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Vaclav Blazek (Brno, Masaryk University)
Dravidian Numerals
Although the most probable affiliation of the Dravidian language family on the macro-comparative level lies with the Nostratic superfamily, potential ties between Proto-Dravidian numerals and known Nostratic words for numerals remain scarce. The article summarizes most of the existing hypotheses on the origins of Dravidian numerals, both internal and external, and adds a few others based on the author's theory of a possible Australian substratum in Proto-Dravidian. It is concluded that the latter theory may shed some much needed light on this complicated issue
Numerals belong to the relatively stable part of lexicon of almost all language families, although they are certainly not immune against borrowing. This lack of immunity can be convincingly demonstrated on data from certain Dravidian languages: thus, Brahui has borrowed all the numerals above "3" from Persian, while other Dravidian languages have introduced them from Indo-Aryan languages: Malto (everything starting with "1", although inherited forms for "1" and "2" are also in parallel use), Kurukh (above "3"), Kuwi and Kui (above "2"; in Kui inherited forms for "3" - "7" are in parallel use), Pengo (above "2"), Kolami (above "4", besides parallel inherited forms), Gondi (above "7", besides parallel inherited forms). On the other hand, some non-Dravidian languages, e. g. Nihali, borrowed their numerals from their Dravidian neighbours: e. g. Nihali irar "2", moth(o) "3", nalku, nalo "4" ([Kuiper 1966: 74 - 75]).
The main purposes of the present study are to describe the inherited Dravidian numerals, to try to understand their structure through internal etymologization, and, where possible, to discuss their external parallels. External comparison is understood here as drawing upon data from hypothetically related languages, hypothetical old substrata and neighbouring language families and language isolates. As far as external genetic relationship is concerned, the situation is approached here from the point of view of the Nostratic hypothesis, proposing a common origin for Afroasiatic, Kartvelian, Indo-European, Uralic, Altaic, and Dravidian languages. (It should be mentioned that Robert Caldwell, the author of the first comparative grammar of Dravidian languages, was one of the first scholars who had already speculated about a distant relationship among these language families). Special attention will be paid to the data of the Elamite language, sometimes assumed to be closely related to Dravidian (McAlpin 1981).
We know next to nothing about pre-Dravidian substrata in India, with the potential exception of Nihali, although for this language the Austric affiliation seems most probable. In respect to this, the old hypothesis about a possible Dravidian-Australian relation ([Muller 1882: 95 - 98]; [Caldwell 1913: 75 - 77, 395]; recently again [Dixon 1980: 236, 488 - 489]) is reinterpreted here from this point of view — namely, that the pre-Dravidian substratum could be related to Australian languages ([Blazek 1992: 421 - 431]). Finally, out of all the neighbouring languages it is most reasonable to take into particular account the Munda family, as one of the most common sources of borrowing into Dravidian.
Dravidian cardinal numerals have been reconstructed and etymologized as follows:
"one"
1.1. *oru=(C)/ *or=(V) ([DEDR: ^ 990 (a)]; [Zvelebil 1977: 34]) = *or- (G. Starostin).
Etymology:
1.1.1. Andronov ([1994: 169]) thinks that -r- in *oru-/ *or- is secondary relative to the root *ol-, discussed below. It is reasonable to think that the inlaut -r- of the following numeral *iru- / *ir-could have influenced the transition *ol- > *or-. Since the sequence *wo- is not attested in Dravidian, it is possible to speculate about a protoform *wol-, which would be compatible with East Cushitic *wal- / *wil- > Saho wili "one", Somali wal "all", Elmolo wol "together", Oromo wol(-i) "together, with", Sidamo wole "other" ([Sasse 1982: 188 - 189]).
1.1.2. There is a hypothetical possibility to identify here a substratum influence of the Australian type; cf. examples from various groups of Pama-Nyungan: Karanya uru ([Curr II: ^ 104]), Pitta-Pitta ururu ([Kluge 1938: 68 after Roth]) (two languages of the Pitta-Pitta group); Karuwali (Karna subgroup of the Dieri group) orru (Curr) = uru, Wongkumara (Ngura subgroup of the Dieri group) warra "1" ([Curr II, №° 106, 52]; [Schmidt, Anthropos 7, 1912: 492]).
1.2. *onru ([DEDR: ^ 990 (d)]) = *on-tu ([Krishnamurti 2001: 255]) = *ond- (G. Starostin).
Etymology:
Journal of Language Relationship • Вопросы языкового родства • 1 (2009) • pp. 69 - 80
1.2.1. Andronov ([1994: 168 -169]) reconstructs an original *on-tu < *ol-tu on the basis of Tamil ol-, Malayalam ollu- "to unite", cf. also Tamil ol "end". Regularity of the development -l + t> -nr- may be demonstrated, for instance, on the example of the Tamil verb al- "to be not so-and-so" in the 3rd p. sg. ntr. antu ([DEDR: ^ 234]).
1.3. *okk- "one, single, alone" ([DEDR: ^ 990 (b)]) = *ok(k)- (G. Starostin).
Etymology:
1.3.1. Andronov ([1994: 169]) derives it from *ol- + -kk-, via *ork-, cf. Konda uRku uRku "one each".
1.3.2. Krishnamurti ([2001: 255]) prefers analyzing this and the other forms as a combination of the bare root *o with suffixes -r-, -n-, -k-; the root *o here is the same as in Old Tamil o "to unite". This solution is perhaps compatible with the idea of Andronov ([1978: 240]), who speculates about the same primitive root reflected in Malayalam o- "to be similar".
1.3.3. Andronov ([1978: 240]) also admits a possible connection with IE *oi-nolko/uo- "one".
1.4. *onti "alone, single" ([DEDR: ^ 990 (c)]).
"two"
2.1. *iru=(C)l *Tr=(V) ([DEDR: ^ 474]; [Zvelebil 1977: 34]) = *ir- (G. Starostin).
Etymology:
2.1.1. Caldwell ([1913: 331]) derived the numeral *Tr- "2" from the verb *Tr-, attested in Tamil Tr (-pp-, -tt-) "to drag along, pull, attract, carry, flay, draw, paint, write", Malayalam Tr "splitting, sawing", Truka "to saw, split", Kannada Tr "to pull, draw", Paq'i Trp- "to pull", Gadba Tr- "to pull, drag", Gondi ric- "to cut with saw". However, Pengo nir- "to pull", if related, probably excludes this etymology ([DEDR: ^ 542]).
2.1.2. Caldwell himself also tried to find parallels outside the Dravidian family. His comparison with the potential Kartvelian counterparts is undoubtedly remarkable: Georgian or-, vor-, Me-grelian zir-, zar-, Laz zu(r)-, ju(r)-, jur-, Svan jori, jori, jerbi < *jerwi < *jewri < *jori, derivable from proto-Kartvelian *jor- "2" ([Klimov 1998: 144 - 145]). Yet the fact that it is the only common Kartvelian lexeme reconstructed with an initial *j- is rather suspicious.
2.1.3. Again, there is a substratum alternative indicated by Australian forms: Tiwi (one of the non-Pama-Nyungan languages spoken at the Melville Island in north from the Arnhem Land) yur-rara "2" ([Blake 1981: 112]); Wailpi yierlina "2", Kaurna illa "2", yerrabbola "4" (both Yura subgroup of the South-Western group of the Pama-Nyungan family), Meyu (dialect of Kaurna) yerra "mutually, both", yerrabula "4" = 'dual of' yerra ([Kluge 1938, 59 - 61]).
Note: The North Munda numeral *iral- "8", attested in Santali, Birhor irsl, Mundari iralia, Ho irilia, Kurku ilar(ia) ([Pinnow 1959: 86]), stands isolated within both Munda and Austro-Asiatic. The numeral can be explained as having a Dravidian origin, provided it reflects a compound consisting of the Dravidian numeral *ir- and the verb *al- "to be not so-and-so" > Tamil al- id., Malayalam alla "is not that", not thus", Kota ala■ "to be not so-and-so", Toda alosy "except", Kannada alla "to be not so-and-so", Kodagu alla id., Gondi hal "not", Malto -l- 'negative morpheme', Brahui all- 'base of past negative tenses of anning "to be"' ([DEDR: ^ 234]); thus, *ir-al = "two-is not". It is possible to imagine a (North) Dravidian origin for this specific Northern Munda isogloss.
2.2. *utri "pair" > Tulu udri "a match, pair", Telugu uddi "a match, an equal, a rival; equal", uddincu "to pair, match, couple" ([DEDR: ^ 623]).
2.2.1. Within the framework of the hypothesis of an Australian-type substratum influence it is tempting to wonder if this word could not be related to Pama-Nyungan *kutyarra "2" ([Blake 1988: 43]: formed from *kutya by the non-singular suffix -rra; cf. the reconstruction of the 2nd person pronoun: sg. *NHu- : du. *NHunpala : pl. *NHurra, by [Evans 1988: 103]). Loss of the expected initial *k- is not unprecedented in Dravidian, especially before back vowels, cf., e.g., Tamil konayl onay, Malayalam konayil onayi "wolf" ([Andronov 1994: 85]).
"three"
3.1. *muv=(C) |*mw=(V) ([DEDR: ^ 5052]; [Zvelebil 1977: 34 - 35]) = *mu- (G. Starostin) = *muH- ([Krishnamurti 2001: 330]: plus the neuter marker *-ntu).
Etymology:
3.1.1. Andronov ([1994: 169 - 170) assumes segmentation into *mun- and the neuter marker *-tu. In the first edition of his Comparative Grammar of Dravidian Languages ([1978: 242]) Andronov speculates about a derivation from Dravidian *mun- > Tamil mun "in front", munai "front, face, eminence, point, edge", Malayalam mun "priority in space and time", Kota mun- "front, fore", mon "point", Toda mun "in front", min "sharp point", Kannada mun "that which is before, in front of', muntu "the front
part or side, front", Kodagu minna "in front, further", mone "sharp point", muy gay "forearm", Tulu mune, mone "point, end", Telugu muni "first, former, previous, front", Kolami muni "sting of scorpion", mut "before" = Naiki mund id., Parji muna vanda "forefinger", mundi "in front", muni "tip, point", Gadba mundel "the front", Gondi munne "in front of', mune "ahead", Konda mundala "in front", Kuwi munu "point of needle", Kurukh munddh, mund "first, ahead of, previous to", Malto mundi "formerly, in ancient times", Brahui mon ([DEDR: ^ 5020]). He suggests the development "protruding finger" > "middle finger" > "third finger". The root *mun- is indeed used to designate one of the fingers, namely, "forefinger" in Parji muna vanda, probably in the sense of "first finger" (if the "thumb" is not included).
3.1.2. Alternatively, accepting a substratum origin, it is necessary to take into account some of the Australian forms for the numeral "3" (all from the South-Western group of the Pama-Nyungan family): Natingero dialect of Kalamai mow (Mirniny subgroup), Yungar dialect of Wadjuk moa, Wardand mow, Warrango mowe, Ngokgurring mow, Nyakinyaki mow (all from the Nyunga subgroup). There are also longer forms in various languages of the South-Western group: Natingero (see above) monga, Luritja or Kukatja munngorra, Bedengo murrngul, Jumu ('Lake Amadeus') mun-kuripa, and Malgana ('Gascoyne River') manguraba or ('Sharkes Bay') mangaranu "3" ([Kluge 1938: 54 - 55]), where the second component can be identified with Nawu (Yura subgroup of the South-Western group) karbu "3" ([Kluge 1938: 56).
"four"
4.1. *nal ([DEDR: ^ 3655]; [Zvelebil 1977: 34]; (G. Starostin).
Etymology:
4.1.1. Following Kittel ([1908]), Caldwell ([1913: 335]) speculated about a relation between the numeral *nal "4" and the adjective *nal "good" > Tamil nal (nar-) "good", nalla "good, fine, excellent, abundant", Malayalam nal "good, fine", nalla "good, right, fine, handsome, real, true", Toda nas "beauty", Kannada nal "goodness, fairness, fineness", nala(vu), nalivu "pleasure, delight", Kodagu nalle "good", Tulu nala, nalu "good, cheap", Telugu naluvu "beauty, ability, beautiful", Gondi nela "good" ([DEDR: ^ 3610]). But Caldwell himself admitted that the semantic development remains unexplained.
4.1.2. Andronov ([1994: 170]) mentions that Tamil nalu means both "4" and "several", similarly Malayalam nalu and Telugu nalugu. But the primary meaning "several" would be understandable only if "four" were the highest numeral. It seems more probable to suppose a seconadry development "four" ^ "several", not vice versa.
4.1.3. On the other hand, there are some remarkable external parallels. Caldwell ([1913: 335]) concluded: "The resemblance between the Finnish tongues and the Dravidian, with respect to the numeral "four", amounts almost to identity, and can scarcely have been accidental." The Fenno-Ugric data look as follows: *nelja (> *nelja) > Finnish nelja, Estonian neli, gen. nelja | Lappish North njwllje, Lule nielja, Kildin nielj, Akkala nel' | Mordvin Erzya nil'e, Moksha nil'a | Mari ml | Udmurt Kazan nul', Sarapul nil'; Komi Permyak nol', East nul' | Khanty Vach neh, Obdorsk nil; Mansi Tavda nilv, Pelymka nil'd, Sosva nila; Hungarian negy id., negyven "40" ([UEW: 315 - 316]) ||| ? Altaic: Middle Korean myh id. || Tungus *no[l]gun "6" ([Blazek 1999: 130]).
4.1.4. Alternatively, Dravidian "4" could be of substratum origin if we accept its Australian connections: cf. the forms for "4" in some Australian languages, all from the vast Pama-Nyungan family: Nawu (Yura subgroup of South-Western group) nulla (^ 63: 'Gawler Range' by [Curr 1886]), unidentified language nalira 155 from 'Tambo, Barcoo River'), Koa (Maric subgroup of Pama-Maric group) nadera (^ 140: 'Diamantina River, Middleton Creek'), Maraura (Narrinyeri group) nailko (^ 84: 'Murray River'). These forms were collected by E. M. Curr in his monumental collection of aboriginal language vocabularies The Australian Race, I - III, published in Melbourne 1886; here quoted according to [Trombetti 1923: 83] who was the first to compare Dravidian & Australian forms).
4.2. *kirt-a "one-fourth" > Kannada gidda, girda, gira "a fourth part"; giddana, gidna "the fourth part of a solige", Telugu gidda, gidde "one-fourth of the sola measure" ([DEDR: ^ 1553]).
4.2.1. It is possible to speculate about a relation with Pama-Nyungan *kutyarra "two" (see 2.2). In some Australian languages the numeral "4" is formed from the numeral "2" by means of the dual suffix *-pa/ula, cf. Potaruwutj (Kulin group of the Pama-Nyungan family) kirtpan & kurtpun ([Curr III: 492, 494]: 'Hopkins River'; quoted after [Kluge 1938: 74]).
"five"
5.1. *cayN=(C)/ *cay=(V) ([DEDR: ^ 2826]; [Zvelebil 1977: 34 - 35]) = *sai- (G. Starostin).
Etymology:
5.1.1. Andronov ([1994: 171 - 172) connects the numeral "5" with Dravidian *kay-/ *key- "hand" > Tamil kai "hand, arm; elephant's trunk; handle", Malayalam kai, kayyi id., kayyu "the hand", Kota kay "hand, arm", Toda koy id., Kannada kay, kay(y)i, key "hand, forearm; handle; trunk of elephant", Kodagu kay "hand, arm", Tulu kai "hand; handle", Telugu ceyi, cey(y)i "hand, arm; elephant's trunk", kai "the hand", Kolami ki-, kiy, kiyu, key "hand, arm", Naiki ki "hand", Parji key id., Gadba ki, kiy, kiyyu id., Gondi kay, kai id., Konda kiyu, kivu id., Pengo key, Manda kiy id., Kui kaju, kagu "hand, arm; elephant's trunk", pl. kaska, Kuwi keyu, keyyu, keyu, pl. keska, Kurukh xekkha "hand, arm", Malto qeqe "hand" ([DEDR: ^ 2023]). Andronov's solution is undoubtedly acceptable from a semantic point of view, but it is difficult to understand why the initial consonant of the numeral became palatalized, in contrast with "hand" (this is the main objection of [Krishnamurti 2001: 255]). It should be stressed that in the case of "hand", only the Telugu form ceyi, cey(y)i undergoes (regular) palatalization (but not kai "the hand", possibly a re-borrowing from Kannada). On the other hand, it is legitimate to suppose the influence of the following numeral *caru/ *car "6".
It is also possible to speculate about the relationship between "5" and Konda sena, Pengo heni "many" ([DEDR: ^ 2824]).
5.1.2. Altaic: Middle Korean tasas "5" = ta "all" + son "hand"; suyn "50" ([Blazek 1999: 130]).
5.1.3. There are interesting parallels in Austro-Asiatic languages: geographically closest is Khasi san "5" (Nagaraja); further cf. proto-Mon *(m-)suun id. ([Diffloth 1976]), &c.
"six"
6.1. *caru=(C) / * car=(V) ([DEDR: ^ 2485]; [Zvelebil 1977: 35]) = *sad- (G. Starostin).
6.1.1. Andronov ([1994: 172]) rejects the proto-Dravidian status of the alternation *caru=(C)/ *car=(V), which is found only in South Dravidian. As the starting point, he reconstructs *cal- + -tu with the neuter marker *-tu, an almost universal formative of numerals; in this case, the root can be identified with *cal- > Tamil cal "to be abundant, full, sufficient, great", Malayalam cala "richly, fully", Kannada sal(u) "to be sufficient or enough, suffice", Telugu calu "to be able, capable, bear, endure, be enough, sufficient", cala "abundant(ly)", Kolami sal "to be able, can", Gondi halna "completely", al- "to be able", Konda sal- "to be capable of, be suitable", Kuwi hal- "to suffice, be enough to" ([DEDR: ^ 2470]). The primary meaning of the numeral "six" = "the abundant [one]" is quite natural, cf. the most probable etymology of the Indo-European numeral *(k)sueks- ~ *(s)ueks-"6" based on the root *ueks- "to grow" > Lithuanian vesetiz"to grow vigorously; flourish" (see [Blazek 1999: 239 - 241] with references). For the change *-l + t- > *-r- Andronov (l.c.) finds an analogy in certain Tamil non-case sandhi patterns, such as aridu "banyan [is] bad" < al tidu (Tamil al, alam "banyan", &c.: [DEDR: ^ 382], & Tamil titu "evil, fault, defect": [DEDR: ^ 3267]).
6.1.2. It is possible to speculate about a compound of the type *cay "5" + *oru- "1".
"seven"
7.1. *eru=(C)/ *er=(V) ([DEDR: ^ 910]; [Zvelebil 1977: 35]) = *er-u-/ *er- ([Krishnamurti 2001: 63]) = *jor- (G. Starostin: vocalization after Gondwan *jor- while *-e- in other branches could have been influenced by the following numeral *en- "8"; in his dissertation [Starostin 2000: ^ 350] reconstructs *e, i. e. *jer-, in his transcription *jer-).
7.1.1. Caldwell ([1913: 342]) explained this numeral as a verbal noun, derived from *er(u) "to rise" > Tamil eru "to rise, ascend (as heavenly body), rise by one's own power, originate, be excited, aroused, increase, grow, begin", erucci "rising, ascent, elevation, starting, origin, beginning, birth", erumai, Malayalam eru "height, prominence", Kota er "weight", Kannada er, er(u) "to stand up, rise, awake, spring up, be produced, be obtained", Kodagu e-l- "to get up", Tulu erkuni "to rise or collect", erka "full; fullness", Brahui harfing "to raise, support, carry (off)", &c. ([DEDR: ^ 851]). Although the semantic motivation is not transparent (< *"full"?; cf. Written Mongolian doluyan "7" : Turkic *dol- "to fill" or Turkic *jatti "7" : *jat- "be enough", Turkish dial. yetiz "all, whole, full"; see Blazek 1999, 116), this etymology remains most promising.
7.1.2. Caldwell ([1913: 342]) also speculated about a relation with Turkic *jatti "7" (on the etymology, see 7.1.1), but Dravidian *-r- and Turkic *-t(t)- has not been recognized by anybody as a valid correspondence.
7.1.3. There are other possible cognates in Altaic: Turkic *jor "100" | Written Mongolian yerii "the most of", yerudugen "for the greatest part, generally", yeruijkei "common" | Middle Korean jsr "10", jdrih "a big quantity, number" | Old Japanese joro-du "10.000" (see Blazek 1999, 117). The pri-
mary semantics is in good agreement with the Dravidian verb *er(u) "to rise" &c., discussed in §7.1.1. For both Altaic and Dravidian a common Nostratic denominator *jerUmay be established.
Note: The North Munda numeral *eya "7", attested in Santali eae, Mundari eja, ea(e), Ho iya, aia, Birhor eae, aea, Kurku (y)eya ([Pinnow 1959: 269]), stands isolated within Munda and Austro-Asiatic in general. It could be borrowed from a Dravidian donor language in which Proto-Dravidian *-r-changed into -y-. Such a change is described, e.g., for Irula & Kota (Irula kuyi, Kota koy "pit, hole" : Tamil kuri: [DEDR: ^ 1818]); Toda (toy "to be lowered" : Tamil tar id.: [DEDR: ^ 3178]); Manda (nuy-"to wash" < *nor-/ *not-: [DEDR: ^ 3783]); and Kurukh (kiyya "under", also Brahui ki "below, down" < *kir-: [DEDR:"^ 1619]), cf. [Zvelebil 1970: 150, § 1.34.3 - 4; 151, § 1.34.5; 153, §§ 1.34.11.3 & 1.34.14]; [Krishnamurti 2001, 42 - 75]. The best candidate for a donor language for North Munda would be Proto-North Dravidian or, rather, its earlier ancestor that still preserved the higher numerals.
"eight"
8.1. *ettu/ *en ([DEDR: ^ 784]; [Zvelebil 1977: 35]) = *enttu/ *en ([Andronov 1994: 173]) = *en- (-nt-) (G. Starostin).
8.1.1. Already Caldwell ([1913, 345 - 346]) identified this numeral with the stem *en "number", *en- "to count, calculate", joined by the neuter suffix *-(t)tu; cf. the data: Tamil en "thought", calculation, number", eni "number", ennu "to think, consider, determine, esteem, conjecture, count, reckon", Malayalam en "number, thought", Toda on- "to count", onm "counting, numbers", Kannada enike "counting, number, thinking, observation", ennu "to count, think", Kodagu enn- "to say, tell", Tulu ennuni "to count, think", ennige "calculation, estimation", Telugu ennu "to count, reckon", encu "to count, reckon, enumerate, think, consider, believe", Parji eja "number", eja caj-"to count", Pengo eja ki- id., Manda eji ki- id., Kuwi eji kinai id. ([DEDR: ^ 793]).
8.2. *en(u)-pa(k)ti is reconstructible for Tulu, Telugu, Kolami and Gondi.
8.2.1. Although Tyler ([1986: 10]) accepts the identification of the word *en "number" with the numeral "8", he alternatively offers to interpret the compound *en(u)-pa(C)ti as "a pair [subtracted from] ten" or "rest of ten", where the first component can be identified with Tamil enai "other; the rest" ([DEDR: ^ 919]) or *inay > Tamil inai "pair, couple, likeness, union", Malayalam ina "pair, couple, union, companion", Kannada ene, ena "a couple, pair, connexion, equality, similarity, a match", Kodagu ene "double", ene makka "twins", Tulu ine, ine "a couple, pair, companion, mate", Telugu ena "equal, equality, a match" ([DEDR: ^ 457]). Although such constructions are not altogether improbable, the phonetic problems of *i vs. *e and *n vs. *n remain unresolved.
8.2.2. Andronov ([1994: 173]) decides that the second component here is secondary, caused by analogy with the numeral "9".
"nine"
9.1. *on-/*or-paktu ([DEDR: ^ 1025]).
9.1.1. Apparently "one [subtracted from] ten" (so [Caldwell 1913: 347], and independently Gundert).
9.2. *tol-(pak-)tu ([DEDR: ^ 3532]) = *tol-pad- (G. Starostin).
9.2.1. Caldwell ([1913: 348]) suggested that *tol- be identified with Dravidian *tol-/ *tol- "before", directly attested in Kuwi tolli(e), toli "before, formerly", cf. further Gondi tolle "previous", Telugu toli "beginning; first, former, previous, old", Tamil tol "old, ancient", tollai, tollai "antiquity, ancientness" ([DEDR: ^ 3516]). The semantic motivation "before [ten]" is quite acceptable.
9.2.2. The first component is almost universally identified with the root *tol-, attested in Tamil toj "to perforate, bore with an instrument", tollai "hole, perforation, pit, anything tubular, fault, defect", Malayalam totta "hole, cavity", Kota toyl- "to pierce", tol "hole, vagina", Kannada tole "hole, cavity", Tulu toluve "hole", tolu "hole; empty", Telugu toli "hole", Gondi tullana "to be pierced" ([DEDR: ^ 3528]; cf. also [Andronov 1994: 174]). However, the semantic motivation "defect [ten]" or "empty [ten]" seems rather vague.
"ten"
10.1. *pak-tu ([DEDR: ^ 3918]) = *paH- & neuter suffix *-tu ([Krishnamurti 2001: 328]) = *paT- (G. Starostin).
10.1.1. Caldwell ([1913: 351]) accepted Gundert's idea that Dravidian "10" may be borrowed from Sanskrit pankti- "set of five", cf. also the ordinal numeral paktha- "fifth". The divergence of South Dravidian, Telugu, and the branches represented by Kolami and Gondi is dated to the middle of the 2nd millennium K by Andronov ([1994: 13]), or even later, to c. 1200 - 1000 K by ([Starostin
2000: 217 - 218]). In any case, contacts between Indo-Aryans and the ancestors of those Dravidians who preserved this numeral were possible.
10.1.2. Andronov ([1994: 176]) proposes a long string of changes (*pax- < *pav- < *pam- < *pan- < *pal-) so that the numeral can be identified with the root *pal-, attested in such forms as Tamil pala "many, several, diverse", panmai "plurality, multitude", Malayalam pala "many, several, various, Toda pets "a large number, many", Kannada pala, palavu "much, many, several, various", palavar "several persons", Telugu palu "many, several, various, different", paluvuru, paluvundru "many persons", Malto palware "to be multiplied, be bred" ([DEDR: ^ 3987]). From a semantic point of view this idea is acceptable, but the series of the proposed transformations is rather long and unconvincing.
10.1.3. Caldwell ([1913: 353]) offered another possibility of internal etymologization, namely, based on the idea of "duplicity" ("10" = "2x5"?) or "share" ("1/io"?), cf. Tamil pakku "fracture, duplicity", pattu "dividing, sharing, share, half, patti "division, section, part, share", pankam "portion, division", Todapaxy "division", Kannada & Tulu pagadi "tribute, tax", &c., all from the verb *pak-"to divide / be divided" ([DEDR: ^ 3808]).
"hundred"
11.1. *nur(-tu) ([DEDR: ^ 3729]) = *nud- (G. Starostin).
11.1.1. Caldwell ([1913: 354]) argued for a starting-point in Tamil nuru "to crush, pulverize, reduce to powder; powder, dust, flour", Malayalam nuru "powder", &c. ([DEDR: ^ 3728]).
11.1.2. Menges ([1968: 97]) sought a cognate in Turkic *jur "100", but, according to "classic" consonant correspondences among Nostratic languages, Dravidian *n- is only compatible with Turkic *j- when the latter reflects Altaic *n- (> Mongolian *n(i)-, Tungusic *n-). For Turkic *-r-, on the other hand, the regular counterpart in Dravidian has been identified as Proto-Dravidian *-r- (Il-lic-Svityc 1971: 150; 170]). The cognates in other Altaic languages exclude the genetic relationship of these numerals, cf. Written Mongolian yeru "the most of", yerudugen "for the greatest part, generally", yeruykei "common" | Middle Korean jdr "10", jdrih "a big quantity, number" | Old Japanese joro-du "10.000" (see [Blazek 1999: 117]).
"thousand"
12.1. Telugu veyi, veyi, veyyi, pl. velu "1000", vena-velu "thousands by thousands".
12.1.1. Derived from a Proto-Dravidian root, attested in such forms as Tamil viyam "extensive-ness, height", viyal "greatness, width, expansion", viyan "greatness, vastness, excellence", Malayalam viyam "extension", Gondi weeya "high" ([DEDR: ^ 5404]).
Conclusions.
1) For the higher numerals from "6" to "10", as well as "100" and "1000", internal Dravidian etymologies seem most probable. The same could be said about the numeral "5", but only if its phonetic relation with the word "hand" can be made clearer.
2) Some of these higher numerals ("7", "8") may have been lost in North Dravidian languages, but their former presence in that subgroup can be reconstructed on the basis of their (allegedly) being borrowed into North Munda languages.
3) The most surprising results concern the numerals from "1" to "4". In between the potential cognates in other branches of Nostratic and the potential Australian parallels, which should indicate a substratum origin for the Dravidian stems, it is the latter comparanda that seem more convincing. On the other hand, it is so far unclear how well distributed the quoted forms are among Australian languages; if they can be shown to represent recent innovations, which is not impossible, the value of these connections will be lessened.
The results of the present study are summarized in the following table:
Form Internal etymology (§§) External parallels (§§)
*oru / *or "1" A: PN *urr- / *warr- 1 (1.1.2.) N: EC *wal- / *wil- together (1.1.1.)
*iru / *ir "2" A: Kaurna yerra both, Tiwi yurarra 2 (2.1.3.) or N: K *jor- 2 (2.1.2.)
*utr-i "pair" A: PN *kutyarra 2 (2.2.1.)
*muv / *mu or *mun- "3" *mun front, point "(3.1.1/ A: PN (SW) *mow 3 (3.1.2.) A: PN (SW) *mun-kurV(ba) 3 (3.1.2.)
Form Internal etymology (§§) External parallels (§§)
*nal"4" A: PN: Nuwa nulla; Maraura nailko 4 (4.1.4.) N: FU *nelja 4 ||| AL: MK myh 4 (4.1.3.)
*kirt-i "/4" A: PN *kutyarra-pula 4 = dual of 2 (4.2.1.)
*cayN/ *cay "5" *kay / *key hand (5.1.1.) or CD *cen- many (5.1.2.) N: AL: MK tasas 5, suyn 50, son hand (5.1.2.) AU: Khasi san 5 (5.1.3.)
*caru / *car "6" < *cal-tu : *cal be abundant (6.1.1.)
*(j)eru/ *(j)er "7" *er(u) rise (7.1.1.)
*en "8" *en number; calculate (8.1.1.)
*on-/*or-paktu "9" one [subtracted from] ten (9.1.1.)
*tol-(pak-)tu "9" [one] before ten (9.2.2.)
*pak-(tu) "10" Tamil pakku duplicity (10.1.3.)
*nür-(tu) "100" *nuru powder (11.1.1.)
Telugu veyyi "1000" Tamil viyan greatness (12.1.1.)
Appendix 1: What is known about Elamite numerals?
The hypothesis of a particularly close relationship between Elamite and Dravidian was first formulated by Caldwell ([1856]; cf. [1913: 57; 65]); later, additional attempts at demonstrating this relationship were undertaken by A. Trombetti, F. Bork, I. Diakonoff and, particularly, J. McAl-pin. If this relationship were really close, one would expect some cognates among numerals. Below we list what is known about the Elamite numerals according to the interpretation of W. Hinz & H. Koch, the authors of the monumental Elamisches Wörterbuch ([1987]):
ki "1" (also, with various extensions, kik, kikki, kikqa; with the personal marker, kir) — see [EW: 459, 465, 467, 468 - 469I
mar "2" (also syllabically written variants ma-ir, mar-ra) — see [EW: 876, 860]. ziti "3" — see [EW: 1305]. tuku "5"? — see [EW: 356]. barba "80"? — see [EW: 147].
It is apparent that among the known Elamite numerals there are no cognates in the system of Dravidian numerals (with the possible partial exception of mar "2", cf. Dravidian *maru "other, next, again": [DEDR: ^ 4766]). It can also be mentioned that F. König ([1965: 42, fn. 15]) offered to interpret the Middle Elamite word nulkippi as "4 pairs", i. e. "8". If his solution were correct, the hypothetical root *nul- could be a cognate of Dravidian *näl "4". However, Hinz & Koch ([EW: 1016]) interpret this word quite differently, namely, as a plural form of the noun 'fertility-maker'.
Appendix 2: A survey of the inherited Dravidian cardinal numerals
=(C)/=(V) *oru / *or "1" *onru "1" *onti "alone" *okk- "1" *iru / *ir "2" *muv / *mü "3"
DEDR [^ 990 (a)] 990 (d)] [^ 990 (c)] [^ 990 (b)] № 474] № 5052]
Tamil oru (C) / Or (V) onru nr. one; n. orrai one of a pair, odd number onti that which is single, one who is alone; ottai one of a pair okka together irantu; adj. iru (C) / ir (V) iru-p/vatu 20 iruvar 2 men irattai pair münru & mün u adj. mu (CC) / müv (V) mu-ppatu 30 muvar 3 men
Mala-yalam oru / Or onnu n., orra one, single, odd okka together rantu; adj. iru (C) / ir (V) iru-patu 20 iruvar 2 men iratta double münnu mu-/nu-ppatu 30 muvar 3 men
Kasaba o(y)ndu / onnu rendu; irppattu 20 müyndu muvattu 30
=(C)/=(V) *oru / *or "1" *onru "1" *onti "alone" *okk- "1" *iru / *ir "2" *muv / *mu "3"
DEDR 990 (a)] 990 (d)] [^ 990 (c)] [^ 990 (b)] № 474] № 5052]
Kurru ondu/undu rendu / rondu iravay / iridi 20 mUru
Irula randu / rendu
Kota or, o-r, o od 1 pan ond 11 eyd ir va-d 20 mu-nd muat 30
Toda wf-r, os, o wid waty single, odd < Ta ottai e-d\ i-r o-r 2 years ï'foQ 20 ïm double mu-d mu pod 30
Kan-nad a or (C) / Or (V) ondu 1 thing onti 1, alone er(a)du, erar adj. ir(u), ik, ic irpattu 20 irbar 2 men mUru adj. mu(k), mU mU-vattu muvar 3 men
Kodagu orf ondi 1 thing pannandi 11 okka together dandï n. iru-vadï 20 ibba 2 men mu-ndi mu-ve 3 men nuppadi "30"
B. Ku- rumba -onde sddu, adj. sd -mu:ru
Solega ondu/o erudu/o ippattu 20 mu:ru/o mu:vattu 30
Tulu or adj., oru single onji 1 thing ondike joining onti alone, single raddu n. adj. iru, ir- irva 20 irveru 2 men mUji muppa 30 mUv(v)eru 3 men
Koragu onji / unji eydi mUji
Telugu orumu be united ondu 1 thing onti singleness oka 1, single rendu n. iru-, ir- comp. iruva(d)i 20 ibbaru 2 men mUdu, inscr. mUnru adj. mu, mU muppa(d)i 30 muvuru 3 men
Kolami okkon m. okkod f. ok mat once indiy 2 things iddar 2 men i-ral 2 women irve 20 mu-ndiy 3 things muggur 3 men
Naiki okko(n) m. okko(d) f./ n. okoda once indiyg 2 things = Ch. erndi iddar 2 men = Ch. iroter iraj 2 women = Ch. ira mUndiq 3 things = Ch. mUndi muggur 3 men = Ch. mug(g)ur muyal 3 women = Ch. muy(y)a
Parji ok adj., okur m., okal f. ir adj. irdu 2 things irul 2 men iral 2 women muy adj. mü:duk 3 things muvir 3 men muyal 3 women
Gadba ukur m., okut f., ukut n. iddig n., ir adj. indi 2 things irul 2 men iral 2 women mUnu mUnd n. muvur m. muyal f.
Gondi oror, ore m. undi, undi, undi unthal n. oko one each rand(u) non-m. irvur/r m. rante pair mUnd non-m. muvir m. muhk 3 each
Kond a or- unri f. / n. ri(?)-ri?er 2 men rundi f./n. mUnri n. mu?er 3 men mURku mURku 3 each
Pengo ro, ronje ri; rinday n. rikar 2 men rindek 2 women
=(C)/=(V) *oru / *or "1" *onru "1" *onti "alone" *okk- "1" *iru / *ir "2" *muv / *mw "3"
DEDR 990 (a)] 990 (d)] [^ 990 (c)] [^ 990 (b)] № 474] № 5052]
Mand a ru, rundi ri; rikar 2 men rikehiq 2 wome
Kui ro, rondi n. roanju m. ri; rindi f./ n. ri'ari 2 men ri kori 40 mw:; münji f./ n. mu'ar 3 men mü kori 60
Kuwi ro; ro'esi 1 man rondi 1 woman ri; ri'ari 2 men rindi f./ n.
Kurukh orot m., ot0x f. orma all on(d) one whole onta 1 thing oyghon once e:r, end 2 thing irb 2 men münd 3 things nubb 3 men
Malto ort, -e m., -i f. orme all -ond 1 thing -is 2 things iwr 2 men
Brahui asit 1 (entity) asi adj. asike once irat 2 (entities) ira adj. musit 3 (entities) musi adj. musika thrice
=(C)/=(V) *nal"4" *cayN / *cay "5" *caru / *car "6" *eru / *er "7"
DEDR [^ 3655] [^ 2826] №2485] [^ 910]
nal(u), nalku, nanku 4 aintu, ancu; adj. ai 5 aru 6 eru 7
Tamil narpatu, nappatu 40 nalvar 4 men aim-patu 50 aivar 5 men aru-patu 60 aruvar 6 men eru-patu 70 eruvar 7 men
Mala-yalam nal(u), nanku, nan 4 nalpatu 40 nal(uv)ar 4 men ancu; adj. ai 5 am-patu 50 aivar 5 men aru 6 aru-patu 60 aruvar 6 men eru 7 eru-patu 70 eruvar 7 men
Kasaba nalu; nalvattu 40 anju; ayvattu 50 aru; aravattu 60 e/u; eluvattu 70
Kurru nalu; nalabay 40 anju; yabay 50 aru; aravay 60 ogu; dabbay 70
Kota na-ng; na-n digl 4 months; na-lvat 40 na--r pa-d 40 days anj 5 ay vat 50 a-r ar vat 60 e-y, dial. e-g e/ vat 70
Toda no-ng; pa-ng 14 nal pod 40 uz, dial. uj; ^puj 15 e bod 50 or; ^par 16 aro0 60 ow; ^pa-w 17
Kan-nad a nal(u),nal(u)ku, na(ku) nalvattu 40 nalvar 4 men ay(i)du; adj. ai ay-vattu 50 aybaru 5 persons aru aru/a-vattu 60 aruvar, arvaru 6 men eru er-pattu 70 ervaru 7 men
Kodagu na-li; na• pad'i40 na-ve 4 men anji; aim-badi 50 ayve 5 men a-r'i; aru-vadi 60 e-./ii; e/u-vadi 70 é'vvé 7 men
B. Ku- rumba na:ku syidu a:ru o:lu
Solega na:ku/o; na:lvattu 40 ayidu/o; aivattu 50 a:ru/o; aruvattu 60 o:/u/o; yappattu 70
Tulu nalu; nalpa 40 nalveru 4 men ainu 5 things; aiva 50 aiveru, aiyeru 5 men aji; aj(i)pa, ajip(p)a 60 e/w; e/pa, erpa 70 e/veru 7 men
Koragu nalu aynu
Telugu nalugu, naluvu naluvadi, nalubadi 40 naluguru, naluvuru 4 men ayidu, enu 5 (things) e:badi, yabhai 50 ayidu-guru, eguru, evuru 5 men aru aru-vadi, aruvai 60 aruguru, aruvuru 6 men edu, inscr. (7th c.) debbadi, debbhai 70 eduguru 7 men
Kolami na-liij 4 things nalgur 4 men nallav 4women aid & ayd segur 5 men ar argur ed, er ergur, edgur 7 men
Naiki naliy 4 things Ch. nali non-m. nalgur 4 men nallal 4 women Ch. sendi Ch. sadi
=(C)/=(V) *ndl"4" *cayN/ *cay "5" *caru / *car "6" *eru / *ër "7"
DEDR № 3655] 2826] № 2485] [^ 910]
Parji nalu(k) 4 things adj. nel; nelvir 4 men nelal 4 women cë:du(k) 5 things adj. cem/n; cevir 5 men ceyal 5 women
Gadba nalgur, nalvur m. nandal, nandal f. nalig, nalug n.
Gondi nalung; nalk 4 each nal-vir/-vur/-gur 4 men naluy, lalu non-m. saiyung, sîyuy, hayuy, ayy non-m., sey(y)ur, sîvir, (h)ayvur m., saik saik 5 each sarung, harung (M.), aru sarvir/-vur, (h)arvur m., sarne sixth day (y)ërung, yedung, ërù: non-m., ër'vur/-vir, ër(v)ur m. yërk 7 each
Kond a nal?er m., nalgi non-m. ëru
Kui nal; nalgi non-m. nalur 4 men singi 5 things, sëngi f./n., sëy gori 100 saj, sajgi 6 things dial. haja 6 ori; odgi 7 things ori gori 140
Kurukh nax 4 things naib m./ f.
=(C)/=(V) *ettu / *en "8" *on-/*or-paktu "9" *tol-(paC-)tu *pak-tu "10" *nur-tu "100"
DEDR № 784] №1025] №3532] № 3918] №3729]
Tamil ettu; en-patu 80 enmar, envar 8 men onpatu, ompotu tontu 9 ton-nuru 90 toll-ayiram 900 pattu, paktu; pak-pattu 100 = 10 x 10 patin- 10 in teens -patu 10 in tens patinmar 10 men nuru, obl. nurru-nurruvar 100 men
Mala-yalam ettu; en-patu 80 enmar 8 men ompatu ton-nuru 90 toll-ayiram 900 pattu, obl. patin- -patu in tens patinmar 10 men nuru, obl. nurru-nurru/avar 100 men
Kasaba ettu; embattu 80 ombattu 9 tombattu 90 pattu
Kurru ottu; en(a)bay 80 ombedu 9 pot(t)u
Kota et; em bat 80 orba-d, dial. onba 9 patrmba-d 19 tombat 90 pat; pand 11, pad- in 13, 14, padn- in 15 - 18 -vat/ -bat in some tens nu• r
Toda ot; pu-t 18 wïnboô; pu-nboô 19 e-n boO 90 pot; pon- in 11 - 13; -(f)oO/-poO/-boO in tens nu-r
Kan-nad a entu; en-pattu 80 enbar 8 men omb(h)attu tom-b(h)attu 90 pattu; padin- teens in 15-18; padi- in 13, 14; pann- in 11, 12; -vattu / -vattu / -battu in tens padimbar 10 men nuru nur(v)ar 100 men
Ko.agu ëttï; ëm-badï 80 oymbadï tom-badï 90 pattï; padïn- in 14 - 18, padi- in 13, pannin pannandï 11, pannerandï 12 -vadï/-padï/-badï in tens nu-rï, obl. nu-it-
B. Ku- rumba -ottu -embadu -pattu
Solega entu/o 8; yambattu 80 ombattu 9; tombattu 90 attu 10 nu:ru
Tulu en(u)ma 8; enpa 80 ormba sonpa 90 pattu 10; patt- in 11, padu- in 12 - 14, padun-in 15 - 19, -va / -pa, obl. otu in tens nudu, obl. nuta-100
Ä(V) *ettu / *en "8" *on-/*or_paktu "9" *tol-(paC-)tu *pak-tu "10" *nur-tu "100"
DEDR № 784] №1025] №3532] № 3918] №З729]
Telugu enimidi 8; enu-badi, enab-hai 80 = inscr. en(um)bodi; enamandru 8 persons tommidi 9 tombadi, tombhai 90 tomma(n)nUru 900 tommanduguru, tommandru 9 persons padi; padun- in 11, 15 - 18 padu- in 13, 14, pan- in 19; -vadi/-padi/-badi in tens inscr. padunru 10 persons nUru, obl. nUta-nUrug/vuru 100 men
Kolami enumadi, enumidi 8 enmatar 8 persons tomdi 9 tomater 9 men padi, padi
Gondi armur/1, yermud, enmidi, tenmidi 8 armuhk 8 each edmu, unmä 9 unmak 9 each tomidi, tumidi 9 tombai 90 pad(i), pl. patk nUr, pl. nuhk
Abbreviations of languages and language periods
Australian; ALtaic; AUstroasiatic; CD — Central Dravidian; EC — Eastern Cushitic; FU — Fenno-
Ugric; Kartvelian; MK — Middle Korean; Nostratic; PN — Pama-Nyungan; SW — South-Western.
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Резюме
Автор разделяет мнение, согласно которому дравидийская языковая семья является одной из ветвей ностратической макросемьи; вместе с тем отмечается, что в системе числительных, восстанавливаемой для прадравидийского, надежных ностратических параллелей практически не обнаружено. В статье перечислены все основные гипотезы о происхождении дравидийских числительных, включая как внешние, так и внутренние этимологии; к ним автор добавляет ряд собственных, предлагаемых им в рамках разрабатываемой им теории о наличии австралийского субстрата в прадравидийском. Согласно выводам автора, австралийская этимологизация ряда дравидийских числительных в целом оказывается предпочтительнее, чем известные сопоставления их с ностратическим материалом.
