CC BY
70Volume 4 Issue 3, 2020, pp. 43-54
rudn.tlcjournal.org
Claiming and displaying national identity: A case study of Chinese exchange students in Russia
by Wei Ye and Ni'ao Deng
Wei Ye Huanggang Normal University wyhgnc@foxmail.com Ni'ao Deng Huanggang Normal University monicadengyu@gmail.com Received 21.06.2020 | Revised 9.09.2020 | Accepted 18.09.2020
Recommended citation format: Ye, W., & Deng, N. (2020). Claiming and displaying national identity: A case study of Chinese exchange students in Russia. Training, Language and Culture, 4(3), 43-54. Doi: 10.22363/2521-442X-2020-4-3-43-54
This study describes the emerging perceptions of national identity within the context of Covid-19 among nine Chinese exchange students in Russia. Qualitative data were mainly collected from interviews, complemented by WeChat group discussions, moment updates, comments and repatriation reports. Participants were exposed to cross-cultural contexts, their group membership (i.e. being a Chinese) triggered the reflection on national identity. Meanwhile, the Covid-19 pandemic influenced their thinking towards how they feel about China and others. Thematic findings related to the participants' awareness of national self, which manifested through their observations about the pandemic; politics, patriotism, lifestyle, education and diversity were discussed. This study reveals a strong emotional attachment to homeland among the less studied China-Russia exchange student cohort. Although China's success in combatting the Covid-19 heightened their sense of national pride, the participants were also found to critically reflect on their daily encounters and attempt to engage in social changes. The study showed the pervasiveness and expansion of identity work in the study abroad setting, suggesting greater attention to be paid to the opportunity for student self-discovery and rational thinking in the tertiary education.
KEYWORDS: national identity, Covid-19, Coronavirus, cross-cultural interaction, China-Russia exchange students, imagined community
B ®
This is an open access article distributed under the Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License which permits unrestricted use, distribution, and reproduction in any medium, provided the original work is properly cited (CC BY 4.0)
According to Fong (2004), teenagers in Dalian were frustrated with financial prospects offered in China and believed that the wealthier western countries were superior for an expectation of wealth. Shuping Yang, a graduating senior from China, delivered a speech at her commencement
1. INTRODUCTION
ceremony at the University of Maryland (UMD) in May 2017, in which Yang sincerely praised the 'sweet air' and 'freedom of speech' in America as compared to her experiences back home (Phillips, 2017). Chinese teenagers' identification with a global imagined community deemed China inferior and it would seem that Chinese youth lack a
© Wei Ye, Ni'ao Deng 2020
This content is licensed under a Creative Commons Attribution 4.0 International License
Volume 4 Issue 3, 2020, pp. 43-54
strong national identity. However, during the Cov-id-19 pandemic, China's efforts and contributions in epidemic prevention compared to other countries triggered an intense discussion by contemporary Chinese youth on the Internet. The Chinese people evoked strong emotions towards raising self-awareness and national pride with some obvious resentment towards other countries.
Contemporary Chinese youth has been categorised as the 'post-80s' (balinghou) and 'post-90s' (jiulinghou) which has become known as the 'wedge generation' for their unique stature between the old and the new China. They gradually helped to open the nation with their fresh and liberal views (Ash, 2016). Obviously, this can permanently change a country's image in the way it sees itself (Anholt, 2010). A positive national identity may be an antecedent of a positive international image. A significant question arises of how a generation sees their country and themselves during the backstop of a global pandemic. From the national level, emphasising loyalty to the 'nation' and constructing the personal political self-definition emerge as the dominant way to boost social solidarity (Rosenblatt, 1964). This research focuses on a particular subset of Chinese international students. Compared to their peers in the homeland, these cohorts developed stronger cross-cultural tolerance and empathy, as well as an increasing self-confidence and independence (Black & Du-hon, 2006; Kitsantas & Meyers, 2001).
2. THEORETICAL BACKGROUND
In late modernity, as Block (2007) pointed out, national identity is 'no longer seen as fixed at birth and tied to one's birthplace' (Block, 2007, p. 866); conversely, it is fluid and dynamic, which can be negotiated and reconstructed through daily events to explain present-day phenomena (Billig, 1995; Puri, 2004; Smith, 2003, 2004).
Existing studies have demonstrated the positive impact of travelling abroad to study on students' national identity. For example, Wong (2009) investigated how international students who had left Hong Kong for at least 7 years and aged from 28-30 perceived their own national identity after
rudn.tlcjournal.org
'However, during the Covid-19pandemic, China's efforts and contributions in epidemic prevention compared to other countries triggered an intense discussion by contemporary Chinese youth on the Internet. The Chinese people evoked strong emotions towards raising self-awareness and national pride with some obvious resentment towards other countries'
returning to Hong Kong. Respondents reported that they looked at China in a more positive light and altered their perception from a somewhat pessimist view of being Chinese to a prouder cultural ambassador. A similar conclusion was arrived at by Gao (2011), who found a growing sense of nationalism among Chinese students who joined a yearlong study programme in the UK. In her study, the Chinese learners tended to affirm and often displayed their cultural affinity to their home country. Zhao (2019) also found that Chinese international students tended to promote China's national image in the US by sharing the positive attributes of China while avoiding the less positive images. Most of the research indicated that Chinese international students often found themselves increasing their nationalism even more while abroad.
Other researchers provided support for the variation of identity work related to foreign studies. Phases of the national identity development have been identified, i.e. from admiration to antagonism towards alien things, then reach conciliation between the national and global (Gu, 2010; Gao et al., 2016), some eventually stepped into global citizen identity (Hachtmann, 2012; Hendershot & Sperandio, 2009).
Zhang (2017) showed more complex and diverse forms of national identity among overseas students in New Zealand. There, Chinese students' national identity can be categorised in three ways as depicted by the three modes of kites: Honour-Based Kites indicating that students appeared to
identify with China; Criticism-Based Kites that illustrated a more rational and objective attitude toward China and Chinese-self; and Recluse-Based Kites showing preference to escape from the reality of China as they felt hopeless to change that reality. As Ward (2001) indicates, the development of identity in cross-cultural situations does not necessarily follow a linear or unidirectional course. There are also close relationships between demographic variables and acculturation in the cross-cultural communication process (Zheng et al., 2004). For example, changeability of identification reduces with age; length of residence is actually an indicator of the process of acculturation; cultural identification is related to the region of origin (mainland China, Taiwan, Hong Kong); significant differences of culture identity are found across a student status (undergraduate, postgraduate and visiting scholars).
The national identity is an important part of how study abroad students think of themselves and link to psychological adjustment and well-being (Savicki & Cooley, 2011). Hence, diverse research subjects need more attention. Such as short-term Chinese exchange students and those in the less popular destination countries. Previous research mainly focused on overseas Chinese students in popular countries (Gao, 2011; Wong, 2009; Zhao, 2019; Barriball & While, 1994) and lacked enough research on other less popular countries. The 2019 White Paper on China's Overseas Students published by New Oriental Education & Technology Group detailed responses from 6,228 students and parents showing that the US, the UK and Australia have become the main destination countries for Chinese students (Wei, 2019). Naturally, more attention has been paid to popular English-speaking countries and less research on less popular counties, such as Russia. Russia differs greatly from English-speaking countries in language, history, culture, national characteristics and customs, etc. So, a question arises: how do Chinese students deal with their national identity issues in Russia? A research into Chinese students in Russia might provide a different perspective on national identity research.
In terms of the research methods, previous research on national identity mainly relies on a semi-structured interview (Dolby, 2001; Gao, 2011; Wong, 2009; Zhao, 2019) for its advantages in focusing on the specific experience and perceptions of individuals engaged in real life (Barriball & While, 1994). People express deep personal feelings and opinions documenting mundane details of daily life on social media (Bazarova & Choi, 2014). It is constructive for researchers to update and diversify the method of data collection.
3. MATERIAL AND METHODS
For a better understanding of a Chinese student's national identity, it is necessary to presuppose an answer to a more fundamental question. What is identity? An 'identity' is shorthand for ways of talking about the self and the community (Bhavnani & Phoenix, 1994). Stable identity, such as national identity, develops through a process of experimentation, reflection, and observation. When students are exposed to a foreign culture, a crucial question relating to national identity is how the national 'we' (in this case, we the Chinese) is constructed (Savicki & Cooley, 2011).
This study is concerned with the national identity of study abroad Chinese students and the possible utility of Social Identity Theory (SIT) heuristic frameworks for the investigation of developmental processes. Meanwhile, the data is actually much more complex than might have been anticipated from the perspectives of SIT. In brief, SIT (Tajfel, 1978; Tajfel & Turner, 1986) is based upon the observation that individuals belong to many different social groups (e.g. gender, national, ethnic, occupational, social class, etc.). SIT postulates that in-group favouritism and out-group prejudice derives largely from favourable comparisons (Bennett et al., 1998). In a country context, the home country is typically considered the focal in-group, whereas foreign countries represent the out-groups (Shank-armahesh, 2006; Verlegh, 2007).
Because Chinese exchange students have a diverse range of national attachment, it is necessary to explain briefly the concepts of nationalism, patriotism, and national identity by drawing on SIT
Volume 4 Issue 3, 2020, pp. 43-54
and related psychological research. National identity refers to 'the importance of national affiliation as well as the subjective significance of an inner bond with the nation' (Blank & Schmidt, 2003, p. 296). It is the citizen's subjective recognition of belonging to a nation, as well as the feeling of national pride (Stryker & Serpe, 1982).
Patriotism implies not only a sense of national belonging but also a specific set of beliefs and meaning attached to the nation (Huddy, 2013). Patriotism is a deeply affective attachment to the nation (Conover & Feldman, 1987, p. 1) or the 'degree of love for and pride in one's nation' (Koster-man & Feshbach, 1989, p. 271) in a more positive side of national attachments. Nationalism goes beyond a simple sense of national superiority to include uncritical conformity and blind adherence to national values (Schatz et al., 1999).
In China, national identity is also closely linked to education. Since 1991, the Chinese State Education Commission has advocated a new sense of belonging to the nation in terms of an emotional link with the homeland. A revised school curriculum now includes territory, language, and cul-
Table 1
Participants' information
rudn.tlcjournal.org
ture among Chinese students from which three perspectives were constructed: the five thousand years of ancient civilisation, the recent one hundred years of anti-imperialist resistance, and the present great power status (Suresh, 2002).
With the outbreak of the Covid-19 pandemic and China's success in reigning in the virus, this study will look at the study abroad students' national identity during a worldwide health emergency and any influences occurring to affect the students' way of thinking about their country.
This study will try to answer two questions. (1) Does the experience of studying in Russia change a Chinese student's national identity? (2) Has the Covid-19 pandemic influenced Chinese students' thinking towards how they feel about their country as it relates to China's success in combatting the virus?
3.1. Participants
Nine Chinese undergraduate students who studied abroad in Russia during the 2019 spring semester agreed to join in this study. Most of them have no prior overseas experience (Table 1).
PSEUDONYM AGE GENDER MAJOR OVERSEAS EXPERIENCE
Josh 22 Male Business English Australia, Russia, Thailand
Angie 22 Female Business English Thailand, Russia
Mark 21 Male English Russia
Heather 22 Female Business English Russia
Ana 21 Female Business English Russia
Katie 21 Female English Russia
Julie 22 Female English Russia
Robyn 22 Male English Russia
Hannah 23 Female English Russia
3.2. Data collection
Data was collected from 24 February, 2020 to 25 April, 2020, when students were under self-quarantine. Online video interviews were first conducted via WeChat instant messaging tool,
supplemented by participants' group chat, WeChat moment updates, comments and repatriation reports, as they offer a well-rounded understanding of their real-time thoughts during their study abroad (Tables 2 and 3).
Table 2
WeChat group information PARTICIPANTS DATE TOPIC
Hannah, Josh, Ana, Robyn 27 Feb, 2020 Comparison of COVID-19 solutions offered in China and other
Ana, Mark, Katie 24 Apr, 2020 countries
Hannah, Julie, Mark, Robyn 7 Feb, 2020 Unforgettable experience in Russia
Table 3
Interview information
NAME LOCATION DATE
Josh W City 24 Feb, 2020
Angie H City 25 Feb, 2020
Mark X City 24 Feb, 2020
Heather W City 24 Feb, 2020
Ana W City 27 Feb, 2020
Katie W City 25 Feb, 2020
Julie W City 24 Feb, 2020
Robyn E City 26 Feb, 2020
Hannah H City 27 Feb, 2020
The interviews were conducted in Mandarin, later transcribed and translated into English and processed by Nvivo 12. In this research, based on the complicated and emotional attachment toward 'we' and 'others', a crucial question relating to national identity is how the national 'we' is constructed. The discussion falls into four themes.
4. STUDY AND RESULTS
4.1. Sense of belonging
Upon returning to China, the students demonstrated a clear indication of a sense of belonging and an emotional attachment about feeling 'at home'. This illustrates the development of self-consciousness as a Chinese citizen both 'here' and 'there'. The data suggests that the students believed they had a stronger sense of belonging toward China when they were in Russia. They stressed the importance of emotional identification with China for the subjective discursive construction of na-
DURATION MODE OF COMMUNICATION
32 min Video telephone
22 min Video telephone
34 min Video telephone
43 min Video telephone
34 min Video telephone
30 min Video telephone
24 min Video telephone
37 min Video telephone
41 min Video telephone
tional identity in the individual interviews.
Excerpt 1. When I was in China, I took it for granted that I was Chinese, and I did not have such a strong emotion about being Chinese. In Russia, the identity of Chinese was of great significance to me. No matter where I am, I am always Chinese
(Angie,
Interview, 26 Feb, 2020).
In group chat, when one participant recalled an unpleasant experience abroad, she expressed a similar idea.
Excerpt 2. When I was in Russia, the locals were very friendly and the teachers and classmates got along very well. However, I do not belong here and it is not my home. In fact, I do not have a sense of belonging
IS^SfiSi.fiSSS^fiB^IfSI.^SSWi,
(Mark, WeChat Group, 24 Feb, 2020).
Volume 4 Issue 3, 2020, pp. 43-54
For these students, gaining a sense of identity and belonging is vitally important. During the interviews, the students often used the phrase 'at home'. Most of the respondents gave 'home' a variety of meanings ranging from the parental home to a regional framework of reference to the state as a whole. These students retained a strong sense of loyalty to China based not on the idea of an imagined community, but on the idea of an imagined family, which illustrated that they regarded China as their conceptual 'home' (Fong, 2004). This sense of home was more prominent on repatriation. In Russia, their minority status as a Chinese within the dominant host culture decides that they needed to heighten awareness of their own group membership to seek a sense of belonging. Therefore, the narratives of their identities emphasised being Chinese (Probyn, 1996).
4.2. National pride
National pride is a high-frequency key word in interviews. When our questions turned to what determined their sense of national pride, the students listed economic achievements, social progress, and culture achievements.
Excerpt 3. After living abroad, I miss China's infrastructure and developed transportation. China is really better than foreign countries in many aspects, such as Alipay, Taobao, and high-speed rail
(Mark, Interview, 24 Feb, 2020).
We also looked at the students' WeChat moments which further illuminated the pride they have in China when comparing some things to Russia.
Excerpt 4. While studying Russian history, I learned that Russian history is less than a thousand years old. Compared with China, I am particularly proud of my motherland's history (fi^^ffl^^ffifi
(Katie, Comment on WeChat Moments, 15 Apr, 2019).
Some students boastfully compare their 'five thousand years' of history with Russian 'a thousand years'. Some seemed to attach great import-
rudn.tlcjournal.org
ance to their native culture and claimed its outright superiority over the other country. Consciously or unconsciously, they were comparing their experiences in Russia and China. These comparisons made them realise the advantages of China, which they rarely noticed at home, which contributed to a more positive view of China. SIT postulates that in-group favouritism is a consequence of subjective identification. The attitude toward their own nation will change in a comparative context, with different dimensions being selected depending on the comparison of out-groups that are available in the prevailing context (Bennett et al., 1998).
4.3. National superiority
A feeling of national superiority (Hechter, 1987; Kosterman & Feshbach, 1989) is a vital characteristic of nationalism. As Covid-19 spread all over the world, China's epidemic was under control while the situation in foreign countries, such as the US, was getting worse. The participants discussed China's situation in a group chat.
Excerpt 5. Other countries should learn from China's governance methods. After all, this time China handled it best. Strongly urge other countries to imitate China's attitudes and practices. If those countries remain blindly confident for a long time, this will lead to self-destruction (Sffii^KMa
i#ixne) (Josh, WeChat Group, 27 Feb,
2020).
Excerpt 6. The American system is inferior to China. No country in the world is comparable to China. Those countries talk about human rights every day. In this case, only China can control it (Mi^ilií^^ti.ffiWiSfitÜfb^íi®
When it comes to the latest international news about other governments' measures, most students expressed national superiority with statements such as 'we are the best' and 'other countries should take action like ours as soon as possible'. In the light of the origin of Covid-19 and the in-
sulting term, the 'China virus', the following statement is widely and actively supported among the students.
Excerpt 7. In the past two days, there were rumours that the new type of the Coronavirus did not come from China at all. You see, the American flu was earlier. They did not check it out, and then it spread to China. When we checked it out, we are the convenient whipping boy (S^A^iflSBftlff^
(Robyn, Comment on WeChat Moments, 27 Feb, 2020).
To the extent that larger, nearer and more powerful outgroups are more threatening, ethnocentric, and nationalistic hostility is more strongly directed against larger, nearer, and more powerful outgroups (Sumner, 1906, p. 12). This statement indicates that they harbour antipathy toward out-groups, such as the US, the potential powerful imagined enemy.
SIT provides initial reasons to some of the principal ideas that characterise national identity, such as sense of belonging, national pride and superiority. In this study, the data is actually much more complex than might have been anticipated from the perspectives of SIT which results in in-group favouritism or out-group denigration or both. The following part will focus on a related theory by drawing on related research to make sense of students' national identity.
4.4. Critical reflection
The acknowledged advantages of China did not blindfold the participants, as most students also noticed the strengths that Russia had in some areas.
Excerpt 8. After living in Russia, the Russian awareness of the pursuit of art and beauty is worthy of our study. I lived in a remote city, where the architecture was very distinctive. However, I get aesthetic fatigue by looking at the seamless sameness of the buildings in China. While pursuing high-speed economic development, often there is a price to pay
'Social Identity Theory (SIT) postulates that in-group favouritism is a consequence of subjective identification. The attitude toward their own nation will change in a comparative context, with different dimensions being selected depending on the comparison of out-groups that are available in the prevailing context'
Mfttt) (Julie, Interview, 24 Feb, 2020).
Excerpt 9. Russia is a well-educated nation. When the hall is full of people, everyone queues in an orderly manner without making noise. In the four months of my life, I find even if there was a traffic jam, I have never heard the driver's irritating horn. At the same time, in the street, the car must be a courtesy to pedestrians, and pedestrians will not randomly cross the road. At this point, it is worth learning
3) (Hannah, Personal Report, 4 July, 2019).
Teacher-student relationships and social manners were also appreciated by the participants.
Excerpt 10. After studying in Russia for a while, I can intuitively feel the difference between the Chinese and Russian education models. In China, the system promotes the 'duck-feeding' teaching that has teachers dominating the lessons and has students as notetakers. In Russia, the class atmosphere is relatively active and relaxed, and the interaction between students and teachers is more frequent. Although I prefer the Russian way, I know China has a large population and lacks educational resources. Therefore, it is unrealistic for China to adopt an education method like Russia. What is more, with the reform of the education system, China will solve the education soon (Sffi^
Volume 4 Issue 3, 2020, pp. 43-54
'Exposure to intercultural interactions, diversity-related courses and observations of the host country offered Chinese students an opportunity to (re)examine their national identity'
(Josh, Interview, 24 Feb, 2020).
Exposure to intercultural interactions, diversity-related courses and observations of the host country offered Chinese students an opportunity to (re)examine their national identity. Compared to Russia, they admitted that China's shortcomings were obvious and inevitable. They are willing to learn from Russia. They developed a scale of constructive patriotism defined as 'an attachment to country characterised by critical loyalty' and 'questioning and criticism' driven by 'a desire for positive change' (Schatz et al., 1999, p. 153).
In the Covid-19 situation, a wave of anger and grief flooded Chinese social media site Weibo (weblog) when news of Dr Li's death broke late on the 7th of February (Yu, 2020). Intense discussions were raised among the students.
Excerpt 11. The hot search about the death of Dr Li Wenliang, from the continuous surge to the disappearance of all, ridiculous freedom of speech. We want freedom of speech
i) (Julie, WeChat Group, 7 Feb, 2020).
Excerpt 12. Behind every social platform, there is a pair of watching eyes and any sensitive words must be deleted
(Mark, Comment on WeChat Moments, 7 Feb, 2020).
According to the respondents' reaction, they blend a love of country with political efforts directed at a change in the status quo. To our relief, on March 5, 2020, Dr Li was accorded martyr status for sacrificing his life in combating Covid-19 by the National Health Commission, the Ministry of Human Resources and Social Security, and the
rudn.tlcjournal.org
State Administration of Traditional Chinese Medicine (China identifies 14 Hubei frontline workers, 2020). To some extent, the youth's patriotism can lead to a positive civic consequence and active political involvement (Rothi et al., 2005). On the other hand, their demonstrated reflexivity proved the link between political involvement and constructive patriotism (Schatz et al., 1999, p. 153).
5. DISCUSSION
Turning now to the two research questions mentioned at the beginning of this paper.
(1) Does the experience of studying in Russia change a Chinese student's national identity? National identity is often invisible in the homeland where nationality is seen as the norm. Once uprooted from a comfort zone and becoming the 'other', 'being Chinese' is invigorated and salient. Hence, when study participants were placed into cross-cultural contexts, their group membership (i.e. being a Chinese) triggered the reflection on national identity. The participants demonstrated a clear sense of national pride when China outweighed Russia in some respects. Inglehart (1997), in his 'scarcity hypothesis', held that in a country where economic and material resources are relatively scarce, individuals pursue the goals of economic development, material abundance and tend to have a strong national identity. Such observation is applicable to people in China, who are keen on nationalism and patriotism. Studying in Russia as an advanced industrial country, research participants enhanced their subjective values of national identity by comparing the levels of socio-economic development in homeland and abroad. Meanwhile, they also acknowledged the strength of the host country and were willing to learn from Russia in critical reflection.
(2) Has the Covid-19 pandemic influenced their thinking towards how they feel about their country as it relates to China's success in combatting the virus? The respondents expressed a sense of superiority about China's rapid response to contain the outbreak, while other governments floundered. The favourable comparison largely consolidates national identity, which in return, would enhance
the solidarity and cohesion in a national group (Richards, 2013) and eventually help the country out of the crisis. However, the out-group prejudice on the international issue incites discrimination and xenophobia. In the longer term, stigmatisation and discrimination might have a negative impact on Chinese youth's interaction with the diverse world where different ideas and cultural norms exist. The participants' attitude of anti-discrimination in the world-wide context and their appeal for the 'freedom of speech' expressed their desire for a positive social change, which implies their noticeable growth from passive audiences to future proactive social engagers.
6. CONCLUSION
Previous research on interculturality also shows convincingly that contact with other cultures alone is not sufficient to dispel stereotypes; stereotyping tends to impede deeper learning and cross-cultural development, and even encourage hostility (Ye & Edwards, 2018; Kinginger, 2008; Tusting et al., 2002). Hence conscious reflection and re-entry guidance are particularly important for overseas returnees, when in-depth contact with host residents is absent (Ye, 2017). At the individual level, a student's national identity affects intercultural communication. Negative attitudes toward some or all outgroups and boasting itself superior may be potential barriers to effective intercultural interactions (Thomas, 1996). Therefore, Chinese international students' concrete expression on national
identity could offer valuable analysis and recommendations for the suitable design of interventions and future training programmes. Given the positive effects of national identity, Chinese educators could encourage international programmes aimed at maintaining a sense of national identity in cross-cultural interaction.
However, this study is limited by the comparatively small sample data size and less diverse demographic backgrounds. The findings can hardly be generalised, but this did not hinder this research to shed light on other similar settings and provide empirical evidence for tertiary educators and exchange programme organisers. Therefore, further research may wish to use large-scale sample sizes and choose different regions and various educational backgrounds of the participants. Additionally, an investigation of exchange students' own perceptions of their national identity before and after studying abroad is particularly recommended.
Acknowledgements
We are grateful to the exchange students participating in this study and particularly grateful to Jerry Lee for proofreading the paper.
Funding
The research reported in the article was funded by 'Research on Transformational Learning Ability of Local Universities' Hubei Education Department, Grant No. D20192904
Appendix
Interview questions
(1) What was it like to be a Chinese when you were in Russia?
(2) What is the difference you observe between China and Russia?
(3) While you were in Russia, how did you describe yourself to people you met?
fflSffi^ffiWttfofflsaraflffiAffiaiBW ?
(4) Do you look at China differently while or since leaving Russia?
(5) What is your most unforgettable moment in Russia?
Volume 4 Issue 3, 2020, pp. 43-54
rudn.tlcjournal.org
References
Anholt, S. (2010). Places: Identity, image, and reputation. London, UK: Palgrave Macmillan. Ash, A. (2016). Wish lanterns: Young lives in new China.
London, UK: Pan Macmillan. Barriball, K. L., & While, A. (1994). Collecting data using a semi-structured interview: A discussion paper. Journal of Advanced Nursing, 19(2), 328335. Doi: 10.1111/j.1365-2648.1994.tb01088.x Bazarova, N. N., & Choi, Y. H. (2014). Self-disclosure in social media: Extending the functional approach to disclosure motivations and characteristics on social network sites. Journal of Communication, 64(4), 635-657. Doi: 10.1111/jcom.12106 Bennett, M., Lyons, E., Sani, F., & Barrett, M. (1998). Children's subjective identification with the group and in-group favoritism. Developmental Psychology, 34(5), 902-909. Doi: 10.1037/00121649.34.5.902 Bhavnani, K. K., & Phoenix, A. (Eds.). (1994). Shifting identities shifting racisms: A feminism and psychology reader (Vol. 4). London, UK: Sage. Billig, M. (1995). Banal nationalism. London, UK: Sage.
Doi: 10.4135/9781446221648 Black, H. T., & Duhon, L. D. (2006). Assessing the impact of business study abroad programs on cultural awareness and personal development. Journal of Education for Business, 8 7(3), 140-144. Doi: 10.3200/J0EB.81.3.140-144 Blank, T., & Schmidt, P. (2003). National identity in a united Germany: Nationalism or patriotism? An empirical test with representative data. Political Psychology, 24(2), 289-312. Doi: 10.1111/0162-895X.00329
Block, D. (2007). The rise of identity in SLA research. The Modern Language Journal, 9 7(1), 863-876. Doi: 10.1111/j.1540-4781.2007.00674.x China identifies 14 Hubei frontline workers. (2020, April 2). Global Times. Retrieved from https:// www.globaltimes.cn/content/1184565.shtml Conover, P., & Feldman, S. (1987). Measuring patriotism and nationalism: ANES Pilot Study Report No. nes002263. Retrieved from https://electionstud-ies.org/wp-content/uploads/201 8/07/nes0022 63.pdf
Dolby, N. E. (2001). Constructing race: Youth, identity, and popular culture in South Africa. Albany, NY: State University of New York Press.
Fong, V. (2004). Filial nationalism among Chinese teenagers with global identities. American Ethnologist, 3 7(4), 631-648. Doi: 10.1525/ae.2004.31. 4.631
Gao, F. (2011). Exploring the reconstruction of Chinese learners' national identities in their English-language-learning journeys in Britain. Journal of Language, Identity & Education, 70(5), 287-305. Doi: 10.1080/15348458.2011.614543 Gao, Y., Ma, X., & Wang, X. (2016). Global and national identity construction in ELF: A longitudinal case study on four Chinese students. Journal of Asian Pacific Communication, 26(2), 260-279. Doi: 10.1075/japc.26.2.05gao Gu, M. (2010). National identity in EFL learning: A longitudinal study. Changing English, 77(1), 57-67. Doi: 10.1080/13586840903557076 Hachtmann, F. (2012). The effect of advertising-focused, short-term study abroad programs on students' worldviews. Journal of Advertising Education, 76(1), 19-29. Doi: 10.1177/109804821201600 105
Hechter, M. (1987). Principles of group solidarity. Berkeley, CA: California University Press. Doi: 10.2307/1956498 Hendershot, K., & Sperandio, J. (2009). Study abroad and development of global citizen identity and cosmopolitan ideals in undergraduates. Current Issues in Comparative Education, 72, 45-55. Huddy, L. (2013). From group identity to political cohesion and commitment. In L. Huddy, D. O. Sears & J. S. Levy (Eds.), Oxford handbook of political psychology (pp. 737-773). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Doi: 10.1093/oxfordhb/978019 9760107.013.0023 Inglehart, R. (1997). Modernization andpostmoderniza-tion: Cultural, economic, and political change in 43 societies. Princeton, NJ: Princeton University Press.
Kinginger, C. (2008). Language learning in study abroad: Case studies of Americans in France. The Modern Language Journal, 92(1), 1-124. Doi: 10.1111/j.1540-4781.2008.00821.x Kitsantas, A., & Meyers, J. N. (2001). Studying abroad: Does it enhance college student cross-cultural awareness? Retrieved from https://eric.ed.gov/? id=ED456648
Kosterman, R., & Feshbach, S. (1989). Toward a measure of patriotic and nationalistic attitudes. Political Psychology, 10(2), 257-274. Phillips, T. (2017). Chinese student abused for praising 'fresh air of free speech' in US. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.theguardian.com/ world/201 7/may/23/china-yang-shuping-free-speech-university-of-maryland-us-student Probyn, E. (1996). Outside belongings. New York, NY:
Routledge. Doi: 10.4324/9781315865805 Puri, J. (2004). Encountering nationalism. Oxford, UK: Blackwell.
Richards, B. (2013). National identity and social cohesion: Theory and evidence for British social policy. (Doctoral dissertation). The London School of Economics and Political Science, UK. Retrieved from http://etheses.lse.ac.uk/910 Rosenblatt, P. C. (1964). Origins and effects of group ethnocentrism and nationalism. Journal of Conflict Resolution, 8(2), 131-146. Doi: 10.1177/002 200276400800204 Rothi, D. M., Lyons, E., & Chryssochoou, X. (2005). National attachment and patriotism in a European nation: A British study. Political Psychology, 26(1), 135-155. Doi: 10.1111/j.1467-9221.2005. 00412.x
Savicki, V., & Cooley, E. (2011). American identity in study abroad students: Contrasts, changes, correlates. Journal of College Student Development, 52(3), 339-349. Doi: 10.1353/csd.2011.0035 Schatz, R. T., Staub, E., & Lavine, H. (1999). On the varieties of national attachment: Blind versus constructive patriotism. Political Psychology, 20(1), 151-174. Doi: 10.1111/0162-895X.00140 Shankarmahesh, M. N. (2006). Consumer ethnocen-trism: An integrative review of its antecedents and consequences. International Marketing Review, 23(2), 146-172. Smith, A. (2003). Chosen peoples: Sacred sources of national identity. Oxford, UK: Oxford University Press.
Smith, A. (2004). The antiquity of nations. Cambridge, UK: Polity.
Stryker, S., & Serpe, R. T. (1982). Commitment, identity salience, and role behavior: Theory and research example. In W. Ickes & E. S. Knowles (Eds.), Personality, roles, and social behaviour (pp. 199218). New York, NY: Springer. Doi: 10.1007/978-1-4613-9469-3_7
Sumner, W. G. (1906). Folkways: /4 Study of the sociological importance of usages, manners, customs, mores, and morals. Boston, MA: Ginn & Co. Doi: 10.2307/1834888 Suresh, T. G. (2002). Rediscovering nationalism in contemporary China. China Report, 38(1), 11-24. Doi: 10.1177/000944550203800102 Tajfel, H. E. (1978). Differentiation between social groups: Studies in the social psychology of inter-group relations. London, New York: Academic Press and European Association of Experimental Social Psychology. Tajfel, H. E., & Turner, J. C. (1986). The social identity theory of intergroup behavior. In S. Worchel and W. G. Austin (Eds.), Psychology of intergroup relation (pp. 7-24). Chicago, IL: Hall Publishers. Doi: 10.4324/9780203505984-16 Thomas, K. M. (1996). Psychological privilege and eth-nocentrism as barriers to cross-cultural adjustment and effective intercultural interactions. The Leadership Quarterly, 7(2), 215-228. Doi: 10.1016/s1048-9843(96)90041-7 Tusting, K., Crawshaw, R., & Callen, B. (2002). 'I know, 'cos I was there': How residence abroad students use personal experience to legitimate cultural generalizations. Discourse & Society, 13(5), 651-672. Doi: 10.1177/0957926502013005278 Verlegh, P. W. (2007). Home country bias in product evaluation: The complementary roles of economic and socio-psychological motives. Journal of International Business Studies, 38(3), 361-373. Doi: 10.1057/palgrave.jibs.8400269 Ward, C. (2001). The A, B, Cs of acculturation. In D. Matsumoto (Ed.), Handbook of culture and psychology (pp. 411-445). New York, NY: Oxford University Press. Wei, J. (2019). White paper: Salary not only motive for overseas study. China Daily. Retrieved from http:// www.chinadailyglobal.com/a/2 01 905/1 3/ WS5cd93c19a3104842260bb57f.html Wong, R. M. H. (2009). Identity change: Overseas students returning to Hong Kong. The Linguistics Journal, 4(2), 36-62. Retrieved from https://www.-linguistics-journal.com/2014/01/07/identity-change-overseas-students-returning-to-hong-kong/
Ye, W. (2017). Taking Chinese to the world: Language, culture and identity in Confucius Institute teachers. London, UK: Multilingual Matters.
Volume 4 Issue 3, 2020, pp. 43-54
rudn.tlcjournal.org
Ye, W., & Edwards, V. (2018). Confucius institute teachers in the UK: Motivation, challenges, and transformative learning. Race Ethnicity and Education, 21(6), 843-857. Doi: 10.1080/13613324.2017. 1376636
Yu, V. (2020). 'Hero who told the truth': Chinese rage over coronavirus death of whistleblower doctor. The Guardian. Retrieved from https://www.the-guardian.com/global-development/2020/feb/07/ coronavirus-chinese-rage-death-whistleblower-doctor-li-wenliang
Zhang, X. (2017). Kites flying: Reflections of Chinese students in New Zealand on national identity. The Qualitative Report, 22(10), 2673-2688.
Zhao, K. (2019). Made in contemporary China: Exploring the national identity of Chinese international undergraduate students in the US. Studies in Higher Education, 1-13.
Zheng, X., Sang, D., & Wang, L. (2004). Acculturation and subjective well-being of Chinese students in Australia. Journal of Happiness Studies, 5, 57-72. Doi: 10.1023/B:J0HS.0000021836.43694.02
