of condescending attitudes towards them. According to one of the State Duma members, the article notes that women are not needed in The State Duma, as they are not able to make an effective contribution to its work. He adds that "men-parliamentarians have to take them seriously" or "at least treat them with respect". A similar point of view was expressed by another State Duma member, who said that he "feels pity for women" and "does not see them as parliamentarians".
There are some examples of the Russian media texts that illustrate culturally and socially fixed semantics, where the words "woman" and "mother/wife" are ironically used as synonyms, showing (demonstrating] in the context some kind of a derogatory attitude to women:
The kitchen of women-parliamentarians. Women-parliamentarians have more privileges than men. Complaints about difficult working conditions expressed by Vera Ganzya and Tamara Pletneva, the State Duma members, and the lack of possibility to "feed their husbands" caused a storm of criticism from both their colleagues and from Russians who do not occupy such important posts. They were encouraged to be "hardy" or "resign and find an easier job to do." Gazeta.Ru has found out how women in power live and work" (Gazeta.ru. 08.12.2016].
This article discusses aspects of working in the Parliament, in particular the issue of voting on bills as well as the privileges granted to the State Duma members, both men, and women. During working session meeting in the Duma, Tamara Pletneva, as a joke, as her colleague Vera Ganzya later explained, raised the issue of keeping to the working schedule, since, according to her, the rigidity of the deputy's working schedule did not allow her to "to cook
meals for her husband". This case exemplifies an obvious effect of nominaliza-tion, i.e. the extent to which stereotypes prevailing in society, the habits in the perception of all women in terms of seeing their main function as a wife and mother, affect their judgments. This example also demonstrates how the statement of one woman parliamentarians is interpreted as the universal opinion of women in politics. The issue both women wanted to draw the attention of their colleagues to ineffective time scheduling when discussing bills. Nevertheless, the author of the article prefers to divert the reader's attention to a statement that is irrelevant to the case, neglecting the very essence of the complaint. The phrase "Moreover, we are women and we need to get home and feed our husbands" quickly spread on the Internet. The above example shows that journalists deny women involved in politics the right to make any complaints. Russian media discourse in this case demonstrates that women are viewed as "guests" outside "the natural habitat", they belong to, i. e. their kitchen.
The linguistic expression of the "inherited political power" strategy. According to this point of the view, a woman and political activity are incompatible. It should be noted that the stereotype of "inferiority" of women in politics goes back to ancient Greece, i. e. to Aristotle who states in his "Politics" that nature created both a woman and a slave according to a special design, but they, these creatures, are not destined to "rule". This definition of a woman given by the philosopher in the 4th century BC has not changed much, judging by the media image of a woman politician, the image that modern media adheres to. Indeed, to get the right to vote, a woman had to wait until the wait for the onset of the 20th century. Nevertheless, the perception of her "inability" to play the role of a manager/leader, especially in politics, is still relevant today. That is why one of how a woman politician is portrayed in the press is to refer to the inheritance of political power from a man. The result of the implementation of this linguistic strategy is the following: as there is no merit in the inheritance of something, so a woman who takes a position in the political field "by inheritance" does not require to make any special efforts or manifest any of her personal qualities for this. This viewpoint minimizes any results of work and achievements of women politicians.
Examples of this strategy can be found in the following articles from the Colombian and Russian press:
• Estas son las 5 mujeres que llegan al Congreso como las más votadas. María José Pizarro: En su primera participación en política electoral fue elegida representante a la Cámara por la lista autodenominada de la Decencia, apoyada por Gustavo Petro. Obtuvo un total de 77.800 votos. Es hija de Carlos Pizarro, líder del M-19 que fue asesinado tras firmar la paz en 1990. Estudió diseño de joyas en Barcelona y hace poco trabajó en el Museo Nacional. También laboró en la Secretaría de Cultura de Bogotá (2011-2013) y en el Centro Nacional de Memoria Histórica (2013-2017) / 5 women who got the most votes and became Congresswomen. Maria Jose Pizarro: During her first election
campaign, she was elected as Representative to the Chamber from the Lista de la Desencia coalition and was supported by Gustavo Petro. She received a total of 77,800 votes. She is the daughter of Carlos Pizarro, the leader of M-19, who was killed after the signing of a peace treaty in 1990. She studied jewelry design in Barcelona and worked at the National Museum for a while. She also worked for the Bogotá Ministry of Culture (2011-2013) and the National Center for Historical Memory (2013-2017)) (Semana. 17.03.2018].
• Ksyusha and the Tank.... which, on the one hand, being the daughter of Anatoly Sobchak, is by birth flesh and blood (sorry for saying this) of these very 90s, but on the other hand, is the brightest figure of modern times and offers us a campaign of a completely new type" (RT. 25.10.2017].
The first article briefly describes the political trajectory of newly elected senators in the 2018 elections and discusses the issue of women's low political participation. In the above description of Maria Jose Pizarro, one can observe the minimization of her political achievements. This paragraph emphasizes that her first participation in politics happened only thanks to a political movement led by a man, and also that there was a serious argument in her favor - the name of her father, as he was one of the most respected political leaders in the country. Given the structure of the inverted pyramid, where the most important are listed first, and additional information and less important details are at the bottom or last level, it can be argued that, according to the arrangement of the information in this description, one can easily realize what exactly influenced her victory the most. In this case, it is not a job in two very important institutions of the country, but the support of a man, the inherited status, and the electorate of her father.
As for the Russian article, the author analyses the profiles of people who are members of Sobchak's headquarters, and sarcastically emphasizes that the power that the presidential candidate possesses was inherited from her father.
Linguistic implementation of being the "first" strategy: women's participation in politics is always viewed as a debut, which journalism has to emphasise.
• Las 10 mujeres más poderosas de Colombia. Elsa Noguera. Ministra de Vivienda, en el perfil de esta barranquillera destaca su anterior cargo como alcaldesa de Barranquilla, convirtiéndose en la primera mujer en ocupar ese cargo durante los años 2012 y 2015 / The 10 Most Powerful Women in Colombia. Elsa Noguera is Minister of Housing. This Barranquilia woman's profile shows her previous position as Mayor of Barranquilla. She became the first woman to hold this position in 2012 and 2015 (Dinero. 17.05.2017].
• Ladies with a mandate - women's life in big politics. The Federation Council, in which 28 out of 170 senators are representatives of the fair sex, is headed by Valentina Matvienko, the first woman in the history of Russia to hold this post. Ladies with a mandate - women's life in big politics (Lenta.ru. 10.05.2016].
Linguistic implementation of the strategy "Trampling on women's dignity" (word for word translation from Spanish]. In the process of selecting articles, it was found that one of the most commonly used strategies for describing the role of women in politics is to adopt a dismissive tone bordering on an attempt at humiliation. In the following seven articles, compiled from the Colombian and Russian press, we have noted (registered] the balancing on the verge of derogatory and offensive tone in describing women's political activities.
So, in the media text, the mistakes of women in politics, as a rule, are presented negatively. Also, as in the articles below, when naming women politicians, proper (first] names or diminutive forms of names are used, which creates the effect of imitating the tone of friendly or family communication with women, and as a result indicates an ironic, dismissive attitude towards the heroine of the article.In the process of selecting articles, it was found that one of the most commonly used strategies for describing the role of women in politics is to adopt a dismissive tone bordering on an attempt at humiliation. In the following seven articles, compiled from the Colombian and Russian press, we have note (registered] the balancing balancing on the verge of derogatory and offensive tone in describing women's political activities.
• Lucero perdió el brillo. El bohío de la exrepresentante Lucero Cortés "se oscureció", como dice la canción de José A. Morales. Esta semana la Corte Suprema de Justicia la condenó a cinco años de prisión por el delito de tráfico de influencias. El alto tribunal encontró que la excongresista presionó indebidamente a varios magistrados del Consejo Superior de la Judicatura para que sancionaran al abogado Juan Carlos Salazar, demandado por su esposo, Manuel Rincón. Cortés, sin embargo, podrá cumplir la condena en su casa. Mientras tanto, el Comité de Ética del Partido de la U prepara los trámites para expulsarla de la colectividad. La sentencia en su contra pide a la Comisión de Acusaciones investigar a seis magistrados involucrados en el escándalo /Lucero has lost her luster. (The hut of ex-representative Lucero Cortez "darkened", as the José A. Morales song says. This week, the Supreme Court sentenced her to five years in prison for the crime of influence peddling. The High Court found that the ex-congresswoman put pressure on several justices of the Supreme Judicial Council in order to impose sanctions on the lawyer Juan Carlos Salazar, against whom her husband Manuel Rincon had sued. Cortez, however, can serve the sentence in her home. In the meantime, the Party's Ethics Committee is preparing procedures for its expulsion from its ranks. The verdict against her directs the Prosecution Commission to investigate the six judges involved in the scandal (Semana. 26.05.2012].
• Ksyusha and the tank. Her election campaign statements are the clearest evidence that Ksenia is not only a beginner in politics, but also does not understand anything at all. However, as we have already seen more than once, she can learn very quickly, so politics won't be a problem either (Appendix B - RT. 25.10.2017].
It should be noted that the nomination of people in media discourse is one of the linguistic ways of implementing a linguistic strategy and therefore this problem is dealt with in several studies on the theory of language, media linguistics, and journalism [Gribanov 2014; Pronina 2015; Chesnokova 2008; Oliva, Sitja 2007]. It is noteworthy, that in addition to using the first name of a female senator negatively, the title of the first article a quote from the lyrics of a very popular song in Colombia. Interestingly, there is also wordplay. The Spanish name Lucero means "bright star" and the metaphor "darkened" and "lost its luster" in connection with Lucero Cortez appears both in the headline of the article and later in the test. With the help of this play-on-words, the author tries to create a humorous effect, or rather the effect of sarcasm which allows the reader to "scoff at the candidate since she was convicted of a crime.
In the second article "Ksyusha and Tank", in addition to the diminutive form of the first name (Ksyusha], which is used throughout the text (while in Colombian article it is used only once in the headline], the author sarcastically states that she (the candidate] does not understand anything about politics, hinting at her intellectual abilities:" as we have already seen more than once she can learn very quickly, so politics won't be a problem either.
The status of a woman in politics is closely related to her role of mother and wife, as well as to such personality traits as abstinence, that is, the ability to refuse something. Abstinence is associated with the presence of power, therefore, with politics. This was described by Aristotle in his treatise "Politics" as follows, "(... ] whether a person will rule or obey, just as the abstinence and courage of a man and a woman differ: a man, if he was as brave as a courageous woman, he would seem a coward, and a woman if she was as modest as a kind man is modest, would seem talkative" [Aristotle 1983: 452]. Examples of the relevance of this statement can be seen in the texts of the following articles:
• Claudia Lopez y su tonito camorrero. No conozco en el espectro político a mujer más lúcida e inteligente, de brioso carácter, pero a la vez con más ínfulas de mandamás que Claudia López. Y esto tiene tanto de bueno como de malo, porque del mismo modo que abre unas puertas, cierra otras / Claudia Lopez and her sort of battle tone. I do not know any woman in the political arena who is brighter and more intelligent than Claudia Lopez, with her combative and at the same time very authoritarian personality. And this is both good and bad, because she can open some doors, but close others (El espectador. 21.02.2017]1.
• The MP from the Urals is going to protect Putin from Sobchak the Cook. As I learned about the nomination of Ksenia Sobchak as a candidate for the presidency of Russia, I got afraid for the future of the country. [...] It would seem that almost a hundred years have passed since the time of the Great October So-
1 In this article the authors intentionally uses the expression tonito camorrero in derogative sense that aims at emphasising Lopez's assertive and tough manner of discussion.
cialist Revolution, but in our country, nothing has changed, and any glamorous cook believes that she can rule the state (Lenta.ru. 24.10.2017].
The Colombian article, despite its laudable tone, notes that Lopez's "masculine character" (viewed as some kind of violation of female personality traits could potentially harm her career, even though without a doubt Lopez is capable of politics. The article supposes that though politics is rather an aggressive sphere of activity, a woman in the political sphere should not acquire masculine traits ("with her combative and at the same time very authoritarian personality" - apparently means assertiveness, an active position, a willingness to defend her point of view] and should retain traditionally female personality traits.
The text also implies that even if a woman works well, it may also not be in her favor: "And this is both good and bad, because she can open some doors, but close others."
In the Russian article, the strategy manifests itself in mentioning the socio-historical role of women by the male deputy, i. e. in expressing (indicating] the position of his being "against women's politics". The assessment is based on the logic that "a woman is a cook", and this is her main social role. The media discourse translates the following opinion of a regional deputy (without any hint of trying to refute it]: not only Ksenia Sobchak is a specific presidential candidate, but also any woman is incapable of political engagement... Such attitude is indicated by the lexeme "cook", which means "a woman doing work in the kitchen," an additional connotation implementing "a low level of intelligence" [Dadaeva, Ushkin 2014: 174]. This viewpoint is a consequence of the fact that "Russian politics at the federal and regional levels is essentially a closed "men's club", with women hardly allowed as members" [Dadaeva, Ushkin 2014: 174]. Despite the liberalization and democratization of the state, the problem of gender inequality has not been resolved yet. Sociological studies on the representation of women in government and government bodies of the Russian Federation [Aivazova 2008] demonstrate gender asymmetry in terms of the inclusion of women in the political life of society.
It should be noted that the point of view of the deputy outlined in the article The MP from the Urals is going to protect Putin from Sobchak the Cook (Lenta.ru. 24.10.2017] is obviously in dissonance with the present policy of promoting women, declared by "United Russia", the party in power, that implements its policy "in accordance with the requirements of traditional Russian statehood, based on bureaucracy and preventing dominating influence of certain social groups, including representatives of civil society institutions" [Aivazova 2008: 73].
Studies of the political discourse of mass media texts regarding the place it allocates to women have their history and research continuity [Maximova 2007; Muzika 2015; Niporka 2007]. It was noted that rejection, reluctance to the presence of women in the political sphere is equally characteristic of both
Russian and Colombian media texts. Unlike the Russian media texts, the Colombian articles pay more attention to the correctness of the speech forms and the expressions used. In other words, though the wording is different, unfortunately, we deal with the same intention:
Sofía Gaviria, otra mujer incómoda para el liberalismo. Como la senadora antioqueña se ha opuesto a la implementación del proceso de paz, el partido le cerró la puerta para presentarse como precandidata presidencial. Se repite el caso de Viviane Morales. [...] El de Sofía Gaviria no es un caso aislado. Hace un mes, otra mujer, la senadora Viviane Morales, renunció a participar en la consulta liberal por circunstancias similares. A ella también le exigieron suscribir el Manifiesto Liberal, que entre otras la obligaba entre otras a dejar a un lado sus principios religiosos / Sophia Gaviria, another inconvenient woman for liberalism. Since the senator from Antioquia opposed the implementation of the peace process, the party did not allow her to become a presidential candidate. The situation of Vivian Morales is repeated. [...] Sofia Gaviria is not an isolated case. A month ago, another woman, Senator Vivian Morales, refused to participate in a meeting of the liberals due to similar circumstances. In addition, she was required to sign the Liberal Manifesto, which, among other things, obliged her, in particular, to give up her religious beliefs (Semana. 10.12.2017].
In this article, Sofia Gaviria is presented (described] as a sort of a 'guest' in politics. The text explains why the Liberal Party did not "allow" her to run as a candidate in the presidential elections because she did not agree with all the principles of the party. The authors of the article want to deliberately lead their readers to the conclusion that Gaviria, who also rejected the party manifesto, should be considered a problem. The phrase "one more" emphasizes the systematic nature of this case (it is always the case with women] and indirectly promotes the idea of the inappropriateness of women in politics.
According to political scientist Maria Ines Tula, the report "Women and Politics" published by the United Nations Development Program (UNDP] in Colombia in 2015 states that discrimination against women did not end when they won the right to vote, because "this progress did not mean in any way a transition to equal participation in political decision-making processes [Tula 2015].
When positioning women politicians, linguistic methods, the use of which is most effective for the implementation of a specific strategy and goal, are actualized [Pronina 2015]. The Russian mass media uses, among other things, verbal means that veil a hidden discriminatory attitude towards women in politics, both on the part of men and the part of women:
The following two texts (an article and a podcast] are characterized by the use of satire and are of a conflict generating nature:
• Why is it (not) shameful to support Sobchak? In the new issue, Ekate-rina Krongauz and Andrei Babitsky discuss all the ethical issues that arise from the nomination of Ksenia Sobchak for the presidency of Russia: is it possible to
agree to a deal with the state in the name of a good goal, is it possible to go to elections without the desire to win them and thereby distract attention from another candidate, is it possible to change beliefs if you are a politician, is it possible to cooperate with a politician if it affects your family life, and also whether you need to be loyal to a politician if you owe them something (Meduza. 31.10.2017].
• Lydia Yermoshina: Women are not interested in politics, women are apolitical by nature. Women are interested in specifics. (...) Getting married is the result. Sewing a dress, baking a cake is also a result. (...) (...) A woman is apolitical by nature. By the way, a decent person is always apolitical. I can't stand this quality in ladies, especially if they demonstratively show it (and now it's popular), as bitchiness. Everyone dreams of being a bitch. I hate this category of women, There is nothing special about them at all. They are just women" (Kom-somol'skaya pravda. 29.08.2016].
Firstly, in the text, podcast, there is an obvious wordplay in the headline -a hint that the intention to support a certain candidate (a woman-presidential candidate] is a negative action, associated with a feeling of shame (it is shameful to support). Secondly, the summary of the radio program indicates that the presenters do not discuss the issues to come to any logical conclusion, but will try to prove why the conclusions they reached earlier are correct. In their opinion, Ksenia Sobchak is a hindrance to the opposition candidate and, therefore, should not be supported. Moreover, she is viewed as an unwanted person, a troublesome woman. Throughout the broadcast, the presenters, one of the listeners, and journalists demonstrate on the air a dismissive, ironic, offensive attitude towards her (obscene language].
For example, a podcast begins with the following message from a listener:
Dear Ksenia Sobchak! You know how I feel about you. I adore you. Now, when I have heard that you are going to take part in the elections... You understand perfectly well that you are making Putin legitimate and beating up Alexei Navalny. I will have to send you and your entire team to #$%@#1, if you do this. Please don't.
The statements of the presenter Ekaterina Krongauz, the presenter, are distinguished by the use of low-register words and irony: She (Sobchak) performs a dog and pony show; I'm far behind Sobchak; Ksenia is a product of the 90s; Sobchak violates agendas, intentions.
The speech of the Russian journalist and blogger Bozena Rynski is extremely rude and abounds in swear words/ Ksenia's ability to get out without forever enrolling in the ranks of scum is to officially replace Sobchak's surname with Protivvsekh (Against all). So that Ksenia Protivvsekh was on the ballots; What a vile bastard! Decided to run, the gargoyle.
The opinion of the journalist Yulia Traratura/ [...] she (K. Sobchak) was even manipulating the women's agenda - contains an allegation of manipulating public opinion.
1 Filthy language was censored.
¿Por qué no te callas?: Gobierno a senadora López / Why don't you shut up? - Government addresses Senator Lopez (Revista Semana. 27.10.2009]. The style of the headline is blantly intolerant - an attempt to discredit the critical work of the Senator. The question "Why don't you shut up?" organises the information presented in a way that ensures the hierarchical position of government officials and serves as an echo that drowns out the voice of Senator Lopez, excluding her from the active subjects of political action.
It should pointed out that these examples, from the point of view of Western researchers, demonstrate one of the following attitudes: 1. devaluation of women, 2. mistrust of women, and 3. gender bias in favor of men [Rivera 1994]: "I can't stand this quality in ladies, especially if they demonstratively show it (and now it's popular), as bitchiness". (1]; or "but she will be hysterical [if she does not get married], it will be impossible to work with her" (2] "Why don't you shut up?". According to the authors of the statements, women are not able to engage in politics and this way they emphasize that politics is a field of exclusively male activity. It is important to note that in Russian media discourse, an extremely negative attitude towards women in politics is mostly expressed by female authors.
The identified similarities and differences between the Colombian and Russian press in the representation of women politicians are presented in Fig. 1 and 2.
The texts presenting news information are neutral. The journalist focuses only on the facts and does not shift to the personal and evaluative characteristics of the woman politician. These texts are not conflict-generating. Those texts that either point out the inappropriateness of the presence of women in the political sphere or use offensive words in describing women politicians are usually of a disdainful, conflict-generating nature.
■ Neutral ■ Generating conflict (no rudeness) Fig. 1. Columbian Mass Media: Attitude to Women in Politics
Russian mass media texts demonstrate a categorical, dismissive attitude towards women in politics (Fig. 2]. None of the texts of the Russian media un-
der consideration is neutral in the representation of a woman politician. The authors assume that this can more a characteristic of the media attitude towards a particular presidential candidate (in this case, Ksenia Sobchak] than the perception of women in the Russian political space as a whole.
The analysis of the general tone of media texts (Fig. 1 and 2] showed that 6 out of 9 Colombian media texts are neutral. Therefore, the authors were able to conclude that despite the use of linguistic strategies lowering the status of women, the general tone of media texts does not aim to disqualify women in politics. Only 3 media texts contain words or constructions that indicate a disdainful attitude, but none of the articles under consideration contain elements of rudeness when describing a woman politician.
Conclusions
Summing up the results of the research carried, the authors would like to emphasize that not in all approaches and views on the identification of particular media material, the degree of conflict potential or radicality of the texts, the points of view of the authors coincided. The authors tried to avoid making extreme value judgments, focusing on identifying trends, similarities, and differences in the representation of women politicians in the mass media texts published in the two studied countries.
The linguistic strategies used by the mass media of Colombia and Russia in covering the issue of "women in politics" are most often aimed at lowering the status of women politicians, the role and significance of the results of women's activities in the political sphere. To sum up the findings of the study, the authors would like to name the identified tendencies that characterized the media representation of women in politics in both countries: implementation of the strategy of exclusion or invisibility (essence: the political power that
l
■ Generating conflict (containing rude language)
■ Generating rudeness (bordering on rude or de rogatory tone) Fig. 2. Russian Mass Media: Attitude Towards Women in Politics
women have is delegated to them by men or a man is present as the main co-hero in a woman's political activity]; caricature strategy (essence: the description of the political action of women, as caricatures, as imitations, satirically], a mockery, the tone of appeal obeys the logic of underestimation and leads to a decrease in their status.
A comparative examination of the media discourses of the two countries, clearly revealed that even a small sample size - 18 texts (9 Colombian and 9 Russian mass media texts] showed that Russian media texts on this issue are conflict-prone, more often characterized by negative evaluations, expressing an open rude attitude towards those about whom they narrate, balancing on the verge of a derogatory and offensive tone.
Colombian media discourse exhibits a steady trend towards the use of puns to represent women in politics, while the Russian press towards satire. In the media discourse of both countries, a woman is more often viewed as a subject that, by its very nature, does not belong to politics.
The analysis of empirical material showed that the description of the political activities of women in modern mass media discourse repletes with preconceived notions, stereotypes, and even prejudices. Women in politics are viewed by journalists as exceptional cases, with the inappropriateness of women's political activity being translated by their articles.
As a result of the study, it was revealed that the current journalistic discourse proceeds, first of all, from the assumption that the noun "woman" is a natural biological reality. The nomination "woman" is used not only to name someone but is also a descriptive characteristic of a set of features (characteristics], actions, and motives that are translated by media as a matter of course. Media texts on this topic state the following: being a woman is a special condition; a woman in politics is a "subject" outside this area (for the first time a woman will become the British Permanent Representative to the UN (RT. 27.10.2017]. It was also revealed that in mass media texts the word "woman" is used with a negative connotation: Hay que perder el complejo de ser mujeres (Revista Semana. 05.02.2006]; You have to get rid of the woman's complex (Revista Semana. 05.02.2006].
Thus, the analysis of the current Colombian and Russian media discourse made it possible to state that modern mass media still demonstrate a prejudiced attitude towards women politicians. This suggests that the subject of the present research neither has been fully studied, nor a somewhat outdated one", and, thus, requires further interdisciplinary consideration.
The studied Colombian and Russian mass media texts provided a kind of informational projection of culture (mostly evaluative stereotypes], the linguistic picture of the world of speakers of a particular language, the worldview of society in the perception of women in the modern world, and the world of politics, in particular.
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ЭЛЕКТОРАЛЬНЫЙ ДИСКУРС: ЖЕНЩИНЫ В ЗЕРКАЛЕ РОССИЙСКИХ И КОЛУМБИЙСКИХ МЕДИА
М. Руис1, В.В. Богуславская2
Государственный институт русского языка им. А. С. Пушкина (Москва, Россия)
Аннотация: Рассматриваются лингвистические стратегии, которые используют современные массмедиа, когда пишут о женщинах в политике. Сопоставления медиадискурсов колумбийских и российских СМИ проведено на основе интерпретативного, контекстуального, дискурс-анализа и контент-анализа. Основная задача - выявить, как массмедиа относятся к роли женщин в политике и как в этом отражается культура и менталитет общества данной страны. Опираясь на западноевропейские исследования, были взяты три лингвистические стратегии, используемые массмедиа в проблематике «женщины в политике»: исключения (утверждение, что политическая власть, которую имеют женщины, делегируется им мужчинами); невидимости (использование метафоры или катахрезы - присутствие мужчины в качестве главного со-героя указывается определяющим фактором или неотъемлемой ссылкой на политическую деятельность женщин); карикатурная (описание политического действия женщин сатирически, как карикатуры, как смехотворного подражания; насмешка, уничижительное обращение, образуемое от собственного имени или уменьшительно-ласкательной формы имени, отражающей логику недооценки, приводящие к снижению статуса). В результате сопоставления российского и колумбийского электорального дискурса установлено активное использование данных стратегий в дискурсе массмедиа. Актуальный медийный дискурс транслирует идеи о том, что женщины в политике - это отдельные случаи, исключения, обусловленные, прежде всего, их личными, политическими или профессиональными отношениями с мужчинами. Описание политической деятельности женщин наполнено стереотипами, предрассудками и предвзятыми представлениями. Колумбийский медиадискурс демонстрирует устойчивую тенденцию к использованию каламбуров в языковой репрезентации женщин-политиков. Российские массмедиа тяготеют к использованию карикатурной стратегии в позиционировании женщин в политике. В обеих странах в медийном дискурсе женщина чаще рассматривается как актер в политике, как субъект, который по своей естественной природе политике не принадлежит.
Ключевые слова: лингвистические стратегии позиционирования, имидж женщины-политика, медиадискурс, российские и колумбийские СМИ.
Для цитирования:
Руис М., Богуславская В.В. Электоральный дискурс: женщины в зеркале российских и колумбийских медиа // Коммуникативные исследования. 2022. Т. 9. № 1. С. 139-161. DOI: 10.24147/2413-6182.2022.9(1).139-161. (На англ. яз.).
М. Руис, В.В. Богуславская. Коммуникативные исследования. 2022. Т. 9. № 1. С. 139-161 161 Сведения об авторах:
1 Руис Мелисса, магистр филологии
2 Богуславская Вера Васильевна, доктор филологических наук, доцент кафедры русской словесности и межкультурной коммуникации
Контактная информация:
12 Почтовый адрес: 117485, Россия, Москва, ул. Академика Волгина, 6
1 E-mail: carpe_diem_666@mail.ru
2 E-mail: vvboguslavskaya@gmail.com Дата поступления статьи: 25.10.2021 Дата рецензирования: 17.12.2021
Дата принятия в печать: 15.01.2022
