Научная статья на тему 'ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT IN THE INNER OF MINAS GERAIS STATE (BRAZIL)'

ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT IN THE INNER OF MINAS GERAIS STATE (BRAZIL) Текст научной статьи по специальности «СМИ (медиа) и массовые коммуникации»

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Ключевые слова
SOCIAL RELATIONS / TOURISM DEVELOPMENT / EMBEDDEDNESS

Аннотация научной статьи по СМИ (медиа) и массовым коммуникациям, автор научной работы — Melo-Silva Gustavo

Partnerships, arrangements, networks and other organizational relationships are pointed out as possibilities for promoting local development. The focus of this work is on the social immersion in markets of pewter souvenirs, traditional weaving and tourism industry, hotel and accommodation system in the microregion of Campo das Vertentes of Minas Gerais State (Brazil). The markets analyzed, between 2010 and 2020, were socially constructed and became effective through solidarity among individuals and organizations, with operational roles and economic interests immersed in social relations.

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Текст научной работы на тему «ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT IN THE INNER OF MINAS GERAIS STATE (BRAZIL)»

UDC 338.48 EDN: IYYUEN

DOI: 10.24412/1995-0411-2022-2-109-118

Gustavo MELO-SILVA

Federal University of Sao Joao del Rei (Sao Joao del Rei, State of Minas Gerais, Brazil) PhD in Sociology, Full-time and Associate Professor

ECONOMIC SOCIOLOGY OF TOURISM DEVELOPMENT IN THE INNER OF MINAS GERAIS STATE (BRAZIL)

Abstract. Partnerships, arrangements, networks and other organizational relationships are pointed out as possibilities for promoting local development. The focus of this work is on the social immersion in markets of pewter souvenirs, traditional weaving and tourism industry, hotel and accommodation system in the microregion of Campo das Vertentes of Minas Gerais State (Brazil). The markets analyzed, between 2010 and 2020, were socially constructed and became effective through solidarity among individuals and organizations, with operational roles and economic interests immersed in social relations.

Keywords: social relations, tourism development, embeddedness

Citation: Melo-Silva, G. (2022). Economic sociology of tourism development in the inner of Minas Gerais State (Brazil). Sovremennye problemy servisa i turizma [Service and Tourism: Current Challenges], 16(2), 109-118. doi: 10.24412/1995-0411-2022-2-109-118.

Article History

Received 3 May 2022 Accepted 1 June 2022

Disclosure statement

No potential conflict of interest was reported by the author(s).

© 2022 the Author(s)

This work is licensed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International (CC BY-SA 4.0). To view a copy of this license, visit https://creativecommons.org/licenses/by-sa/4.0/

УДК 338.48 ЕРЫ: 1УУиЕЫ

Р01: 10.24412/1995-0411-2022-2-109-118

Густаво МЕЛО-СИЛВА

Федеральный ун-т Сан-Жуан-дел-Рей (Сан-Жуан-дел-Рей, шт. Минас-Жерайс, Бразилия) кандидат социологических наук, штатный и адъюнкт-профессор

ЭКОНОМИЧЕСКАЯ СОЦИОЛОГИЯ РАЗВИТИЯ ТУРИЗМА ВНУТРЕННИХ РАЙОНОВ ШТАТА МИНАС-ЖЕРАЙС (БРАЗИЛИЯ)

Партнерства, договоренности, сети и другие организационные отношения выступают возможностями для стимулирования развития территорий и сообществ. В центре внимания данной работы находится социальное исследование рынков оловянных сувениров, традиционного ткачества и индустрии туризма и гостеприимства в районе Кампу-дас-Вертентес штата Минас-Жерайс (Бразилия). Проанализированные рынки в период с 2010 по 2020 гг. стали эффективными благодаря сотрудничеству между отдельными лицами и организациями, социальному конструированию и ориентации на социальные отношения во всех аспектах их развития.

Ключевые слова: социальные отношения, развитие туризма, ответственное взаимодействие

Для цитирования: Мело-Силва Г. Экономическая социология развития туризма внутренних районов штата Минас-Жерайс (Бразилия) // Современные проблемы сервиса и туризма. 2022. Т.16. №2. С. 109-118. Р01: 10.24412/1995-0411-2022-2-109-118.

Дата поступления в редакцию: 3 мая 2022 г. Дата утверждения в печать: 1 июня 2022 г.

1 Introduction

Local development is a topic of wide academic interest, for example, in organizational studies, economics, and sociology, whether due to the need for inclusion of vulnerable social strata or the possibilities of creating new economic and social structures. According to Ckagnazaroff et al. (2008), the socioeconomic context is fundamental to understanding the relationship between government, market agents, and social players involved in processes of promotion and coordination of actions related to local development.

For Steiner (2006), sociologists and economists are currently striving to show that it is necessary to include other forms of action in the economic methodological scheme of analysis of economic activities. The sociological approach to the economic phenomenon is oriented towards the analysis of behavior guided, for example, by ties, trust, social structure, and collective rationality, which influence economic decision-making processes and organizational alternatives through social criteria (Steiner, 2006).

The current reality of economic activities can be characterized as a post-industrial society organized in divided and specialized territories, which reinforces not only the individuality of individuals and organizations, but also increases solidarity among those who belong to local productive arrangements (APL). These cooperation networks are considered as a strategy for organizing territorialized productive systems and assume a determining role in the new approaches to local economic development (Conti, 2005). However, the approaches on these organizational arrangements do not contemplate socioeconomic analyses that allow understanding the dynamics of an inter-organizational relationship that initially can be defined as paradoxical, if we consider then in the sense used by Durkheim (1999), in terms of differentiation as a source of solidarity in territorialized productive systems.

This paper discusses how cohesion, trust, and solidarity were determinants for

the success of interorganizational arrangements of traditional productive systems in the inner of Minas Gerais State, in Brazil. This theoretical-empirical approach has not been fully used to understand the social immersion in a reality of the sociology of economic organization of territories. For this, we will initially present some conceptual bases of the sociology of economics and organizations, which will help us in the reflection of the bases on which the competition of economic activities generated solidarity in productive networks in three tourist municipalities of the microregion of Campo das Vertentes in Minas Gerais.

To understand the social relations that were critical to the success of economic organizations, descriptive-analytical research of local productive arrangements was used, through the use of secondary data from field research that took place between 2010 and 2020, in three inner cities of Minas Gerais: one focusing on the traditional weaving in municipality of Resende Costa (Silva, 2010; Silva & Neves, 2012; 2013), the other one analyzing the production of pewter souvenirs in the city of Sao Joao del Rei (Silva, Almeida & Ferreira, 2014) and the last one studying tourism sector in Tiradentes (Vasconcncelos, Melo-Silva & Maia, 2020), by focusing on its tourism industry, hotel and accommodation system.

The cases addressed describe local markets as social constructions, from their specific characteristics immersed in socioeconomic relations in the three municipalities of Minas Gerais. Through social network analysis the analyzed markets were represented graphically and through sociometric measures in which the authors (Silva, 2010; Silva & Neves, 2012, 2013; Silva, Almeida & Ferreira, 2014; Vasconcelos, Melo-Silva & Maia, 2020) present the positioning of actors in their respective inter-organizational networks, with their respective factors of influence in the generation of cooperative ties.

Social Relations in Markets: Immersion of Economic Action

Economic actions follow not only the concise and direct paths of maximization, but also the considerably more complex paths of

social relations (Swedberg, 2004). Non-economic aspects are fundamental to understanding human and market behavior. Social relations have institutional arrangements or moralities that are present in production and the economy, through individual rationality immersed in social relations (Granovetter, 2002).

The market is a social fact that the economic sociology seeks to understand specifically from the structure of social networks that influence collective action with the generation and cultural context of the market (Smelser; Swedberg, 1994). For Bourdieu (2005a, 2005b), there is an economic field, a social structure, in which the dispositions about economic action are inscribed. The actor and his or her economic decision are not configured as an isolated individual, but as a collective actor, be it a professional, family, or business group, which functions as a field. This may be deeply rooted in the past in the form of dispositions, routines or through the history of social actors (Bourdieu, 2005a, 2005b).

The analysis of markets as social constructions can be carried out from the relations between actors and groups, and not only through the institutionalized norms and rules. According to Raud-Mattedi (2005b), economic sociology, from the 1970s on, retrieves the sociological analysis of the core of economic life, that is, the market is considered as a social structure. From this perspective of social exchange, relationship network analysis has the advantage, according to Swedberg (2004), of being a flexible tool through which one can deal with a considerable number of social and economic market phenomena.

Division of Labor, Differentiation and Solidarity

According to Durkheim (1999), the economic services that the division of social labor (DSL) can provide are relatively minor compared to the moral effect it produces, and its true function would be to create, between two or several individuals or organizations, a feeling of solidarity. The effect of the division of labor is not to increase the output of the divided functions, but to make them

sympathetic (Durkheim, 1999). In the society divided by labor and regulated by the social contract, the role of morality is to allow the realization and adequacy between individual and collective interests (Raud-Mattedi, 2005a).

Durkheim (1999) considers that individuals pursue their own interests with social harmony, which essentially derives from the division of labor and consists of a cooperation that is automatically produced. This Durk-heimian perspective considers that threats to social harmony can be adjusted by social actors such as the state and professional corporations. Territorial social organizations can also have the social role of adjusting or even regulating economic relations between individual and collective or private and public interests.

According to Conti (2005), the understanding of development and economic modernization can be performed from the analysis of the characteristics of territorialized production systems, on the one hand, in the municipality, as an autonomous sphere of political-administrative organization of the country. On the other hand, also as associative consciousness of participation in the political life of the local community. And also when we consider the idea of social capital, that is, the stock of collective values and behaviors, expressed by a given community, as fundamental ingredients for its development and modernization.

The territorial immersion of the players can foster competitiveness in the local system with the implementation of habits, conventions, and behavioral norms, which are stimulated through geographical proximity, that transcend the traditional customer-supplier relationships and provide the formation of formal and informal strategic networks of collaboration and interaction. These networks are formed through local labor markets, conventions and rules formulated for the development of relationships and business knowledge (Conti, 2005).

In local productive arrangements (APL), the economic success of each organization starts to depend on its ability to specialize in

what it can establish effective and dynamic comparative advantages that result, according to Diniz, Santos and Crocco (2006), from the stock of attributes and the continuous innovation capacity, which leads territories to the creation of local organizations for its promotion, such as technology parks and incubators.

Territorialized networks establish greater coordination between organizations of certain sectors with the entire institutional environment. The success factors in network economies are in the fact that they enable cost reductions in the acquisition and promotion of territorial regulation species, which makes cooperation precede competition (Baiardi; Laniado, 2006). However, besides considering business organizations, these networks are social structures, and, inside them, other relevant social and political actors are immersed in each concrete situation. Therefore, the central feature of network analysis is in the relationships between social actors. These social actors also defend their individual interests, and to achieve these interests they have as part of the structure of the markets the social organization of their divided and specialized industrial units.

One of the main competitive characteristics of economic development policies is the need for organizations to act in a joint and associated way in certain territories, be they industrial districts, regions, municipalities, or cities. This supposed modernity and current-ness have stimulated policies to promote the socioeconomic development of territories, specifically called local productive arrangements. However, Durkheim (1999) discussed and reflected in the DSL that the different cities tend more and more to certain specialties, in such a way that they were distinguished in university cities, employee cities, factory cities, trade cities, water cities, and people who live off rents.

The success of territorialized organizational arrangements is not only anchored in aspects of technological viability of communication or economic fulfillment of consumption needs. Even at the end of the 19th

century, Durkheim (1999) observed that economic and technological aspects did not suppress the relevance of aspects such as cohesion and trust among social actors. Solidarity among the members of a territory in pursuit of social development stimulated both technological and economic development.

The decentralization of the large industrial corporation and the specialization of small and medium-sized companies were not the focus of Durkheim's (1999) reflections. However, it is an aspect of the ongoing socioeconomic phenomenon. The development of productive clusters has a direct impact on the local development of territories. Therefore, the discussions of regional and local development policies have been going through the execution of projects that aim to promote and articulate the players in local productive arrangements regardless of how they are linked to productive chains. Socioeconomic relations can help in the explanation of these socioeconomic phenomena.

Social aspects such as the moral effect of solidarity for territorialized production markets can be understood as socioeconomic structures of interorganizational networks. And in this sense, therefore, the social network is a concept that complements Durkheim's (1999) discussion, specifically of the structure of industrial societies, defining a typology for social relations. This work recovers that typology and uses it as an analytical category in conjunction with the process of division of labor and that reaffirms the importance of cohesion, solidarity, trust, and collective regulation. One of the important aspects that the network perspective takes up in Durkheim's (1999) discussion of economic sociology is the role of trust between actors, mainly as an objective social form of regulation of the parties. For Granovetter (1973), trust is stimulated and distrust is discouraged when actions in the market are embedded in broader structures of personal relationships and social exchanges.

The social capital of these networks would be a consequence of trust relationships, therefore, a synthesis of micro and

macro-social relationships, in which strong and weak ties are considered, focusing on the formation and development of social networks, observing both individual and collective influences on the social construction of markets. For Bourdieu (2002), social capital is an integration of current or potential resources linked by the possession of durable networks, more or less institutionalized, through mutual relationships of knowledge and recognition of group members (ethnic, family, gender, class, geographic, etc.), from various senses or social credentials. In other words, relationship networks produce investment strategies, individual or collective, conscious or unconscious, pointing to the establishment or social reproduction of relationships, which are usual in the short or long term, and can be internalized.

Economic Organization Sociology of the Tourism Market in the

Inner of Minas Gerais State (Brazil)

The markets of household utensils, decorative items and tourist services discussed in this paper have in common a reality of their traditional uniqueness, which in the three cases analyzed - municipalities of Resende Costa, Sao Joao del Rei and Tiradentes -, all in Minas Gerais, conform the construction of these territories since the eighteenth century.

The residents and some entrepreneurs (after all these ones) have known how to take advantage of the opportunities of the regional tourist market by associating traditional knowledge to meet the demand for tourist products, goods and services, and by the easy access to the main inputs of the traditional weaving and the production of pewter pieces, as well as tourist receptions associated with the material and immaterial heritage.

The socioeconomic reality existing in the analyzed towns was mediated by family, friendship, and even origin relations that mediate and intensify the economic exchanges. This socioeconomic reality was made possible mainly by two factors. On one hand, by the need to satisfy the consumption needs of producers and traders paid for their activities in the local productive systems. On the other

hand, by Brazilian and international tourists and shopkeepers looking for traditional products and regional tourist services.

Traditional Weaving of Resende Costa

The first families that founded the city of Resende Costa (MG), in 1749, passed on to the following generations the art of spinning and weaving by hand. Initially, weaving did not have commercial purposes. It was weaved to make clothes and ornaments for parties and religious ceremonies.

The tradition has been maintained for more than two centuries. In the 1980s, the production and marketing of household utensils and decorative textile pieces were boosted by tourism in the cities of Sao Joao del Rei and Tiradentes. Silva (2010) identified, in the late 2010s, 1,072 home-based workers in the occupations of weaving, rolling retail yarns, piecing retail and finishing pieces. Market specialization was not restricted to home-based production. The commercial link of traditional weaving also specialized in the roles of producing, marketing pieces, and supplying inputs. The 191 people employed in the commercial establishments specialized as salespeople and as managers (Silva, 2010).

The traditional textile production system was, according to Silva (2010), bureaucrati-cally organized between the home producer and commercial establishments, mainly from the late twentieth century. Until the end of the 1960s, the products from the municipality were mostly commercialized by street vendors. From the late 1980's on, the first stores were established in the city. This movement increased in the 1990's, with the development of tourism in Tiradentes (Santos; Silva, 1997).

The traditional weaving market in Resende Costa was characterized, according to Silva and Neves (2012 and 2013), as a local productive arrangement in which the economic success of each organization, productive or commercial household, depended on its ability to specialize in what these social groups managed to establish as effective and dynamic comparative advantages (Diniz et al., 2006). Specialization was evident in the producer households visited, as, for example,

from the functions of production of pieces and suppliers of yarns.

The establishment of effective and dynamic comparative advantages through specialization was not restricted in this market to home production. The commercial link of traditional weaving specialized in the functions of producing and marketing parts, trading parts, and supplying inputs. The expansion of the division and specialization of traditional municipal labor indicated, as advocated by Durkheim (1999), that this market has been expanding its activities with the creation of new productive differentiations, whether in the home-based or commercial link. According to the Durkheimian perspective, this reality is expected and normal. The differentiation of the municipality has promoted in its economic organizations an extensive division of labor that indicates both a sharpening of competition and the emergence of economic relations as a source of solidarity.

The innovative actions of specialization and work organization, promoted in this territory by the entrepreneur trader, were associated with the social relations that provided the social construction of the traditional weaving market. Here, the relationship between economy and geography was a reality that could be observed through territorialized production systems (LEMOS, 2006), which had in the local external economies, determining factors for the very existence of agglomeration (SUZIGAN et al., 2005). Their actions provided reduced costs to their agglomerated enterprises, such as, for example, those provided by the social capital of the families of origin, identified in the producing households and commercial establishments, which also play the role of socially organizing the local production. However, as Conti (2005) points out, territory never directly creates networks, but favors the constitution of relationships between socially close actors.

In the traditional weaving market of the municipality in question, networks were formed from family ties. As already described, Silva (2010) identifies in his work 83 families of paternal origin in the producing households

and 28 families of paternal origin in the commercial establishments. From the families of this territory, the trust of economic relations emerged, which was evident with the small number of families that concentrated, proportionally, the majority of producer households and commercial establishments.

The family was an important institution in this social group, moderating their economic relations and motivating individuals to enter the activity, be it productive or commercial, as well as being the main means of socialization at work. According to Granovetter (1994), an important point that helps us distinguish family economic groups from simple financial agglomerations, such as conglomerates, is the existence of social solidarity and of a social structure among the firms that compose it, in this case, from the family ties that unite individuals in their producing households and commercial establishments.

Based on Silva and Neves (2012), the differentiation of the supply and sales relationships of the productive units in the market indicates that family ties have socially structured the market analyzed here and influenced social processes through the position of actors in a socioeconomic network. This network emerges at the time of the acquisition of inputs from producer households and the purchase of products by commercial establishments. According to Granovetter (1994 and 2002), these economic actors do not take into account only their own interests, but also, particularly in the market analyzed here, the traditional institutional context. In other words, the family institution, which can provide conditions for social cohesion, playing the role of regulating the contract and guaranteeing the individual rights of those who are directly involved in the productive process at the time of the mercantile exchange, either in the supply of inputs or in the sale of the household production to the local commercial establishment.

Pewter souvenirs from Sao Joao del Rei

The pewter market in Sao Joao del Rei (MG) was analyzed, by Silva, Almeida and Ferreira (2014), from 31 economic organizations

and individual entrepreneurs that were related to each other. The oldest enterprise had been in operation since 1978 and all occupied 56 workers in their production operations. The city of Sao Joao del Rei (MG) produces Brazil's only tin of world-renowned quality.

According to Sebrae (2006), currently the city concentrates the largest number of souvenir factories and the largest concentration of tin artisans in Latin America. At the end of the 1960s, Englishman John Leonel Somers recovered and developed in Sao Joao del Rei techniques for the production of tin artifacts, renewing and rekindling these local economic activities. Some of his former employees, as well as other entrepreneurs, set up factories producing household utensils, decorative and religious pieces in pewter. The resurgence of economic activities that took advantage of the mineral potential in tin, existing in this region of the State of Minas Gerais, had as a consequence for the city, according to Silveira (2008) and SEBRAE (2006), the positioning of the city as a reference of household and decorative utensils with this metal in Latin America.

The reality of this productive system of the local tourist market has as a consequence the traditional singularity of this territory in which entrepreneurs knew how to take advantage, at the end of the twentieth century, of the opportunities of the regional tourist market with the association of traditional knowledge and the demand for typical products. In this market there are social actors that can be characterized as factories and craftsmen, input suppliers, service providers, and those who associate the provision of services with supply. The indication of differentiation of supply and sales relations of the productive units of this market and the relationship of strong and weak ties existing in the origin of the involvement of the owners with the productive system, signaled that these influence the social processes through the position of the actors in the network (Silva, Almeida & Ferreira, 2014).

According to Silva, Almeida & Ferreira (2014), there were three differentiated

groups in the interorganizational network of producers of tin parts. Thus, according to Swedberg (1994), we can say that the market for the production of handmade pewter pieces is not constituted of isolated economic organizations, as in the models of perfect competition of economic science, but of clusters of differentiated organizations that form a social structure. This differentiation is justified by the organizational characteristic of each company in the regional context. The organizations differed in the network in relation to size and also to the type of parts produced.

The network analyzed highlighted mainly the groups of actors that were characterized as smaller factories and craftsmen. According to Granovetter (1994), these economic groups are distinct from simple financial agglomerations, such as conglomerates, since there was a solidarity and social structure among these organizations. This solidarity was immersed in social bonds, which were built in previous work environments, and which enabled not only the training for work, but also the bases for social relationships in the inter-organizational network of the tin production system. Therefore, making use of Granovetter (2002), these social networks may have facilitated the c116irculation of information and ensured trust among the actors.

The inter-organizational network of tin souvenir factories and their operational partners, indicated in a clear way how the enterprises that produce tin objects are divided and organized with interaction with their partners, whether they are suppliers or specialized service providers or even commercialization partners.

Tourism Industry, Hotel and Accommodation System in Tiradentes

The city of Tiradentes (MG) is a recognized Brazilian tourist destination with several economic activities, both locally and regionally focused on the historical and cultural attractions of the Campo das Vertentes region. Considering the tourist agglomeration and its relational specificities, the research focus of Vasconcelos, Melo-Silva and Maia (2020) was

centered on the hotel industry in the city of Tiradentes, the main tourist destination in the region.

Vasconcelos, Melo-Silva and Maia (2020) analyzed the cooperative relationships among 56 accommodations in the city of Tiradentes (MG), of these 28 owners were from Tiradentes, 18 from other locations in Minas Gerais and 10 from other states. It became evident in the network of guesthouses surveyed that origin and gender enable the formation of denser social networks, and these characteristics can influence the rationality of the enterprises through the criteria immersed in the owners' social relations. As identified, there was evidence of homophily in social networks among owners based on their origin and gender (Vasconcelos, Melo-Silva & Maia, 2020).

The more enclosed relational structure, consequently with greater density, would favor the emergence of norms and social control. In view of this, it can be assumed that the more enclosed structure of the naturals would configure a stronger subgroup, with greater decision-making power vis-à-vis the economic segment of the city. In this way, the foreigner subgroup is in a position of less power in the relational structure. Still in relation to the foreign group, perhaps the cultural difference, the level of trust between the actors and other factors may explain the low relationship with the Tiradentes owners (Vasconcelos, Melo-Silva & Maia, 2020).

The market network of guesthouses researched indicates, making use of Granovetter (2002) and Smelser and Swedberg (1994), that it emerges from broader social groups, for example, in this case in which economic action is immersed in the owners' social ties, developed, according to the results of this work, by the origin and gender of the owners.

Conclusions

Productive agglomerations confirm that markets are social constructions that, from

the social division of labor (DSL), have an important source of solidarity, fostered by the competition of individuals, organizations, and territories. However, to understand the market as a social construction, we must understand the social organization as a challenge for PLAs (Productive Local Arrangements) and also the collective action and the social structure of markets. Therefore, for an understanding through a sociological perspective of organizations in the market, it is not enough to understand the sociology of the division of labor, but we must also understand the sociology of collective action in markets through social relationships.

The economic interests of the markets analyzed were immersed in a social structure guided by family ties, work relationships, and the origin of the owners from which social solidarity emerged and provided a synergy between the collective action of certain groups. According to Granovetter (2002), solidarity is immersed in social bonds, which facilitate the circulation of information and ensured trust by limiting opportunistic behavior in the social structure of the market. However, even if there is a mediation, or even a social contract in the Durkheimian sense, endorsed by families, workers, and fellow countrymen, these social networks do not allow us to fully understand how this complex and highly specialized productive system was crystallized in the territory in question, promoting local development.

What was evident in the labor and productive relations of the analyzed markets was that there was a conciliation, even if asymmetric, of the individual interest of homo eco-nomicus and the local population. However, the social structure of these markets can be characterized as networks in which families, workers, and fellow countrymen interacted as producers, entrepreneurs, and traders with positions in the network, playing roles of mediating relationships that could be configured as a problem of power relations.

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